Ojibwe Bibliography – part 8
[01-19-04]
3554. United
States. Indian Claims Commission. (1958). Docket no. 18-E, Red Lake Band, et
al; Docket no. 58, Ottawa and Chippewa Indians of Michigan, et al.,
petitioners, v. The United States of American, defendant. Treaties: July 6,
1820, 7 Stat. 207; March 28, 1836, 7 Stat. 491; July 31, 1855, 11 Stat. 621
with the Ottawa and Chippewa Nations of Indians of Michigan ... Washington:
Govt. print. off.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 38367360
3555. United
States. Indian Claims Commission. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims
Commission: Appraisal of the lands of the Red Lake Band of Chippewa Indians in
Minnesota, 1879-1907.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602004
3556. United
States. Indian Claims Commission. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims
Commission: Ethnohistorical report on Indian use and occupancy from 1640 to
1808 of Royce Area 66 in Ohio and Michigan ceded by the "Ottoway,
Chippeway, Wyandotte and Pottawatamie nations" under the treaty of
November 17, 1807.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (Fall 1999 search)
3557. United
States. Indian Claims Commission. (1967). Red Lake Band and Pembina Band,
Peter Graves, Joseph Graves, August King, Katherine Carl Barrett, Rosetti
Villebrun, Eugene Bredois, Ex Rel Red Lake and Pembina Bands, John B. Azure and
Severt Poitra, Ex Rel Chief Littleshell's Band of Pembina Chippewa Indians,
plaintiffs, vs. the United States of America, defendant. Washington,
D.C. U.S. Govt. Print. Office.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search). "No. 246." At head of title: Before the Indian Claims
Commission. Includes index.
3558. United
States. Indian Claims Commission. (1949). Red Lake, Pembina and White Earth
Bands, and Minnesota Chippewa Tribe, Peter Graves, Joseph Graves, August King,
Katherine Carl Barrett, Rosetti Villebrun, Eugene Bredois, and Harold Emerson,
plaintiffs, vs. United States of America, defendant. Washington, D.C. U.S. Govt. Print. Office.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search). "Treaties: April 4, 1864 [and] October 2, 1863, made by Red
Lake and Pembina Bands." "No. 18A." At head of title: Before the
Indian Claims Commission. Includes indexes.
3559. United
States. Indian Claims Commission. (1961). Red Lake, Pembina and White Earth
Bands, et al., petitioners, v. the United States of America, defendant.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search). Typescript. "Docket No. 18-A, 113, 191." At head of
title: Indian Claims Commission, Washington, D.C., Jan. 13, 1961."
Includes index.
3560. United
States. Indian Claims Commission. (1949). Red Lake, Pembina & White
Earth Bands and Minnesota Chippewa Tribe, et-al., plaintiffs, v. the United
States of America, defendant.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search). Typescript. "No. 18-A." At head of title: Before the
Indian Claims Commission of the United States. Includes index.
3561. United
States. Indian Claims Commission, & Davies, W. D. (William Donald), 1940- .
Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Valuation study of the
Red River Valley of the North, area in North Dakota and Minnesota ceded by the
Red Lake and Pembina Bands of Chippewa Indians, October 3, 1863.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23668803
3562. United
States. Indian Claims Commission , & Davies, W. D. (William Donald), 1940-
. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Valuation study of
lands ceded by Minnesota Chippewa Tribe & others in 1855 and 1867.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23668805
3563. United
States. Indian Claims Commission, & Hall, R. B. Expert testimony before
the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal of lands in northwestern Michigan and
northern Wisconsin, Minnesota Chippewa Tribe.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602069
3564. United
States. Indian Claims Commission, & Hickerson, H., 1923-. Expert testimony
before the Indian Claims Commission: Anthropological report on the Indian use
and occupancy of Royce Area 332 in Minnesota, ceded by the Chippewa Indians of
Lake Superior and the Mississippi under the treaty of September 30, 1854.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23663200 ...
accession: 23602084
3565. United
States. Indian Claims Commission, & Hickerson, H., 1923-. Expert
testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Anthropological report on the
Indian occupancy of Royce Area 242 in Wisconsin and Minnesota ceded by the
Chippewa Nation of Indians under the treaty of July 29, 1837.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23595486
3566. United
States. Indian Claims Commission , & Knuth, H., 1912-. Expert testimony
before the Indian Claims Commission: Economic and historical background of
northeastern Minnesota lands ceded by Chippewa Indians of Lake Superior,
September 30, 1854, Royce Area 332.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession:: 23668729
3567. United
States. Indian Claims Commission, & Kuehnle, W. R. Expert testimony
before the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal of Royce Area 242 in Wisconsin
and Minnesota ceded by Minnesota Chippewa Indians, 1838.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23633249
3568. United
States. Indian Claims Commission, & Meltzer, B. C. Expert testimony
before the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal of Chippewa Tract in Minnesota,
1866.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602102
3569. United
States. Indian Claims Commission, & Meltzer, B. C. Expert testimony
before the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal of Chippewa Tracts in Minnesota,
1848.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602097
3570. United
States. Indian Claims Commission, & Murray, W. G. Expert testimony
before the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal of Winnebago lands in Iowa and
Minnesota, 1833 and 1846; in Nebraska, 1865 and 1874.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602095
3571. United
States. Indian Claims Commission, & Murray, W. G. Expert testimony
before the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal of Winnebago lands in Iowa and
Minnesota, Royce Area 267, in 1833 and 1846.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602090
3572. United
States. Indian Claims Commission, & Muske, H. Expert testimony before
the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal report on land excluded from the Red
Lake Reservation by erroneous survey in Minnesota, 1872, 1875, 1885.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602083
3573. United
States. Indian Claims Commission, & Nathan, R. R. Expert testimony
before the Indian Claims Commission: Valuation report on Royce Area 267 in Iowa
and Minnesota, Winnebago Tribe, 1847.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession:: 23668716
3574. United
States. Indian Claims Commission, & Nathan, R. R. Expert testimony
before the Indian Claims Commission: Valuation report of Chippewa lands on
Royce Area 242 (and 220), 1838, and Royce Area 268, 1848, in Wisconsin and
Minnesota.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23668707
3575. United
States. Indian Claims Commission, & Newcombe, D. Expert testimony before
the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal of Chippewa Tracts in Minnesota, 1855,
1864, 1867.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602099
3576. United
States. Indian Claims Commission, & Newcombe, D. Expert testimony before
the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal of lands in Minnesota, Wisconsin, South
Dakota, and Iowa, Sisseton and Wahpeton Bands; Royce Area 289, 1852; Royce Area
243, 1838; Royce Area 413, 1859; Pike's Purchase Areas A and B, 1808.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602043
3577. United
States. Indian Claims Commission, & Newcombe, D. Expert testimony before
the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal of lands in Minnesota of the Minnesota
Chippewa Tribe, Royce Area 332, 1855.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602038
3578. United
States. Indian Claims Commission, & Oberbillig, E. Expert testimony
before the Indian Claims Commission: Mineral appraisal of Minnesota Chippewa
Tribe in Michigan, Wisconsin and Minnesota, 1843.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23663156
3579. United
States. Indian Claims Commission, & Sutherland, J. F. Expert testimony
before the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisals of Chippewa land areas in
Minnesota, treaties of February 22, 1855; March 11, 1863; May 7, 1864; March
19, 1867.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23524259
3580. United
States. Indian Claims Commission, & Trygg, J. W. Expert testimony before
the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal report of Chippewa lands in Royce Areas
242, 220 and 268, in Minnesota, Wisconsin and Michigan, 1838 and 1848.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602107
3581. United
States. Indian Claims Commission, & Wheeler-Voegelin, E., 1903-. Expert
testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Ethnohistorical report on the
Red Lake and Pembina Chippewa occupancy of Minnesota and North Dakota,
1790-1829.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23657590
3582. United
States. National Archives and Records Administration. (1987). Getting
started: beginning your genealogical research in the National Archives in
Washington. Washington, D.C.: The Administration.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
3583. United
States. National Archives and Records ServiceRecords of the Minnesota
Superintendency of Indian Affairs, 1849-1856 .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 18121691. Other: United States. National Archives and
Records Service. Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs ... accession:
12160357 ... accession: 9004219
Abstract: "Pamphlet describing M842."
3584. United
States. National Indian Gaming Commission. (1999). Notice of Approval of Class
III Tribal Gaming Ordinances. Federal Register, 64(19), 4722-4723.
Abstract: SUMMARY: The purpose of this notice is to inform the public of class
III gaming ordinances approved by the Chairman of the National Indian Gaming
Commission.
SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: The Indian Gaming Regulatory Act (IGRA) 25 U.S.C.
2701 et seq., was signed into law on October 17, 1988. The IGRA established the
National Indian Gaming Commission (Commission). Section 2710 of the IGRA
authorizes the Commission to approve class II and class III tribal gaming ordinances.
Section 2710(d) (2) (B) of the IGRA as implemented by 25 C.F.R. Section 522.8
(58 FR 5811 (January 22, 1993)), requires the Commission to publish, in the
Federal Register, approved class III gaming ordinances.
The IGRA requires all tribal gaming
ordinances to contain the same requirements concerning ownership of the gaming
activity, use of net revenues, annual audits, health and safety, background
investigations and licensing of key employees. The Commission, therefore,
believes that publication of each ordinance in the Federal Register would be
redundant and result in unnecessary cost to the Commission. The Commission
believes that publishing a notice of approval of each class III gaming
ordinance is sufficient to meet the requirements of 25 U.S.C. Section
2710(d)(2)(B). Also, the Commission will make copies of approved class III
ordinances available to the public upon request. Requests can be made in
writing to the: National Indian Gaming Commission, 1441 L Street, N.W., Suite
9100, Washington, D.C. 20005.
The Chairman has approved tribal
gaming ordinances authorizing class III gaming for the following tribes: …
5. Band River Band of Lake Superior Tribe of Chippewa Indians …
6. Bay Mills Indian Community ...
16. Chippewa Cree Tribe of the Rocky Boy's Reservation …
23. Grand Portage Band of Chippewa Indians …
32. Little Traverse Bay Bands of Odawa Indians …
Barry Brandon,
General Counsel.
[FR Doc. 99-2218 Filed 1-28-99; 8:45 am]
BILLING CODE 7565-01-U
3585. United
States. National Indian Gaming Commission. (1999). Notice of Approval of Class
III Tribal Gaming Ordinances. National Indian Gaming Commission. Notice;
Correction. Federal Register, 64(56), 14273.
Notes: Source: the Federal Register Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]
[DOCID:fr24mr99-103]
Abstract: SUMMARY: The National Indian Gaming Commission published the Notice
of Approval of Class III Tribal Gaming Ordinances on January 29, 1999. The list
of approved class III tribal gaming ordinances was incorrect. This publication
corrects the mistake and updates additional approvals.
EFFECTIVE DATE: This notice is effective March 24, 1999.
FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CONTACT: Frances Fragua at the National Indian Gaming
Commission, 202/632-7003, or by facsimile at 202/632-7066 (not toll-free
numbers).
SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: The Indian Gaming Regulatory Act (IGRA) 25 U.S.C.
2701 et seq., was signed into law on October 17, 1988. The IGRA established the
National Indian Gaming Commission (Commission). Section 2710 of the IGRA
authorizes the Commission to approve class II and class III tribal gaming
ordinances. Section 2710(d)(2)(B) of the IGRA as implemented by 25 C.F.R.
Section 522.8 (58 FR 5811 (January 22, 1993)), requires the Commission to
publish, in the Federal Register, approved class III gaming ordinances. The
IGRA requires all tribal gaming ordinances to contain the same requirements
concerning ownership of the gaming activity, use of net revenues, annual
audits, health and safety, background investigations and licensing of key employees.
The Commission, therefore, believes that publication of each ordinance in the
Federal Register would be redundant and result in unnecessary cost to the
Commission. The Commission believes that publishing a notice of approval of
each class III gaming ordinance is sufficient to meet the requirements of 25
U.S.C. Section 2710(d)(2)(B). Also, the Commission will make copies of approved
class III ordinances available to the public upon request. Requests can be made
in writing to the: National Indian Gaming Commission, 1441 L Street, N.W.,
Suite 9100, Washington, D.C. 20005. The notice of tribal gaming ordinances
authorizing class III gaming approved by the Chairman on January 29, 1999, and
published in the Federal Register, should be corrected as follows for the
following tribes:
Bear River Band of the
Rohnerville Rancheria 2. Burns Paiute Tribe 3. Confederated Salish &
Kootenai Tribes of the Flathead Nation 4. Dry Creek Rancheria 5. Grand
Portage Band of Chippewa Indians 6. Iowa Tribe of Kansas and Nebraska 7.
Kalispel Tribe of Indians 8. Little Traverse Bay Bands of Odawa Indians 9.
Ottawa Tribe of Oklahoma 10. Pawnee Tribe of Oklahoma 11. Pueblo of Santa Clara
12. Rumsey Indian Rancheria 13. Santa Ysabel Band of Mission Indians 14. Scotts
Valley Band of Pomo Indians 15. Skokomish Indian Tribe 16. Table Mountain
Rancheria 17. Trinidad Rancheria 18. Washoe Tribe of Nevada and California
Barry Brandon, General Counsel.
[FR Doc. 99-7121 Filed 3-23-99; 8:45 am]
BILLING CODE 7565-01-U
3586. United
States. National Park Service. Region Two. (1961). A recreation land use
plan, Grand Portage Indian Reservation, Minnesota . Omaha : National Park
Service. Region Two.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 2117904
3587. Map
of the White Earth Indian Reservation, Minnesota, 1910 as eisting at the
passage of the Act of Jan. 14, 1889 (U.S. Stat. L vol. 25 p. 642) . (1910).
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 13879105
Abstract: Reprint of original ed. Shows township, range and section lines,
settlements, schools, mission, agency, sawmill, resettlement land, tribal
lands.
3588. United
States. Office of Indian Affairs. (1883). Rules governing the Court of
Indian Offenses . Washington: G.P.O.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 36037515. Cover
title.
3589. United
States. Office of Indian Affairs. (1900). Rules governing the Court of
Indian Offenses. Washington: Govt. Print. Off.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 24035180. At head of title: Dept. of the Interior,
Office of Indian Affairs.
3590. Map
of Leech Lake, Chippewa, Winnibigoshish, Cass Lake, and White Oak Point Indian
Reservations, Minnesota : as existing at the passage of the Act of Jan. 14,
1889 (U.S. Stat. L. vol. 25, p. 642) . (1916). [Washington] : Dept. of the
Interior, Office of Indian Affairs.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 8731071
3591. Map
of Red Lake Indian Reservation, Minnesota . (1911). [United States] : Dept.
of the Interior, Office of Indian Affairs.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search). Henderson, Albert. ... accession: 8706949
3592. .
(1986). United States. Office of Indian Affairs. Northern Superintendency of
Indian AffairsRecords of the Northern Superintendency of Indian Affairs,
1851-1876 . Washington [D.C.] : National Archives, National Archives and
Records Service, General Services Administration.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 26498181. "The
records reproduced in this microfilm publication are from Records of the Bureau
of Indian Affairs, Record group 75." Cover title.
3593. United
States. Post Office Dept. (1900). Advertisement of February 2, 1885,
inviting proposals for carrying the mails of the United States in the states of
Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New
York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and West Virginia, from
July 1, 1885, to June 30, 1889 in the states of Arkansas, Louisiana, Texas,
Kansas, Nebraska, Colorado, Oregon, Nevada, and California, and the territories
of Indian, Dakota, Montana, Wyoming, New Mexico, Arizona, Utah, Idaho, and
Washington, from July 1, 1885, to June 30, 1886; in the states of Ohio,
Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, and Missouri, from
July 1, 1885, to June 30, 1887; in the states of North Carolina, South
Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, and Kentucky, from
July 1, 1885, to June 30, 1888. Frank Hatton, postmaster-general ... Washington:
Govt. Print. Off..
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23739138
3594. United
States. Post Office Dept. (1890). Miscellaneous advertisement of February 1,
1890, inviting proposals for carrying the mails of the United States in the
States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island,
Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia,
and West Virginia; from July 1, 1890 to June 30, 1893; in the States of North
Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee,
and Kentucky, from July 1, 1890 to June 30, 1892; in the States of Ohio,
Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, and Missouri, from
July 1, 1890 to June 30, 1891; in the States of Arkansas, Louisiana, Texas,
Kansas, Nebraska, South Dakota, North Dakota, Montana, Colorado, Washington,
Oregon, Nevada, and California, and the Territories of Indian, Wyoming, New
Mexico, Arizona, Utha, and Idaho, from July 1, 1890 to June 30, 1894.
Washington: Govt. Print. Off.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 17916097
3595. United
States. President (1861-1865 : Lincoln). (1879). Fac-simile of the autograph
letter of Abraham Lincoln, president of the U.S., to Gen. Henry H. Sibley of
Minnesota, ordering him to execute 39 of the 303 Indian murderers, found guilty
by a military commission, of massacring whit people in the outbreak of 1862,
and condemned to be hung ... Boston: Heliotype Printing Co.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 15873065.
Cover-title. Letter dated: December 6th, 1862. "The original is the
property of the Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul."
3596. .
(1883). United States. President (1881-1885 : Arthur) Lands to Chippewa
Indians, Lake Superior message from the President of the United States,
transmitting a communication for the Secretary of the Interior relative to
allotment of lands in severalty to Chippewa Indians of Lake Superior. Washington, D.C. G.P.O.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 31039679
Abstract: Caption title. Report on Indian lands on Red Cliff and Bad River
reservations.
3597. United
States. President (1933-1945 : Roosevelt). (1939). Payment to each member of
the Red Lake Band of Chippewa Indians : message from the President of the
United States returning .... [veto].
Washington, D.C.? U.S. G.P.O.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 27359380. Caption title. "Referred to the
Committee on Indian Affairs."
3598. United
States. Souris-Red-Rainy River Basins Commission. (1972). Preliminary plan
of study : level "B" Red River of the North (Devils Lake and Red Lake
River Subbasins), FY 1974-1977 . [Moorhead, Minn.] : Souris-Red-Rainy River
Basins Commission.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search). Cover title. "March 28, 1972."
3599. United
States. Souris-Red-Rainy River Basins Commission. (1972). Preliminary plan
of study : level "B" Red River of the North (Devils Lake Subbasin),
FY 1974-1977 . [Moorhead, Minn.] :
Souris-Red-Rainy River Basins Commission.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search). Cover title. "July 7, 1972."
3600. United
States. Souris-Red-Rainy River Basins Commission. (1971). Preliminary plan
of study : level "B" : Red River of the North (Red Lake River
Subbasin), FY 1974-1977 . [Moorhead, Minn.] : Souris-Red-Rainy River Basins
Commission.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search). Cover title. "July 7, 1971."
3601. United
States. Special Task Force on Grand Portage Indian Reservation and Grand
Portage National Monument, Minnesota. (1967). A task force report on a
proposed Grand Portage Indian Park and the Grand Portage National Monument,
Minnesota. Madison, Wis : The Department.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 19415628
Abstract: : A proposed Grand Portage Indian Park and the Grand Portage National
Monument, Minnesota.
3602. United
States. Treaties, etc., 1861-1865 (Lincoln). (1864). Treaty between the
United States of America and the Red lake and Pembina bands of Chippewas.
Concluded October 2, 1863. Ratification advised by Senate with amendments March
1, 1864. Amendments accepted April 12, 1864. Proclaimed May 5, 1864.
Washington.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 9756092. "Concluded
at the Old crossing of Red lake river... Minnesota." With this is bound
its Supplementary treaty...Concluded April 12, 1864... [Washington, 1864] ...
accession: 31871853
3603. United
States. War Department. Office of Indian Affairs. (1839). Letter from the
Secretary of War to the chairman of the Committee on Indian Affairs,
recommending the removal of the Swan Creek and Black River bands of Chippewa
Indians. Washington, D.C.: Blair & Rives.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search)
Abstract: Caption title. January 29, 1839. Submitted by Mr. White, referred to
the Committee on Indian Affairs, and ordered to be printed. Communication of
the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, with accompanying papers.
3604. .
(1832). United States. War Dept.Letter from the Secretary of War
transmitting, in obedience to a resolution of the House of Representatives of
the 24th ultimo, information in relation to an expedition of Henry R.
Schoolcraft into the Indian country . Washington, D.C.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 12730579 ...
accession: 9797025
Abstract: Caption title. At head of title: Henry R. Schoolcraft, expedition
into the Indian country. "March 7, 1832, read and laid upon the
table." no. 1. Letter of Mr. Schoolcraft to Governor Porter -- no. 2.
Report of Mr. Schoolcraft to E. Herring, Esq. -- no. 3. Letter of Mr.
Schoolcraft to L. Taliaferro, Esq. -- no. 4. Speech of Mozobodo (Chippewa
chief) -- no. 5. Report of Doctor Houghton to the Secretary of War. Microfilm.
New Haven, Conn. : Research Publications, [1977]. 1 microfilm reel : negative ;
35 mm. (American natural history. Part 3: Reports of explorations ; no. 126A,
reel 22)
3605. .
(1892). United States. War Dept.Letter from the Secretary of War :
transmitting, with a letter from the Chief of Engineers, report of the
examination and survey of Red River of the North and tributaries above Fergus
Falls and Crookston, Minn., and of Big Stone Lake, Minnesota and South Dakota
. Washington, D.C. U.S. G.P.O.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 31932842. Alt Title: Red River of the North,
Minnesota. Other: United States. Army. Corps of Engineers.
3606. United
States. War Dept. (1900). Preliminary report on survey of Red Lake and Red
Lake River, Minnesota: letter from the Secretary of War, transmitting, with a
letter from the Chief of Engineers, preliminary report on survey of Red Lake
and Red Lake River, Minnesota. Washington, DC : U.S. Government Printing
Office.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search). Caption title. "May 9, 1900--Referred to the Committee on
Rivers and Harbors and ordered to be printed." Survey of Red Lake and Red
Lake River, Minnesota with a view to the construction of a dam with locks at
the outlet of said lake, for the purpose of improving navigation of the Red
River of the North...
3607. United
States. Water Resources Committee. (1937). Drainage basin committee report
for the Hudson Bay basins . Washington, D.C. U.S. G.P.O.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 9856472. Cover title. "December 1937." 51.
Souris River-Devils Lake -- 52. Red River of the North -- 53. Rainy River.
3608. University
of Minnesota. (1989). Report to the Legislature on Indian education : 1989
legislative session . [Minneapolis, Minn.] : University of Minnesota.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 20609142. Title from
cover. "February 10, 1989"--Letter of transmittal
3609. University
of Minnesota. Division of Educational Administration. (1974). Preparation of
administrators for schools serving Indian children : Progress report .
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota. Division of Educational Administration.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 25323250
3610. University
of Minnesota, Duluth. School of Medicine. (1986). Center of American Indian
and Minority Health, a legislative special from the Board of Regents,
University of Minnesota to the Minnesota Legislature, 1987 session. Duluth,
Minn. School of Medicine, University of
Minnesota, Duluth.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 16852707. Title from
cover. "May 22, 1986." Other: University of Minnesota, Duluth. School
of Medicine. University of Minnesota. Board of Regents
3611. University
of Minnesota. Training Center for Community Programs (Ed.). (1967). Minnesota
Indian Resources Directory (Vols. [1st ed.] (1967)-). Minneapolis, MN :
Training Center for Community Programs, University of Minnesota.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 26409094
3612. University
of Wisconsin--Eau Claire (Ed.). (1981). Great Lakes Indian Press :
Minnesota, Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa (Vols. No. 1 (May 26-29, 1981)- .).
Eau Claire, Wis. University of
Wisconsin--Eau Claire.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 7987246
3613. University
of Wisconsin--Eau Claire. University Centers. (Native American Awareness Week
Files. Archives Series 489. Location: 27/5b. Control Card Number: University
Centers 239. Archive/Manuscript Control.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search).
Abstract: This series contains correspondence, publicity materials, and a grant
proposal regarding the organization of these events. Also contains related
correspondence and notes regarding Native American Student Nationalists.
3614. Unrau,
W. E. (1989). Mixed-bloods and tribal dissolution, Charles Curtis and the
quest for Indian identity.
University of Kansas press.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
3615. Upham,
W. (1898). History of mining and quarrying in Minnesota . in Collections of
the Minnesota Historical Society. Volume VIII.
St. Paul, Minn.: The
Minnesota Historical Society.
Notes: Source: PALS online catalog (October 1999 search)
Abstract: The international boundary between Lake Superior and the Lake of the Woods / by Ulysses
Sherman Grant -- The settlement and
development of the Red River Valley / by Warren Upham -- The discovery
and development of the iron ores of
Minnesota / by N.H. Winchell -- The origin
and growth of the Minnesota Historical Society / by Alex. Ramsey --
Opening of the Red River of the North
to commerce and civilization / by Russell Blakeley -- Last days of Wisconsin
territory and early days of Minnesota
territory / by Henry L. Moss -- Lawyers and courts of Minnesota prior
to and during its territorial period /
by Charles E. Flandrau -- Homes and
habitations of the Minnesota Historical Society / by Charles E. Mayo --
The historical value of newspapers / by
J.B. Chaney -- The United States government
publications / by D.L. Kingsbury -- The first organized government of Dakota / by Samuel J. Albright
-- How Minnesota became a state / by
Thomas F. Moran -- Minnesota's northern boundary / by Alexander N. Winchell --
The question of the sources of the
Mississippi River / by E. Levasseur. The source of the Mississippi / by N.H.
Winchell -- Prehistoric man at the
headwaters of the Mississippi River / by J.V. Brower -- Charter members of the Minnesota Historical Society and its
work in 1896 / by Alex. Ramsey --
History of agriculture in Minnesota / by James J. Hill -- History of mining and quarrying in
Minnesota / by Warren Upham -- History
of the discovery of the Mississippi River and the advent of commerce in Minnesota / Russell Blakeley --
Reminiscences of persons and events in
the early days of the Minnesota Historical Society / by William H. Kelley -- Fort Snelling from its
foundation to the present time / by
Richard W. Johnson -- Sully's expedition against the Sioux, in 1864 /
by David L. Kingsbury -- State-building
in the West / by Charles E. Flandrau
3616. Upham,
W., Grant, U. S., & Grant, U. S. (1898). The settlement and development of the Red River Valley . in Collections
of the Minnesota Historical Society. Volume VIII. St. Paul, Minn.: The
Minnesota Historical Society.
Notes: Source: PALS online catalog (October 1999 search)
Abstract: The international boundary between Lake Superior and the Lake of the Woods / by Ulysses
Sherman Grant -- The settlement and
development of the Red River Valley / by Warren Upham -- The discovery
and development of the iron ores of
Minnesota / by N.H. Winchell -- The origin
and growth of the Minnesota Historical Society / by Alex. Ramsey --
Opening of the Red River of the North
to commerce and civilization / by Russell Blakeley -- Last days of Wisconsin
territory and early days of Minnesota
territory / by Henry L. Moss -- Lawyers and courts of Minnesota prior
to and during its territorial period /
by Charles E. Flandrau -- Homes and habitations
of the Minnesota Historical Society / by Charles E. Mayo -- The historical value of newspapers / by J.B.
Chaney -- The United States government
publications / by D.L. Kingsbury -- The first organized government of Dakota / by Samuel J. Albright
-- How Minnesota became a state / by
Thomas F. Moran -- Minnesota's ! northern boundary / by Alexander N. Winchell
-- The question of the sources of the
Mississippi River / by E. Levasseur. The source of the Mississippi / by N.H.
Winchell -- Prehistoric man at the
headwaters of the Mississippi River / by J.V. Brower -- Charter members of the Minnesota Historical Society and its
work in 1896 / by Alex. Ramsey --
History of agriculture in Minnesota / by James J. Hill -- History of mining and quarrying in
Minnesota / by Warren Upham -- History
of the discovery of the Mississippi River and the advent of commerce in Minnesota / Russell Blakeley --
Reminiscences of persons and events in
the early days of the Minnesota Historical Society / by William H. Kelley -- Fort Snelling from its
foundation to the present time / by
Richard W. Johnson -- Sully's expedition against the Sioux, in 1864 /
by David L. Kingsbury -- State-building
in the West / by Charles E. Flandrau
3617. Upham,
W., 1850-1934. (1877). [Addresses
and papers concerning geology].
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 29421277
Abstract: Title supplied by cataloger. Changes in the currents of the ice of
the last glacial epoch in eastern Minnesota -- The Minnesota Valley in the Ice
Age -- Geographic limits of species of plants in the basin of the Red River of
the North -- Tertiary and early Quarternary baseleveling in Minnesota,
Manitoba, and northwestward -- The place names of Minneapolis and Hennepin
County -- The place names of St. Paul and Ramsey County -- Revision of the map
of Lake Agassiz -- Englacial drift in the Mississippi basin -- Age of the St.
Croix Dalles -- The Sangamon interglacial stage in Minnesota and westward.
3618. Upper
Midwest American Indian Center, Minneapolis. Employment Component. (1973). American
Indian business directory. Minneapolis : Longie Printing Company.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 3954200
3619. Urban,
H. (1981). Flexibility key to millworker's growth. Wood & Wood Products,
86, 86 (4).
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct
1999 search
3620. Urbanski,
L. E. (1968). A cross-cultural comparison of mass communications interests
among Cloquet Junior High School students : and a comparison of mass
communication interests of Indian students in four Minnesota schools .
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, U.S. Dept. of Health, Education &
Welfare, Office of Education, Educational Resources Information
Center//University of Minnesota, Washington, D.C. ERIC reports.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 10827817
Abstract: A comparison of mass communication interests of Indian students in
four Minnesota schools.
3621. Urness,
C. (1996). The Ojibwa of Western Canada, 1780 to 1870 - Peers,L. Western
Historical Quarterly, 27(2), 232-233.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
3622. Valentine,
J. R. (1995). Ojibwe dialect relationships. Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
The University of Texas at Austin.
Abstract: This dissertation presents a study of dialect relationships in
Ojibwe, an Algonquian language spoken in the Great Lakes region of the United
States and widely throughout Canada, from Quebec to Alberta. A collection of
phonological, morphological, and lexical features are mapped, and their
distributions analyzed. Dialects analyzed include Saulteaux, Chippewa
(Southwestern Ojibwa), Odawa (Ottawa), Eastern Ojibwe, Northwestern Ojibwe,
Severn Ojibwe, Nipissing, and Algonquin. Transitional areas are also described.
Dialects are shown to fall into two broad general groupings, a northern and a
southern, each showing distinctive innovations. The relationship of Ojibwe to
two of its Algonquian congeners, Cree and Potawatomi, is also examined. Lexical
relationships between dialects are examined for both pre-contact and
post-contact relationships, and the general historical account of the expansion
of the Ojibwe west is shown to be accurate on the basis of the distribution of
linguistic features.
3623. Valentine,
L. P. (1994). Code Switching and Language Leveling - Use of Multiple Codes in a
Severn Ojibwe Community. International Journal of American Linguistics, 60(4),
315-341.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Source: UnCover database (Aug 1999)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database,
August 1999 search
Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999
search
Abstract: A study of code switching from Ojibwe to Cree and between Ojibwe and
English in the Severn Ojibwe community of Lynx Lake gives valuable detail about
the local society and the influence of Cree and English languages on Severn
dialects. Code switching takes place on various levels such as morphological
and lexical for several purposes such as to interrupt a talk or to make things
clear. The study is based on monologic discourses given by two people, which
include a report given by the radio band chief and two lectures given by a
Native American archdeacon.
3624. Valentine,
L. P. (1992). "Native" religion in a Severn Ojibwe community: voices
from the inside, voices from the outside. Culture, 12(2), 39-62.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3625. Valentine,
L. P. (1992). Voix de nulle part: le pouvoir négocié dans les causeries
radiophoniques chez les Ojibway de la rivière Severn (note de recherche). Anthropologie
Et Sociétés [Quebec], 16(3), 103-119.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3626. Valentine,
L. P. (1990). 'Work to create the future you want': contemporary discourse
in a Severn Ojibwe community (Native American, code-switching, Ontario).
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Texas at Austin.
Abstract: This research provides an empirically-based, synchronic overview of
an Amerindian village in northern Ontario, Canada, currently undergoing rapid
social change. Using a discourse-centered approach to ethnography, this study
illustrates ways in which a society is indexed through its discourse, and how
changes in society affect language use. It is both an ethnography of speaking
and an ethnography through speaking. The primary data collected for this
research were naturally-occurring discourses, most of which were presented by
members of the Native community for the Native community itself. The topics
covered in the dissertation are diverse, ranging from communication
technologies, to code switchingbetween Ojibwe, Cree and English, to literacy in
both Cree syllabics and standard English, to the intersection of language and
music, and to a formal analysis of two narrative genres. These topics were
selected as representative of the major linguistic forms found in the
community--forms which are inextricably bound to the cultural context and
social institutions of the Kingfisher Lake community. Because of its unique brand of self-determinism, the Severn Ojibwe
community of Kingfisher Lake stands as a model for other Native communities,
demonstrating that cultural change and the adoption of modern technology need
not mean that a people lose either their Native identity or their language.
Rather, the people of Kingfisher Lake demonstrate a remarkable ability to
integrate new ideas and technology into their Native lifestyles.
3627. Van
Cleve, C. O., Mrs. (1870). A reminiscence of Ft. Snelling (concerning the Sioux
and Chippewa Indians). Coll. of the Minnesota Hist. Soc., III(1), 76-81.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3628. van
de Sande, A. (1995). The measurement of effective parenting in Native
communities (Native Americans) . Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Wilfrid
Laurier University (Canada).
Abstract: Jane Johnston Schoolcraft has been treated historically as the first
wife of Indian Agent and ethnologist Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, while her position
as the first known Metis woman poet and short story writer to participate in
the Euro-American publishing tradition has been completely ignored. This thesis
looks at the literary and personal lives of Jane Johnston Schoolcraft by
recreating the cultural context in which Metis women of the Old Northwest were
taught Euro-American ideals of literature and femininity in the decline of the
fur trade in the first half of the nineteenth-century. It also looks at Henry
Schoolcraft's adherence to the notions of 'savagism' and his influences on her
writing. The study finds that Jane Schoolcraft embraced the nineteenth-century
Euro-American 'cult of true womanhood' ideology. This and a desire to interpret
Ojibway culture favorably to Euro-Americans were her primary motivations for
producing written literature.
3629. Van
Dyke, A. (1992). Questions of the Spirit: Bloodlines in Louise Erdrich's
Chippewa Landscape˜. Studies in American Indian Literatures : Newsletter
..., 4(1), 15.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
3630. Van
Eck, L. J. (1995). Ojibway Tales, Tales of the Anishinaubaek (book reviews). The American Indian
Quarterly, 19(4), 593 (2).
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct
1999 search [book review]
Abstract: In these two works, Basil Johnston introduces readers to the world of
the Ojibway, past and present. The culture is defined through its sense of
humor and through Its cosmology.
Ojibway Tales is a gem of a book. It celebrates the Ojibway sense of humor,
irony with a dash of slapstick, in a series of well-crafted vignettes about the
lives of the Moose Meat Point Ojibway." The Moose Meaters, who reside near
Blunder Bay in Ontario, are resourceful, straightforward, and earnestly eager
to fit in and it is these very characteristics that cause them considerable
confusion in their dealings with the surrounding European-based culture
Moose Meat Point residents quietly, for the most part, in a hybrid culture
comprised of patchwork pieces of their own ancient traditions and
"modern" North American social conventions. These are sometimes
awkwardly stitched together by misunderstanding, forming an irregular pattern.
The Moose Meaters make heroic attempts to interpret the white man's ways into
their own cultural context but usually end up demonstrating just how alien the
two world views are to each other.
Throughout this book we see the Moose Meaters' valiant efforts to assimilate (a
goal they have been heavily encouraged to pursue); but their attempts are
thwarted at every turn by a dominant culture that, from the Moose Meat point to
view, just doesn't make sense. For example, when old Kitug-Aunquot finally
converts to Christianity in "Secular Revenge," he is puzzled and
affronted by the change in attitude displayed by the priest:
No longer was the priest amiable, conciliatory, and compassionate as he had
been; now he was hostile, dictatorial, and dispassionate. Kitug-Aunquot began
to regret his decision.
How the old man, who is entitled to respect for his years within his own
culture, responds to the unreasonable demands of white authority is a hilarious
tale involving sawdust, baloney, and a bit of sympathetic magic.
"Indian Smart, Moose Smart" is a humorous look at man's attempts to
harness nature; "Big Business" gives a glimpse of the Ojibway
entrepreneur; "Don't Call Me to Name" is a sly, bittersweet
considerations of the limitations of racial bigotry; and "A Sign of the
Times" tells us all we need to know about interacting with bureaucracies.
In all, there are 23 of these wry commentaries, each dealing with a different
aspect of the Moose Meaters' ongoing battle of wits with the culture around
them.
The author notes that these stories are all true. They are also all enormously
entertaining.
Tales of the Anishinaubaek is a completely different kind of work, intended
more for the reader who is familiar with Anishinaubaek/Ojibway culture and its
distinctive rhythms. The oral tradition of the Anishinaubaek is well
represented here, with tales of mermaids (who can steal your soul) and the
wendigo, the giant ice cannibal who haunts the winter wilderness.
In the first of the nine legends translated from the Anishinaubae by Basil
Johnston, we learn how the Anishinaubaek came to live where they now are after
long wanderings across the continent. This is a theme that will be familiar to
students of oral tradition, both in Native North America and other parts of the
world. In these ancient times, animal helpers could speak to the people and
would lend assistance if approached properly. The Anishinaubaek odyssey is led
by two fish, a fox, a buffalo, and a mountain goat before the people finally
encounter Nanabush, the culture hero of this people, who directs them to their
proper home, "that beautiful land where the wild animals abound - deer,
rabbits, moose, fish - where fish are abundant, and berries as well". Of
course, that place is the place from which they started.
The remaining eight tales were told by Sam Ozawamik of the Wikwemikong First
Nations Reserve in Ontario and translated by the author. In these tales we meet
mermaids and monsters, medicine people and mythic heroes. Universal themes
continue to be sounded. "The Shining Plant" tells of a man who
pursues his dead wife's spirit, seeking to return her to life. In
"Medicine Woman," a woman who fails to follow the directions of one
wiser than herself suffers the consequences in a way that reminds one of Lot's
wife.
All of these stories are beautifully illustrated with the flowing line art of
Maxine Noel, or Ioyan Mani, of the Birdtail First Nations Reserve in Manitoba.
The brightly colored plates of her work are, in themselves, fascinating studies
in Native American symbolism, providing a harmonious counterpoint to the rhythm
of the tales they accompany.
Both these works are successful efforts in their different ways. Ojibway Tales
makes the world of the modern-day Ojibway accessible to those with little or no
experience with Native Americans. For those who are more familiar with the
culture, the stories evoke memories of family evenings when father and uncles
spun tales that made us all chuckle at the foibles of the world around us.
Tales of the Anishinaubaek takes a much more serious tone with its stories of
the distant past. These are the stories to be told to children by their
grandparents during the long winter nights, the tales that explain the world
and our place in it. Basil Johnston is to be commended for providing these
diverse glimpses into the culture of the Ojibway.
3631. van
Gennep, A. (1960). The rites of passage. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.
Notes: Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)
3632. Van
Gilder, D. (1982). History and development of American Indian tribal legal
systems . [U.S.] : Van Gilder, David.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 41743073
3633. Van
Kirk, S. (1983). Many tender ties, women in fur trade society, 1670-1870. University of Oklahoma Press.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
uses meticulous archival
documentation to deal sympathetically with the Métis marriage ties to the fur
traders.
3634. Van
Laan, N., & Bowen, B. Shingebiss: An Ojibwe Legend .
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct
1999 search
Abstract: Gr. 3-4, younger for reading aloud. in this picture book for older
readers, Kabibona'kan, Winter Maker, seems determined to let Shingebiss, a
merganser duck, freeze to death. But even though the plucky bird has only four
logs to warm his lodge during the winter months, he is still able to stand
strong against his great opponent. The names in this Ojibwe legend may be hard
for children to pronounce, and the story contains references to a time frame
that's different than our calendar year. Despite that, readers and listeners
will enjoy the story and identify with Shingebiss' courage and absolute
determination to outlast hard times. Bowen's woodcuts extend the text,
heightening the difference between the story's setting and our own times. A
glossary, source notes, and some engrossing information on how the
illustrations were executed are included. [book review: Karen Morgan in
Booklist (July 1997:93(21), p 1820)]
3635. .
(1940). J. Van Oosten, 1891-, & H. J. Deason (U.S. Fish and Wildlife
Service), A preliminary survey of the commercial fisheries and fishery
resources of the Red Lakes, Beltrami and Clearwater Counties, Minnesota .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search). Caption title. "The field investigation was conducted from
August 23 to September 10, 1938" on behalf of the Bureau of Fisheries
(leaf 34) later known as the Fish and Wildlife Service.
3636. Van
Stone, J. W. (1965). The changing culture of the Snowdrift Chipewyan.
Ottawa: Department of the Secretary of State.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XIII (1969:178)
3637. Vanderburgh,
R. M. (1982). Tradition and transition in the lives of Ojibwa women. Resources
For Feminist Research /Documentation Sur La Recherche Feministe, 11(2),
218-219.
Notes: Source: Women’s Resources International [University of Minnesota online
database--Women's Studies Database], August 29, 1999 search
3638. Vanderburgh,
R. M. (1990). Nishnawbekwe: a century of change (Ontario, Canada, Native
Americans). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Pennsylvania.
Abstract: This research provides an empirically-based, synchronic overview of
an Amerindian village in northern Ontario, Canada, currently undergoing rapid
social change. Using a discourse-centered approach to ethnography, this study
illustrates ways in which a society is indexed through its discourse, and how
changes in society affect language use. It is both an ethnography of speaking
and an ethnography through speaking. The primary data collected for this
research were naturally-occurring discourses, most of which were presented by
members of the Native community for the Native community itself. The topics
covered in the dissertation are diverse, ranging from communication
technologies, to code switchingbetween Ojibwe, Cree and English, to literacy in
both Cree syllabics and standard English, to the intersection of language and
music, and to a formal analysis of two narrative genres. These topics were
selected as representative of the major linguistic forms found in the
community--forms which are inextricably bound to the cultural context and
social institutions of the Kingfisher Lake community. Because of its unique brand of self-determinism, the Severn
Ojibwe community of Kingfisher Lake stands as a model for other Native
communities, demonstrating that cultural change and the adoption of modern
technology need not mean that a people lose either their Native identity or
their language. Rather, the people of Kingfisher Lake demonstrate a remarkable
ability to integrate new ideas and technology into their Native lifestyles.
3639. Vandersluis,
C. (1974). Mainly logging : a compilation... Minneota, MN: Minneota Clinic.
Notes: cited by Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
"Index of lumber camps referred to this volume" and "correctio s
and additions": [6] p. inserted. Includes
bibliographies and index. Bourgeois, E. J. Thoughts while
strolling.--Morrison, J. G., Jr. Never a dull moment.--Wight, C. L.
Reminiscences of a cruiser.
3640. VaŠcenko,
A. V. (1976). Dewdney, S. J. The sacred scroll of the Southern Ojibway. [book review].
Sovetskaja Etnografija, 4, 202-203.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXVII (1985:222)
3641. Vastokas,
J. M. (1984). Interpreting birch bark scrolls. Papers of the Algonquian
Conference, 15, 425-444, ill.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3642. Vattel.
Law of Nations.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
3643. Vaudrin,
B. (1981). Tanaina Tales from Alaska.
University of Oklahoma Press.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
3644. Vecsey,
C., & Fisher, J. F. (1984). The Ojibwa creation myth: an analysis of its
structure and content. Temenos, 20, 66-100.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXX (1987:201)
3645. Vecsey,
C. (1987). Grassy Narrows Reserve: mercury pollution, social disruption, and
natural resources: a question of autonomy. American Indian Quarterly, 11(4),
287-314, ill.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3646. Vecsey,
C. (1984). Midewiwin myths of origin. Papers of the Algonquian Conference,
15, 445-467.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3647. Vecsey,
C. T. (1976). Dewdney, Selwyn H. The
sacred scrolls of the Southern Ojibway. [book review]. American
Anthropologist, 78(1), 1620.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXII (1979:257)
3648. Vecsey,
C. T. (1990). Religion in Native North America. Moscow, ID: University
of Idaho Press.
Notes: Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)
3649. Vecsey,
C. T. (1978). Traditional Ojibwa religion and its historical changes. Unpublished
doctoral dissertation, Northwestern University.
3650. Vecsey,
C. T. (1983). Traditional Ojibwa religion and its historical changes.
Philadelphia, PA: American Philosophical Society.
Notes: Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)
Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol.
XXIX (1986:172)
Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol.
XXX (1987:213)
3651. Veillette,
J. J. (1997). The role of late glacial ice streaming in the deglaciation of
James Bay. GEOGR PHYS QUATERN , 51(2), 141-161.
Notes: Source: http://www.webofscience.com/CIW.cgi -- subject search on all
indexes, Fall 1999
3652. Venne,
E. (1912). Facts about the Chippewas. Red Man, 4(7), 296.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3653. Vennum,
T. (1973). Constructing the Ojibwa Dance drum. Wisconsin Archeologist, 54(4),
162-174.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database,
August 1999 search
3654. (1989). [Recording]. St. Paul : Minnesota Historical
Society Press.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search). ... accession: 20804176,
accession: 20584696, accession: 25886622.
Abstract: Sung in Ojibwa or English. Compiled by Thomas Vennum, Jr. Booklet
containing historical notes and program notes by Thomas Vennum, Jr., and
bibliographical references (15 p. : ill. ; 28 cm.) accompanies cassette.
Various performers. Early recordings (1899-1910) and more recent field recordings
(1971-1988) by Thomas Vennum, Jr., and Philip Nusbaum. Kingbird Singers --
Leech Lake Intertribal -- White Fish Bay Singers -- Ponemah Ramblers -- Red
Lake Singers -- Dream song (Kimiwun) -- Woman's dance song (Ponemah Singers)--
Moccasin game song (Swift Flying Feather) -- Moccasin game songs (Fred
Benjamin) -- Story song in context, Wenabozho and the ducks (James Littlewolf)
-- Love song (Swift Flying Feather) -- Love song (James Littlewolf) -- Love
song (James Littlewolf) - - Urban music: "Zogipoon" (Keith Secola) --
Urban music: "Indian car" (Keith Secola).//Issued also as cassette
(C-003). Booklet containing historical notes and program notes by Thomas
Vennum, Jr., and bibliographical references (15 p. : ill.) inserted in container.
3655. Vennum,
T. Jr. (Alice C. Fletcher Ojibwe Indian recordings). (1991). in Essays in
Honor of Frank J. Gillis (pp.
73-103). Bloomington: Ethnomusicology Publications Group.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3656. Vennum,
T., Jr. (1980). A history of Ojibwa song form. Select Reports in
Ethnomusicology, 3(2), 43-75.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXVI (1983:292)
3657. Vennum,
T., Jr. (1983). The Ojibwa dance drum: its history and construction.
Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXX (1987:253)
3658. Vennum,
T., Jr. (July-Sept). Ojibwa Origin-Migration Songs of the Mitewiwin. Journal
of American Folklore, 91, 754.
Notes: Source: cited by Loew, Patty (Fall 1997)
3659. Vennum,
T., Jr. (1975). Southwestern Ojibwa music. Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, Harvard University.
3660. Vennum,
T., Jr. (1988). Wild rice and the Ojibway people. St. Paul: Minnesota
Historical Society Press.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXXIV (1992:58)
Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
Source: University of Minnesota Biological & Agricultural Index [electronic
database], Fall 1999 search
3661. Vitt,
D. H., & Slack, N. G. (1984). Niche Diversification of Sphagnum Relative to
Environmental Factors in Northern Minnesota Usa Peatlands. Canadian Journal
of Botany , 62(7), 1409-1430.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: The peatlands sampled in this study are located in northern Minnesota
and include 32 stands positioned in 7 sites in the Red Lake peatland and Lake
Itasca areas. Surface water chemistry
ranges from pH values of 4.6 to 7.4, with corrected conductivity of 53 to 476
.mu.ohms cm-1 and Ca of 6.9 to 44.5 ppm.
Six broad physiognomic landscape units are delimited based on quantitative
analysis of the vegetation; these range from ombrotrophic ovoid islands to
strongly minerotrophic forested fens.
These landscape units can best be further divided or themselves
characterized by the dominant Sphagnum spp.
Calculations of niche breadth across 8 microhabitat axes and niche
overlap for 4 microhabitat axes (pH, corrected conductivity, height above H2O
level and shade) for 13 spp. of Shagnum S. angustifolium, S. centrale. S. contortum, S. fallax, S. fuscum, S.
magellanicum, S. nemoreum, S. papillosum, S. rubellum, S. teres, S.
subsecundum, S. warnstortii, S. wulfianum suggest independent species
utilization of the gradients. Among the
mire-expanse species, niche breadths become narrower from hollow to hummock
along Ca and pH gradients, whereas broadest niche breadths are present for
midhummock species along the height gradient.
For the taxonomically close species, S. fallax and S. angustifolium,
niche overlap is greatest for conductivity and pH, whereas overlap is least
along the height gradient.
Quantification of niche breadth and niche overlap indicates considerable
niche diversification along these microhabitat gradients, with individual
species interacting independently to different gradients. These differing niche breadths along several
different gradients suggest that these species of Sphagnum are largely
equilibrium species, not opportunistic ones.
In general, niche overlap is smaller in mire habitats where an abundance
of bryophytes coexist with Sphagnum and highest in mire-expanse situations
where Sphagnum is dominant.
3662. Vizenor,
E. J. (1997). Tribal identity and cultural triumph in traditional Anishinabe
Indian elders (Native Americans). Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
Harvard University.
Abstract: The purpose of this thesis is to understand the process by which
elders from the White Earth Reservation withstood the coercive attempts to
eradicate their language and culture. Based on in-depth, qualitative analysis
of six elders, a model explaining the process of cultural triumph over great
odds is presented. The results of the study show that the elder's ability to
maintain the tribe's traditions in the midst of a coercive educational system
was strengthened by a firm spiritual foundation
that wove, into a harmonious whole, themes of biculturalism, an intact
traditional social support system, a traditional Anishinabe educational
structure, positive coping strategies, and a strong tribal identity. Taken
together these five themes comprise the model of 'Cultural Triumph,' a model
that explains the positive adaptive outcome of tribal elders. Recommendations for educational intervention
include a culturally relevant education, the employment of elders within the
school system, and the preservation of tribal stories as a means of teaching
traditional values. Future recommendations for research include the need to
cross validate the findings with a larger sample from diverse tribal cultures;
to determine if the model holds true for other ethnic groups; to examine, in
more detail, the strength of each theme in predicting a favorable outcome; and
to conduct cross-cultural comparison studies. Since this thesis is based on
confidential interviews with six highly esteemed Anishinabe elders, any
uniquely identifying characteristics, traditional Anishinabe honor names, and
formal English names have been changed to protect the privacy and
confidentiality of the elders, their families and communities.
3663. Vizenor,
G. (1991). Heirs of Columbus. Hanover: Wesleyan University Press/University
Press of New England.
Notes: Source: cited by Stuart Christie (Summer 1997)
3664. Vizenor,
G. (1989). Minnesota Chippewa: Woodland Treaties to Tribal Bingo. American
Indian Quarterly, 13 (1), 30-57.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database,
August 1999 search
3665. .
(1993). G. Vizenor (editor), Narrative Chance: Postmodern Discourse on
Native American Indian Literatures . Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
Notes: Source: cited by Stuart Christie (Summer 1997)
3666. (1972).
Minnesota State Dept. of Education, St. Paul. Indian Section.
Notes: ERIC NO: ED120444
Abstract: Opportunities Unlimited is a State-wide program to provide adult
basic education (ABE) and training for Indians on Minnesota reservations and in
Indian communities. An administrative center in Bemidji serves communities on
the Red Lake, White Earth, and Leech Lake Reservations, and a Duluth center
provides ABE and training for communities on the Grand Portage, Nett Lake, Fond
du Lac, and Mille Lacs Reservations. The program is directed toward providing
basic skills, communication skills and information for effective functioning in
society, individualized instruction based on immediate need, and increased
employment potential. Community instructional aides were responsible for the
initial community contacts and organization of the classes. The most frequently
requested courses were driver education and ABE in preparation for the high
school equivalency test. During the three-year program, 375 adults passed the
high school equivalency test, and 745 adults passed their driver's test. Three
hundred people were unemployed before taking the high school equivalency test
compared to 26 unemployed after passing the test. Courses in Anishinabe
(Chippewa and Ojibway languages) were not generally successful due to a lack of
experienced instructors and materials. Child care and transportation
arrangements were often necessary for student participation. (EA)
3667. Vizenor,
G. (1990). Socioacupuncture: Mythic Reversals and the Striptease in Four
Scenes. R. Ferguson, M. Gever, & T. T. Minh-Ha (editors), Out There:
Marginalization and Contemporary Culture . Cambridge: MIT Press.
Notes: Source: cited by Stuart Christie (Summer 1997)
3668. Vizenor,
G. (1993). Summer in the Spring: Anishinaabe Lyric Poems & Stories. University of Oklahoma Press.
Notes: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
3669. Vizenor,
G., & Bjoen Sletto. (1993). Our Land: Anishinabe. Native Peoples, v 6 (n
3 ), 32 .
Notes: Source: UnCover database (Aug 1999)
Abstract: A professor at the University of California at Berkely and an
enrolled member of the White Earth Chippewa Reservation in Minnesota, Gerald
Vizenor joins with professional free-lance photographer Bjorn Sletto to offer
poetic imagery of the seasons.
3670. Vizenor,
G. R. (1971). The Anishinabe. Indian Historian, 4(4), 16-18.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3671. Vizenor,
G. R. (1981). Earthdivers: tribal narratives on mixed descent.
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Notes: Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)
3672. Vizenor,
G. R. (1972). The everlasting sky: new voices from the people named the
Chippewa. New York: Crowell-Collier Press//Macmillan Publishing Company,
Incorporated.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)
3673. Vizenor,
G. R. (1984). The people named the Chippewa: narrative histories. Aug
1984: University of Minnesota Press.
Notes: Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)
Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
3674. Vizenor,
G. R. (1981). Summer in the spring: Ojibwe lyric poems and tribal stories.
Minneapolis, MN: Nodin Press.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXVIII (1985:244)
3675. Vizenor,
G. R. (1966). Wild rice today--the mystique of mahnomen. Twin Citian Magazine.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers
(1967:103), "Bibliography"
3676. Vizenor,
G. R., 1934- . (1965). A brief historical study and general content
description of a newspaper published on the White Earth Indian Reservation in
Becker County Minnesota . Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of
Minnesota.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 3879420
3677. Vizenor,
G. R., 1934- , & Molin, P. F. (1986). Laurel Hole In the Day. Roots, 14(3),
special issue, "On the Reservation".
Notes: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 13709117
Abstract: Title from cover. Coming home / by Carolyn Gilman -- "Places
where I've lived" / by Paulette Fairbanks Molin -- Laurel Hole In the Day
/ by Gerald Vizenor -- Portrait of Red Lake / photos by Charles Brill --
Digging deeper, branching out / by Stephen Sandell
3678. Voegelin,
C. F., & Bloomfield, L. (1993). Correspondence in Ojibwa. Anthropological
Linguistics, 35(1-4), 399.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database,
August 1999 search
3679. .
(1974). E. W. Voegelin, & H. HickersonThe Red Lake and Pembina Chippewa
. New York: Garland Publishing Co.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXI (1978:176)
3680. .
(1974). E. W. VoegelinAn ethnohistorical report on the Wyandot, Potawatomi,
Ottawa and Chippewa of northwest Ohio . New York: Garland Publishing Co.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXI (1978:176)
Abstract: "Before the Indian Claims Commission, docket nos. 13-F, et
al."
3681. .
(1974). E. W. Voegelin, D. B. Stout, R. M. Warner, L. J. Groesbeck, & H. H.
TannerAn anthropological report on Indian use and occupancy of northern
Michigan . New York: Garland Publishing Co.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXI (1978:176)
Abstract: Ethnohistorical report on the Sawinaw Chippewa by David B.
Stout. Economic and historical report
on northern Michigan by Robert M. Warner.
Historical report on the Sault Ste. Marie area by Robert M. Warner and
Lois J. Groesbeck. The Chippewa of
eastern lower Michigan by Helen Hornbeck Tanner.
3682. Vogel,
J. N. (1990). Great Lakes lumber on the great plains: the Liard, Norton
Lumber Company in South Dakota (Laird Norton Lumber Company, Minnesota).
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Marquette University.
Abstract: The Great Plains lacked the resource settlers required to create a
built environment that met their cultural needs. That resource was lumber. Late nineteenth century migration to
the Plains occurred concurrently with growth in the Great Lakes lumber
industry. The Plains needed lumber and the lumber industry needed a market.
This study accepts the thesis suggested by many lumber industry historians,
that Great Lakes lumber reached the Plains. But no single study has isolated a
region of the Plains and looked at the origins, distribution, or impact of the
lumber that arrived there. This study isolates a portion of the Plains, east
central South Dakota, as well as a Great Lakes lumber producing region,
Wisconsin's Chippewa Valley. It examines the pattern and process by which
lumber reached and was distributed in South Dakota. The Great Dakota Boom, 1878
to 1887, and the Laird, Norton Lumber Company, Winona, Minnesota, provide the
focus for this study. The pattern of Laird, Norton's lumber distribution in
Dakota indicates that lumber companies needed railroads to enter a territory
before they did. Laird, Norton then
followed settlers across southern Dakota as they arrived on the trains. The
eastern portions of Dakota were settled first, thus the early lumber yards were
found there. As settlement moved west, so did the lumber yards. In the process
older yards in the east were closed. As for the process by which it sold lumber
in Dakota, Laird, Norton hired agents, it minimized advertising costs, and
insisted that lumber be sold only for cash. The company also resolved
competitive situations with pools and price fixing, it obtained regular
independent customers, and it attempted to keep its yards and independent
customers well stocked. The Great Dakota Boom expired between 1886 and 1889.
But prior to itsdemise, Laird, Norton and its competitors sent millions, of
board feet of lumber to Dakota. The result was the region's first built
environment. Indeed, the result establishes that, at least for the regions
studied, Great Lakes lumber reached, and had a substantial impact on the Great
Plains.
3683. Vogel,
R. C. (Robert Carl), 1952- , & Stanley, D., 1951- . (1991). Portage
trails in Minnesota, 1630s- 1870s. Saint Paul, Minn. Minnesota Historical Society, State Historic
Preservation Office.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 26444082
Abstract: Title from caption. Principal investigators, Robert C. Vogel and
David G. Stanley- - Cf. p. [33]. "National Register of Historic Places
Multiple Property Documentation Form." Includes bibliography.
3684. Vosy-Bourbon,
H., & Cooper, J. M. (1929). Études de John M. Cooper. Société Des
Américanistes De Paris. Journal, XX, 407.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3685. Waddell,
J. O. (1985). Malhiot's journal: an ethnohistorical assessment of Chippewa
alcohol behavior in the early nineteenth century. Ethnohistory, 32(3),
246-268, ill.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXX (1987:57)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database,
August 1999 search
3686. Wah-Be-Gwo-Nese .
(1972). Ojibwa Indian Legends.
Northern Michigan University Press.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
3687. Wain,
J. L. (1994). Playing the middle: where literature meets performance in
Tomson Highway's 'Rez' plays (Native Culture). Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, Dalhousie University (Canada).
Abstract: The printed text is the springboard into the world of the modern
play. Words are the middle ground, a place where literature and performance,
readers and actors, meet. In The Rez Sisters (1988) and Dry Lips Oughta Move to
Kapuskasing (1989), playwright Tomson Highway uses words as a meeting ground
between white and Native cultures. Sometimes this meeting is confrontational.
Highway says that Cree, his language, is genderless, visceral, and humorous.
The Ojibway and Cree characters in his plays, however, mostly speak English.
The underlying text is how Highway'sassertion translates into the language of
the dominant culture. He seems to say that the imposition of white language and
culture on Native language and culture has skewed the translation. By mixing
Cree and English in his plays, Highway also suggests the possibility of a new,
third language. This third language provides a path of communication from
predominantly Cree speakers to predominantly English speakers--both on the
reserve and in the audience. Nanabush, the Trickster in Cree and Ojibway
spirituality, punctuates the central problem of language in both plays. She/he
is a predominantly visual catalyst for the characters' dialogue on gender,
Native spirituality, and the uneasy juxtaposition of white culture on Native
culture. While sometimes providing comic relief, Nanabush is more frequently
Highway's vehicle for satirizing white culture.
3688. Waisberg,
L. G., & Holzkamm, T. E. (1993). "A Tendency to discourage them from
cultivating": Ojibwa agriculture and Indian Affairs Administration in
northwestern Ontario. Ethnohistory, 40(2), 175-211.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search
Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
3689. Waisberg,
L. G., & Holzkamm, T. E. (1994). "Their country is tolerably rich in
furs": the Ojibwa fur trade in the boundary waters region 1821-71. Papers,
Algonquian Conference, 25, 493-513.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3690. Wakefield,
S. F. (1997). Six Weeks in the Sioux Tepees: A Narrative of Indian Captivity. University of Oklahoma Press.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
3691. .
(1970). P. A. Wakil (editor), Kinship in Canada . Saskatoon: P.A. Wakil.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search)
Abstract: "Strictly for classroom use. Not to be sold or otherwise used
commercially under any circumstances" The extended family in a
working-class area of Hamilton / by Peter C. Pineo -- French Canadian kinship
and urban life / Philip Garigue -- Kin-networks in a Newfoundland peasant
society / by John Szwed -- Family and kinship among the Saulteaux / by M.
Shimpo & R. Williamson -- The Eskimo family and household / Shmuel Ben-Dor.
3692. Waldron,
M. M. The Indian Health Question. Lake Mohonk Conference .
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
3693. Walker,
D. E. Jr. (1978). Indians of Idaho.
University of Idaho Press.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
3694. Walker,
J. M. (1977). Congenital Hip Disease in a Cree-Ojibwa Population: a Retrospective
Study. Cmaj., 116(5), 501-504.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: Retrospective study of data from annual surveys and hospital records
over 23 years confirmed the 1950 report of a high prevalence of congenital hip
disease (CHD) in the Cree-Ojibwa population of Island Lake, Man. Annual
ascertainment rates ranged from 35 to 600 cases per 1000 live births; 5-year
rates for dislocation or subluxation were the highest reported for any
population. The minimally declining rates of CHD may reflect upgrading in
criteria for hip abnormality as well as decreasing isolation and increasing
outbreeding of the population. The preponderance of females (female:male ratio,
1.90:1) was low compared with that found in other studies. For all diagnoses
bilateral hip involvement exceeded unilateral in frequency; laterality
differences were not significant when the sexes were studied separately.
Function in everyday activities was impaired little. (Abstract by: Author)
3695. Walker,
L. J. (1959). Legends of Green Sky Hill. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. V (1961:5020)
3696. Walker,
T. B. (Thomas Barlow), 1840-1928. (1909). Descriptive catalogue with
reproductions of life-size bust portraits of famous Indian chiefs, great
medicine men, notable Indian warriors and renowned explorers, scouts and guides
; with an authentic biographical sketch of each subject and a brief history of
the Indian tribes which they represent. Exhibited in the Minnesota pioneers'
portrait galleries, State fair grounds . Minneapolis: Press of Hahn &
Harmon co.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 6076669
3697. Wallace,
K. L. (1999). Myth and metaphor, archetype and individuation: a study in the
work of Louise Erdrich. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of
California, Los Angeles.
Abstract: Like the work of other writers who have been excluded from the
American mainstream, Louise Erdrich's novels are resistant in nature. The
dissertation considers each novel in Erdrich's tetralogy, Love Medicine, The
Beet Queen, Tracks, and The Bingo Palace, examining the parameters of
indianness and the ways in which those parameters are a response to the construction
of the indian in American letters. It de-exoticizes Erdrich's work, focusing
not on her work as cultural artifact, marginalized and romanticized, but on
Erdrich's significance and skill as an American novelist. Erdrich demonstrates
the resilience and plasticity of traditional communities and their place as
part of a U.S. national identity. Duane Champagne's model for comparative
analysis and Jungian analytic psychology provide a theoretical framework.
Champagne's paradigm assumes the agency of colonized groups and their periodic,
even predictable, reassertions of, if not autonomy, at least self-definition. A means by which to voice
discontent, the novel as a form is inherently
resistant and disruptive. The genre thus lends itself to Champagne's assertion
that colonial hegemony is unstable and that it suffers from ruptures occasioned
by the survival, and concomitant discontent, of the Fourth World. Champagne
advocates a language of criticism with which to analyze communities with
dissimilar histories of colonization, one that, nevertheless, identifies
consequences common to each. Similarly, Jung's theory of the archetype allows
me to discuss Erdrich's work in terms more complex and sophisticated than those
often limited to the indian (or Other) exclusively. In conjunction, these
theories enable a discussion of Erdrich as an American writer, as part of a
clear and unique novelistic tradition, without precluding an analysis of those
qualities that make her work specifically Chippewa. Thus, it concludes that
Erdrich's narrative voice emerges as one that is discretely mixedblood, or
Metis. Erdrich's work, rather than being accessible to only a few, may be understood from a perspective that
emphasizes its ritual and mythical nature without demanding an in-depth
knowledge or comprehension of uniquely Chippewa views.
3698. Wallace,
K. L. (1999). Myth and metaphor, archetype and individuation: a study in the
work of Louise Erdrich. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of
California, Los Angeles.
Abstract: Like the work of other writers who have been excluded from the
American mainstream, Louise Erdrich's novels are resistant in nature. The
dissertation considers each novel in Erdrich's tetralogy, Love Medicine, The
Beet Queen, Tracks, and The Bingo Palace, examining the parameters of
indianness and the ways in which those parameters are a response to the
construction of the indian in American letters. It de-exoticizes Erdrich's
work, focusing not on her work as cultural artifact, marginalized and romanticized,
but on Erdrich's significance and skill as an American novelist. Erdrich
demonstrates the resilience and plasticity of traditional communities and their
place as part of a U.S. national identity. Duane Champagne's model for
comparative analysis and Jungian analytic psychology provide a theoretical
framework. Champagne's paradigm assumes the agency of colonized groups and
their periodic, even predictable, reassertions of, if not autonomy, at least
self-definition. A means by which to voice discontent, the novel as a form is
inherently resistant and disruptive. The genre thus lends itself to Champagne's
assertion that colonial hegemony is unstable and that it suffers from ruptures
occasioned by the survival, and concomitant discontent, of the Fourth World.
Champagne advocates a language of criticism with which to analyze communities
with dissimilar histories of colonization, one that, nevertheless, identifies
consequences common to each. Similarly, Jung's theory of the archetype allows
me to discuss Erdrich's work in terms more complex and sophisticated than those
often limited to the indian (or Other) exclusively. In conjunction, these
theories enable a discussion of Erdrich as an American writer, as part of a
clear and unique novelistic tradition, without precluding an analysis of those
qualities that make her work specifically Chippewa. Thus, it concludes that
Erdrich's narrative voice emerges as one that is discretely mixedblood, or
Metis. Erdrich's work, rather than being accessible to only a few, may be
understood from a perspective that emphasizes its ritual and mythical nature
without demanding an in-depth knowledge or comprehension of uniquely Chippewa
views.
3699. Walsh,
D. M., & Braley, A. (1994). Indianness of Louis Erdrich's The Beet Queen:
latency as presence. American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 18(3),
1-17.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3700. Walsh,
R. (1998). Wild and wilder. (wild rice). Natural History, 107(7), 82
(4).
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct
1999 search
Abstract: Wild rice, an American' popular cereal, is the only cereal
well-documented for food uses. The Ojibway Indians still harvest the wild rice,
which grows in Mallard Lake and other lakes and rivers of Minnesota. It is
harvested in a deliberately inefficient manner by two people who work together
in a canoe. The crop is shrinking because of the introduction of excess
nutrients to the water, boat traffic, and pollution.
3701. Walter
Butler Company, & Minnesota. Division of Minerals. (1978). Peat
utilization and the Red Lake Indian Reservation . [St. Paul] : Distributed
by the State of Minnesota, Dept. of Natural Resources.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 4123709
Abstract: "This Technical Assistance Study was accomplished by
professional consultants under contract with the Minnesota Department of
Natural Resources." "The work represented by this report was
conducted in 1977 and 1978 under the terms of Requisition Number 13657 by and
between the State of Minnesota, Department of Natural Resources and the Walter
Butler Company, 175 Aurora Avenue, St. Paul, Minnesota 55103." Minn. doc.
no. 78-0376. Includes bibliography.
3702. Walworth,
E. H. (Ellen Hardin), 1858-1932. (1890). The life and times of Kateri
Tekakwitha the Lily of the Mohawks.
1656-1680. Buffalo: P. Paul & brother.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (Fall 1999 search)
3703. Ward-Callaghan,
L. (1995). Manabozho's Gifts: Three Chippewa Tales (book reviews). Booklist,
91(14), 1324 (1).
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct
1999 search
Abstract: Gr. 4-7 younger for reading aloud. Incorporating elements from
Algonquin, Menominee, and Ojibwa legends, Greene introduces the shape-shifter
hero Manabozho, known as Nanbozho, Hiawatha, or Manabush in similar tales. The
philosophy of living in harmony with nature that is central to Manabozho's
adventures combines the appeal of pourquoi tales, magic, and talking animals.
In these three stories, Manabozho becomes a rabbit to bring fire to his people,
learns to cultivate wild rice during a vision quest, and restores the balance
of nature when the animals ignore the disappearing wild rose. Complemented by
dramatic black-and-white stylized illustrations, reminiscent of scratchboard or
woodcuts, Greene's adaptations are accessible to independent readers yet
contain evocative phrasing that marks them as good read-alouds for any age
group. The bibliography and source notes provide both young and adult readers
with material to extend their study of Manabozho.
Full Text COPYRIGHT American Library Association 1995
3704. (1973).
Washington, D.C.: Commission on Civil Rights.
Notes: ERIC NO: ED086428
Abstract: The handbook helps American Indians and Alaskan Natives learn about
their rights under the Bureau of Indian Affairs General Assistance (GA) welfare
program. This program is run by the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) and is only
for Alaskan Natives and Indians in 15 states: Alaska, Arizona, Colorado
(Southern Ute Reservation only), Idaho, Minnesota (Red Lake Reservation only),
Mississippi, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Mexico, North Carolina, North
Dakota, Oklahoma, South Dakota, and Wyoming. The handbook tells the reader
where to look in the GA part of the BIA Manual, Section 3.1, to find the rights
mentioned in the handbook. It also tells the number of the Bureau's rule on a
subject for further reference. This handbook covers 5 main areas with subtopics:
(1) welfare programs and definitions; (2) who can get GA and how to get it; (3)
GA payments; (4) BIA decisions, records, and appeals; and (5) other programs,
such as food programs and legal advice. (FF)
3705. Ward,
M. B. (1971). Caughnawaga yesterday and today : curriculum unit for grade
two . La Macaza, Que. Thunderbird
Press.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (Fall 1999 search), At head of title: Social
studies. On cover: Caughnawaga Curriculum Development Project. Half-title:
Curriculum unit prepared and published by the
Native North American Studies Institute, Manitou College for the Department of Indian Affairs and
Northern Development. For use in schools. Bibliography: leaf 10. Montour, Doris K. Caughnawaga Curriculum
Development Project. Native North American Studies Institute. Manitou Community
College, La Macaza, Que. Canada. Dept. of Indian Affairs and Northern Development.
3706. Ward,
R. H., Redd, A., Valencia, D., Frazier, B., & Paabo, S. (1993). Genetic and
Linguistic Differentiation in the Americas. Proceedings of the National
Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 90(22), 10663-10667.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: The relationship between linguistic differentiation and evolutionary
affinities was evaluated in three tribes of the Pacific Northwest. Two tribes
(Nuu-Chah-Nulth and Bella Coola) speak Amerind languages, while the language of
the third (Haida) belongs to a different linguistic phylum-Na-Dene. Construction
of a molecular phylogeny gave no evidence of clustering by linguistic
affiliation, suggesting a relatively recent ancestry of these linguistically
divergent populations. When the evolutionary affinities of the tribes were
evaluated in terms of mitochondrial sequence diversity, the Na-Dene-speaking
Haida had a reduced amount of diversity compared to the two Amerind tribes and
thus appear to be a biologically younger population. Further, since the
sequence diversity between the two Amerind-speaking tribes is comparable to the
diversity between the Amerind tribes and the Na-Dene Haida, the evolutionary
divergence within the Amerind linguistic phylum may be as great as the
evolutionary divergence between the Amerind and Na-Dene phyla. Hence, in the New
World, rates of linguistic differentiation appear to be markedly faster than
rates of biological differentiation, with little congruence between linguistic
hierarchy and the pattern of evolutionary relationships. [References: 28]
3707. Warner,
J. A. (1990). Nature and Spirit in Contemporary Native Manitoba Painting. American
Indian Art Magazine, 15(2), 38.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Abstract: Illustrates and discusses the paintings of three groups of Ojibwa,
Cree and Canadian Sioux artists who are either from or are now living in
Manitoba, Canada.
3708. Warren,
W. W. (1957). History of the Ojibwa Nation. Minneapolis: Ross and
Haines, Incorporated.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers
(1967:103), "Bibliography"
3709. Warren,
W. W. (1885). History of the Ojibway People.
Notes: Source: cited by Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
Source: cited by Loew, Patty (Fall 1997)
3710. Warren,
W. W. (1984). History of the Ojibway People. St. Paul: Minnesota
Historical Societiy Press.
Notes: Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)
Source: Family Studies Database [University of Minnesota onlinedatabases],
August 1999 search
Abstract: Ojibway customs, family life, totemic system, hunting methods,
relations with other tribal groups, and with whites are vividly described in
this book, which was first published in 1885. The son of a white settler and an
Ojibway woman, the author recorded the oral traditions of the Ojibway Indians
of the upper Mississippi and Lake Superior regions. Copyright, National Council
on Family Relations (NCFR) 1992
3711. .
(1885). W. W. WarrenHistory of the Ojibways (pp. 21-394).
Notes: Source: bibliography in Ritzenthaler and Ritzenthaler (1970)
3712. Warren,
W. W. (1947). Answers to inquiries regarding Chippewas. Minnesota
Archaeologist, XIII, 5-21, port.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3713. Warren,
W. W. (1946). A brief history of the Ojibwas. Minnesota Archaeologist, XII,
45-91.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search, "Reprinted from ... "The Minnesota
Democrat", February 11, 18, 25, March 4, 11, 25, and April 1, 1851."
3714. Warren,
W. W. (1885). History of the Ojibways, based upon traditions and oral
statements. Collections of the Minnesota Hist. Soc, 29-394.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3715. Warren,
W. W. (1852). Oral traditions respecting the history of the Ojibwa nation. H.
R. SchoolcraftInformation respecting the history, etc. of the Indian tribes of the U.S Vol. Part II (pp.
135-167).
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3716. Warren,
W. W. (1946). Sioux and Chippewa wars. Minnesota Archaeologist, XII,
95-107.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3717. Wasescha,
B. E. Comparison of American-Indian, Eskimo, Spanish-American, and Anglo
youthful offenders on the Minnesota Counseling Inventory. Unpublished
doctoral dissertation, 1971, The University of Utah.
3718. Washburn,
W. E., 1925- . (1966). Symbol, utility, and aesthetics in the Indian fur trade.
Minnesota History, 40, 198-202, illus., port., bibliographical
footnotes.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 19363332
3719. Watrous,
B. G. (1949). A personality study of Ojibwa children. Unpublished
doctoral dissertation, Northwestern University.
3720. Wax,
M. (1963). American Indian education as a cultural transaction. Teachers
College Record, 64.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers
(1967:103), "Bibliography"
3721. Wax,
M., & Wax, R. (1963). Formal education in an Indian community. Society for the Study of Social Problems,
University of South Carolina.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers
(1967:103), "Bibliography"
3722. Wax,
M. L. (1991). The ethics of research in American Indian communities. American
Indian Quarterly, 15(4), 431-456.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota Bioethics electronic database, Fall 1999
search
3723. Wax,
M. L., 1922- , Wax, R. H., & Bee, R. L. (1965). Indian communities and
Project Head Start : summary and observations in the Dakotas and Minnesota .
Washington, D.C. U.S. Office of
Economic Opportunity.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 10604790
3724. "We
Can Not Get a Living as We Used To": Dispossession and the White Earth
Anishinaabeg, 1889-1920. ( APR 01 1991). Meyer, Melissa L. The American
Historical Review, v 96 (n 2 ), 368.
Notes: Source: UnCover
3725. Weast,
D. E. (1970). Patterns of drinking among Indian youth: the case of a
Wisconsin tribe. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of
Wisconsin--Madison.
3726. Weatherford,
J. (1988). Indian givers: how the Indians of the Americas transformed the
world. New York: Crown Publishers, Inc.//Fawcett Columbine.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)
3727. Weberg,
H. O. (1963). The role of education in the social, cultural, and economic
development of the Indian community . Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
St. Cloud State College.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 7827137
3728. Webster,
M. L. (1993). Storm in the Wind. Wild West, 6(2), 26.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Abstract: After fighting the Chippewa at Sugar Point, veterans of the recent
Cuban campaign said they "would rather fight the Spaniards than Indains
because the former can't run while the Indians can shoot with deadly aim and
run."
3729. Weiant,
C. W. (1960). Parapsychology and anthropology. Manas, 13(15), 1-2,
7-8. 14 refs.
Notes: Source: Parapsychology Abstracts International, Jun 1986:52
Abstract: Despite their opportunities to observe seemingly parapsychical
phenomena, anthropologists in general have been extremely reserved toward
occurences of this sort. The present
status of parapsychology is impressive, and "whre there is so much smoke,
there must be some fire." That the
anthropological field may be a rich one
for investigation along thse lines is suggested by a number of seemingly
parapsychical occurrences which the author reports, both from his own
observations and from those of a number of other outstanding anthropologists of
the past and present who have been exceptions to the ultra-conservative
attitude. Anthropologists should become acquainted with techniques of
parapsychological research in order to distinguish the real from the illusory,
for if these phenomena are genuine, there are certainly "exciting"
implications for anthropology.
"Only a few times in the history of civilization has an
intellectual challenge of this magnitude presented itself." --S.R.F./JP
3730. Weibel-Orlando,
J. (1984). Substance Abuse Among American Indian Youth: Continuing Crisis. Journal
of Drug Issues, 14(2), 313-335.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: Drug and alcohol abuse among American Indians was reviewed. (73
refs.) (Abstract by D. L. Thompson.)
3731. Weil,
R. H. (1989). Destroying a Homeland: White Earth, Minnesota. American Indian
Culture and Research Journal, 13(2), 69-95.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database,
August 1999 search
3732. Weil,
R. H. (1987). The loss of lands inside Indian reservations . A Cultural
geography of North American Indians
(pp. p. 149-171 : maps ; 23 cm.). Boulder, [Colo.] : Westview Press.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 18891692. Caption title. Includes bibliographical
references.
3733. Wein,
E. E. (1989). Nutrient intakes and use of country foods by Native Canadians
near Wood Buffalo National Park. Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
University of Guelph (Canada).
Abstract: The estimated frequency of use of 48 country foods (wild animals,
birds, fish and berries) was queried for 120 native Canadian (Indian and Metis)
households near Wood Buffalo National Park for a one-year period. Households
used country food on average 319 occasions per year. Large mammals (mainly
moose and caribou) predominated, followed by fish, berries, wild birds, and
small mammals. Other than berries, wild plant food was infrequently used. The
upper quintile of households reported frequency of country food use at
2$1/over2$ times the average. To examine nutrient intakes and food consumption
patterns, four 24-hour recalls were obtained from 178 native males and females
13 to 86 years of age. Mean calcium intakes were low for males and females of
all ages, while vitamin A and folate mean intakes were low for middle and older
adults, but not for young people. For the group as a whole, the probability of
inadequate intakes of calcium was 59%, vitamin A 49% and folate 44%. Compared
to infrequent users of country foods, frequent users obtained significantly
more protein, iron, phosphorus, riboflavin and niacin, and less fat per 1000
kcal (4180 kJ). Frequent users, however, obtained less calcium per 1000 kcal
(4180 kJ). Health beliefs and preferences for 22 country and store-bought foods
were examined using a Likert-type rating scale presented in pictorial format.
Believed best for health were country meats and fish, and store-bought fruits
and vegetables. Highest in preference were moose, bannock, caribou, orange
juice and apples. Generational differences in health beliefs were apparent for
9 of 22 foods, and in preference for 8 of 22 foods. The accuracy of recalled
portion size was examined separately among 61 northern college students. For
58% of the foods studied, 50% of individual estimates were within 20% of the
observed quantities. Hence nutrient intakes of individuals in this study derived
by recall should be interpreted with caution. Country foods make an important
contribution to nutrient quality of diets of native Canadians in the Wood
Buffalo National Park region, especially to diets of middle and older adults,
who consume more country food than young people.
3734. Weinert,
T. (1983). Fees and Compensation for Therapy in Foreign Populations. A
Contribution to Medical Ethics From the History of Medicine and Ethnomedical
Point of View. [German]. Clio Medica, 18(1-4), 113-129.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: The 'Human Relations Area Files' (Yale) have been looked through in
respect of the medical data on 220 peoples, tribes or ethnic groups. Concerning
our theme data for 162 ethnies (73.6%) were available. In 26 ethnies of 162
ethnies (16%) no compensation has been demanded but in 11 ethnies gifts were
accepted. Only 15 ethnies or less than 1/10 do not know any compensation for
therapy. Payment is mentioned with 144 ethnies (89%). This outspoken opinion of
the Ojibwa near the great lakes of Canada is widespread in the world: 'You
can't have anything for nothing'. (1932) In 55 ethnies (34%) a 'very high' fee
was paid, with another 47 ethnies (29%) a 'fair' fee was paid, this is
altogether about 2/3. In 21 ethnies (13%) only a 'small' fee was paid. With
another 30 ethnies (19%) the compensation could not be rated. In 43 ethnies
(27%) a fee was paid only in case of success, this is more than 1/4. 12 times
deposits are reported, this is especially common in central and southern
Africa. 4 times refusal of payment is reported. Recourse (Regress) was
positively absent in 9 ethnies but reported with 39 ethnies, this is 1/4 (24%).
In 24 ethnies (15%) the recourse turns out sometimes or mostly with the death
of the therapist, this is 1/6. This deadly recourse is obviously more common in
the New World. Simple recourse or recourse with strokes were reported with 25
ethnies (15%). Because mortal and non-mortal recourses were reported twice with
10 ethnies the total of recourses is 39. Recourse does not depend on any fee at
all. In the Middle East and in islamic Africa fees in general are small. There
is a tendency towards very high fees in the less civilized ethnic groups.
Typical in this respect is an observation in the bushnegroes of Guayana in
Latin-America, where with free medical aid the reputation of the (white) doctor
dwindles to the mind of everyone (1948).
(Abstract by: Author)
3735. Weinrath,
M. M. T. (1998). Explanations of drunk driving recidivism: an exploratory
analysis (sentencing). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of
Alberta (Canada).
Abstract: This dissertation investigates why people persist in drinking and
driving. Possible explanations were derived from specific deterrence, low
self-control and strain/stress theories and hypotheses were tested in an
integrated, exploratory model using official records (n = 692) and interview
data (n = 145) covering the period between 1989-1993. Recidivism was assessed
using new convictions and self-report data. Relationships between repeat drunk
driving and punishment, traits of low self-control, stress and coping resources
were explored in both bivariate and multivariate analyses. My investigation
provides some support for the notion that longer sentences will deter drunk
driving recidivism. More lenient sentences such as intermittent weekend and
fine default did not encourage recidivism. Perceived stress had a moderate
effect on the likelihood of repeat drunk driving. Registered Indians were
moderately more likely to drink and drive, while Metis did not exhibit greater
or lesser recidivism than the general population. Overall, results did not
support the general theory of crime. Generally, recidivism rates were lower
than this theory predicted. Contrary to predictions of the general theory, 'low
self-control' offenders were deterred, and stress did not have a differential
impact on them. Coping resources such as education, employment and social
support did not appear to reduce recidivism. The strongest and most consistent
recidivism predictors involved alcohol consumption. As a crime, drunk driving
is not as well-explained by traditional criminological theories as predatory
offences are. From a policy perspective, the results of this dissertation
suggest that drunk driving would be discouraged in some cases by longer
sentences. However, intermittent sentences appear to be used appropriately by
the courts for lower risk cases. Treatment programs focussing on stress
management, reduced alcohol consumption and specific drinking avoidance
strategies are recommended to reduce recidivism.
3736. Wellmann,
K. F. (1978). North American Indian Rock Art and Hallucinogenic Drugs. Journal
of the American Medical Association, 239, 1524-1527.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: It is proposed that the aboriginal rock paintings in 2 areas of North
America may have been produced by shamans while they were under the influence
of hallucinogenic agents derived from plants.
3737. Wellstone,
P. (1994 January). Ojibwe News, p. 1.
Notes: cited by Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
[reprint from Bemidji Pioneer]
In this article concerning allegations of casino fraud,
reprinted with permission from the Bemidji Pioneer, Wellstone is also
quoted, "The concern that some have is that Indian people have a right to
know how much money is brought in and spent is absolutely true."
3738. Welsh,
J. D., Cassidy, D., Prigatano, G. P., & Gunn, C. G. (1974). Chronic Hepatic
Encephalopathy Treated With Oral Lactose in Patient With Lactose Malabsorption.
New England Journal of Medicine, 291, 240-241.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: Oral lactose administration proved beneficial in a 42-year-old
American Indian with documented lactose malabsorption who was admitted to a
hospital with hepatic encephalopathy.
3739. Westermeyer,
J. (1972). Chippewa and Majority Alcoholism in the Twin Cities: a Comparison. Journal
of Nervous & Mental Disease, 155(2), 322-327.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
3740. Westermeyer,
J. (1972). Options Regarding Alcohol Use Among the Chippewa. American Journal
of Orthopsychiatry, 42(3), 398-403.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
3741. Westermeyer,
J., & Brantner, J. (1972). Violent Death and Alcohol Use Among the Chippewa
in Minnesota. Minnesota Medicine, 55(8), 749-752.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
3742. Westermeyer,
J. J. (1971). Alcohol related problems among Ojibway people in Minnesota: a
social psychiatry study. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of
Minnesota.
3743. Westin,
J. E. (1977). [Official handbook for heritage hunters] Finding your roots :
how every American can trace his ancestors, at home and abroad . New York:
Ballantine Books.
Notes: Includes index. Bibliography: p. 225-228.
cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
3744. Westwood,
C. (Assistant Solicitor).
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995), worked for the B.I.A. at Red Lake
3745. Weygant,
N. (1987). John (Jack) Linklater : legendary Indian game warden .
Duluth, Minn. Priory Books, St.
Scholastica Priory.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 17733499. Other:
Wirta, Anna.
3746. .
(1994). R. Whaley, W. Bresette, & W. LaDukeWalleye warriors: an
effective alliance against racism and for the earth . Philadelphia: New
Society Publishers.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XL (1995:176)
3747. Wheeler,
C. J. (1975). The Oxford House pictograph: or the May May Quah Sao are alive
and well at Oxford House. Canada. National Museum of Man, Ottawa. Ethnology
Division. Paper, 2(28), 699-714.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3748. Wheeler,
G. A., Glaser, P. H., Gorham, E., Wetmore, C. M., Bowers, F. D., &
Janssens, J. A. (1983). The Flora of the Red Lake Peatland, Northern Minnesota
(USA), With Special Attention to Carex. American Midland Naturalist, 110(1),
62-96, bibl., il.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Source: University of Minnesota Biological & Agricultural Index [electronic
database], Fall 1999 search
Abstract: The Red Lake Peatland, situated in north-central Minnesota, is the
largest continuous mire in the northern portion of the contiguous United
States. It consists of a mixture of ombrotrophic bogs and minerotrophic fens
organized into a complex of highly distinctive landforms, including open bogs,
wooded bogs, Sphagnum lawns, strings, flarks, fen-pools and wooded islands. The
bogs are poor in species and occupy acid sites with water poor in mineral
salts; the minerotrophic areas are floristically richer and can be divided into
poor- and rich-fen sites. Ditching and roadbuilding in certain portions of the
peatland have produced drastic changes in the vegetation and landscape as a
result of obstructed water tracks flooding upstream and drying out downstream.
The peatland, which occupies a large area of gentle slope and poor drainage,
has a flora that is relatively impoverished. In all, 331 plant taxa were
recorded from the mire, including 195 vascular plants, 67 bryophytes and 69
lichen taxa. Members of the Cyperaceae account for 23% of the vascular flora,
and the largest genus in the mire is Carex with 29 spp. Each landform feature
is distinctive in its floristic composition, and the vascular and nonvascular
taxa associated with the different physiographic features are discussed. This
paper provides an account of Carex in the peatland and discusses the
differential response by members of the genus to gradients of nutrition,
shading and hydrology. Some carices grow best under acid conditions, thus
frequenting ombrotrophic and poor-fen sites, whereas other species grow best in
rich-fen sites. Carex spp. useful in separating areas of ombrotrophy from those
of poor fen are indicated, as are those carices that serve as obligate rich-fen
indicators. The floristic similarities between the Red Lake Peatland and 14
other peatlands in North America and northern Europe are discussed, and the
ombrotrophic bog flora of the Red Lake Peatland is compared to the bog floras
of the Hudson Bay lowlands and northern Fennoscandia.
3749. Wheeler
Land and Loan Company. (1910). Polk and Red Lake County lands in the famous
Red River Valley : lands in Polk, Red Lake and adjoining counties sold on easy
terms and at a low rate of interest by Wheeler Land & Loan Co., Crookston,
Minnesota. Crookston [Minn.] : Normann Print. Co.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 19214676
3750. Wheeler-Voegelin,
E. (1978). Chippewa Indians V.
Garland Publishing, Incorporated.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
3751. Wheeler-Voegelin,
E. (1942). Notes on Ojibwa-Ottawa pictography. Indiana Academy of Science,
Indianapolis. Proceedings, 51, 44-47.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3752. .
(1974). E. Wheeler-Voegelin, 1903- , & H. Hickerson, 1923- The Red Lake
and Pembina Chippewa . New York: Garland Pub. Inc.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), Indian Claims Commission docket 18-A,
defendant's exhibit 127.
Source: PALS online catalog (October 1999 search)
Bibliography: p. 225-230
3753. Whelan,
M. K. (1987). The archaeological analysis of a nineteenth-century Dakota
economy (Sioux, fur trade, Minnesota). Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
University of Minnesota.
3754. Whelan,
M. K. (1988). The archaeological analysis of a nineteenth-century Dakota
economy (Sioux, fur trade, Minnesota). Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
University of Minnesota.
Abstract: In this study I examine the faunal assemblage from the Little Rapids
Site (21-SC-27), an historic Dakota Indian village located on the Minnesota
River approximately 30 miles southwest of Minneapolis. Archaeological
excavations conducted in 1980 and 1981 produced a large quantity of materials
of European and Native American manufacture, as well as more than 32,000 faunal
remains. Using both ethnohistoric information and archaeological data, I
investigate the 19th century fur trade relationship between the Dakota people
living at Little Rapids and the local Euroamericans working for the American
Fur Company. From the historic and ethnographic data I argue that the Dakota
Indians were in control of production in both their subsistence economy and in
their fur trade dealings with the American Fur Company. In contrast to many
descriptions of Indian - White fur trade relations, I suggest that the Dakota
set the cultural rules for exchange and also established the level of fur trade
production based on their cultural values, which emphasized generosity and
redistribution. The role of the American Fur Company, despite John Jacob
Astor's best efforts, was primarily one of distributor. The archaeological data
from the Little Rapids Site supports these conclusions. Quantitative
zooarchaeological techniques were used in the analysis of the faunal assemblage
and the results demonstrate that an intact, subsistence economy was functioning
at Little Rapids. Fur trade production was limited, and took place during
months when traditional subsistence activities would not have been disrupted.
3755. Whipp,
K. (Carleton Univ., Ottawa, Ontario (Canada). School of Social Work). (1988).
Traditional and Current Status of Indian Women: Keys to Analysis and Prevention
of Wife Battering on Reserves. Carleton Univ., Ottawa, Ontario (Canada). School
of Social Work.
Notes: Source: Black Studies Database [University of Minnesota online database]
August 1999 search
Abstract: This paper explores the traditional status of Indian women with
particular reference to wife beating. General trends as well as several
individual cultures, Iroquois, Haida, Ojibwa, and Micmac, are examined. A
response to 3 recent studies on the problem is presented. The rationale for
focusing on "status of women" as the primary cause of wife abuse is
discussed. Suggestions for further study and possible preventative strategies
also are highlighted, and a bibliography is included
3756. Whipple,
H. B., 1822-1901. (1898 February). New York? N.Y.
Notes: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 13733276. Title from caption. "From The
Churchman, Feb. 26, 1898."
3757. White,
B. M. (1994). Encounters With Spirits - Ojibwa and Dakota Theories About the French
and Their Merchandise. Ethnohistory, 41(3), 369-405.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: Early accounts of Indian-French interaction record that native
peoples called the French esprits, or spirits. Evidence from the Ojibwa and
Dakota of the western Great Lakes and Upper Mississippi corroborates this
often-repeated statement and suggests that it was based on native admiration
for French technology. Although the Ojibwa and Dakota appear to have desired
different kinds of French goods, both groups used words that indicate they
believed that French technology was beyond the power of ordinary human beings
and that the French themselves had nonhuman power. While greeting the French
with rituals ordinarily used in dealing with nonhuman beings of power may
suggest that nonutilitarian goods were the main interest of the Dakota and
Ojibwa, these people in fact appreciated French technology for its many
applications to their lives, including religion and subsistence. Categorizing
objects as either utilitarian or nonutilitarian seems irrelevant in these two
native contexts. [References: 86]
3758. White,
B. M. (1995). The Ojibwa of Western Canada, 1780-1870 - Peers,L. American
Indian Culture & Research Journal, 19(3), 269, 272.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
3759. White,
B. M. (1999). The Woman Who Married a Beaver: Trade Patterns and Gender Roles
in the Ojibwa Fur Trade. Ethnohistory, 46(1), 109-147.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: The Southwestern Ojibwa (Anishinaabeg) participated in the fur trade
from the seventeenth century until recent times, trading animal skins and other
items to obtain a variety of European goods that they valued. Many descriptions
of the fur trade suggest that it consisted of fur-merchandise exchanges between
European men and native men, with women playing a largely subsidiary role. In
fact, trade among the Ojibwa was never exclusively a trade of furs for
merchandise, nor was direct trade the only form of transaction between the
Ojibwa and fur traders. Men were the major participants in trade ceremonies and
were recipients of credit from traders-the means through which most furs were
exchanged. Given the flexibility of Ojibwa gender roles, women sometimes
participated in these trade transactions. However, the major role of women in
the trade was as suppliers of food and supplies, commodities that were
exchanged in barter transactions. These other commodities provided women with
many opportunities to participate in the trade. Women also exerted control over
the trade as marriage partners for traders. All these roles for women in the
trade were reflective of Ojibwa belief that women's roles were ultimately
shaped by spiritual power rather than any gender category based solely on a
rigid division of labor. [References: 94]
3760. White,
B. M. (1994). Encounters with Spirits: Ojibwa and Dakota Theories about the
French and Their Merchandise. Ethnohistory, 41(3), 369.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database,
August 1999 search
3761. White,
B. M. (1999). The Woman Who Married a Beaver: Trade Patterns and Gender Roles
in the Ojibwa Fur Trade. Ethnohistory, 46(1), 109-147.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Source: http://www.webofscience.com/CIW.cgi -- subject search on all indexes,
Fall 1999
3762. .
(1977). B. M. 1. WhiteThe Fur Trade in Minnesota: an introductory guide to
manuscript sources . St. Paul, MN: Minnesota Historical Society.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
Includes index.
3763. White,
B. M. (1995). Familiar faces: the photographic record of the Minnesota
Anishinaabeg (volumes I aned II) (Ojibwa). Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, University of Minnesota.
Notes: The Anishinaabeg or Ojibwe of Minnesota are part of a wide-ranging
people, known also as the Chippewa or Saulteurs. They first encountered
Europeans in the 17th century. Since the mid-19th century the Minnesota
Anishinaabeg have been recorded by a variety of white photographers, including
both professionals and amateurs. The resulting photographs provide a rich and
varied record. These images have often been used as illustrations, but the
process through which they were produced and specific details in the images
have never been described in much detail. Although not usually understood in
this way, photography can best be understood not as the imposition of a photographer's
will on a passive subject, but rather as an interaction, a negotiation in which
photographer and subject together produce a symbolic record of their encounter.
This study argues that by examining the photographic process in detail a rich
range of historical information is revealed. When details of the encounter are
examined carefully they lead to a better appreciation of personal, family, and
community experiences, and a more complete cultural history. While this work
begins with a description of the continuity between artistic traditions and
photography, it classifies the work of photographers according to the space in
which the photographs were made: a spectrum of possibilities with the
photographer's studio at one extreme and the homes of Anishinaabeg at the
other. In between are a variety of spaces including important white cities,
small towns, Indian agencies and the public spaces on reservations. In such
spaces photographers and subjects met to make photographs together. In one
chapter the photographic record of Lake Lena, a small community in Pine County
Minnesota are examined in terms of community history and the personal
experiences of the photographers. Included is an examination of the family
photographs of Lake Lena families, photographs which give a different view of
Anishinaabeg history from that recorded by white photographers. The work
concludes with an evaluation of the entire photographic record based on a
variety of Anishinaabeg models of the meaning and use of images.
3764. .
(1979). D. White, 1900- , & P. T. HoulihanReminiscences of Dan White,
Leech Lake band of the Minnesota Chippewa tribe .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 22891946
3765. White
Eagle. (1949). Ceremony of blood-brother [among the Chippewa]. Native Voice,
III(1), 8.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3766. White
Eagle, J. P. (1984). Teaching scientific inquiry and the Winnebago Indian
language (Wisconsin). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Harvard
University.
Abstract: The Analytic Paper proposes a learning concept which focuses on a
curriculum of ten lessons in Winnebago Grammar with the following two purposes:
(1) that of providing a model which could be used to give a local language,
such as Winnebago, a position of importance and integrity in the education of
members of the local community, and (2) that of providing a model according to
which the grammar of a language can be used to give students experience in
rational inquiry. Section 1 of the paper gives the rationale for this concept
of learning which includes discussions of the Winnebago, my motivation for the
study and the status of Indian languages today. This includes a discussion of
literature on the methods of rational inquiry and discovery as an approach to
learning. Section 2 enumerates the objectives of the ten lessons. Section 3
gives a description and an analysis of field testing of selections from the
lessons with elementary school students in a school near Winnebago Indian
community. Section 4 describes a proposal for teacher training. Section 5
contains the ten illustrative lessons. The lessons are in the form of
student-teacher dialogues in which problems of Winnebago grammar appearing in
short conversational texts are learned by the students and discussed. This mode
of presentation was chosen to illustrate how students will discover for
themselves the principles of Winnebago grammar. This gives students opportunity
to enter into rational inquiry and hypothesis formation. The curriculum
represents original research on the Winnebago Indian language which was
completed at Harvard with the careful guidance of a linguist from the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology who assisted me in looking at my native
language. The lessons do not represent a comprehensive study of the language,
but they do represent significant inquiry and research into the language. It is
also significant that the research process used to examine the data of the
language exemplifies the methodology proposed for this learning concept.
3767. White,
E. G., & Knudson, B. ([undated]). Education and the disadvantaged child.
Minneapolis: Training Center for Community Programs, University of Minnesota.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers
(1967:103), "Bibliography"
3768. .
(1976). J. L. White, & COMPAS (editor), Angwamas minosewag Anishinabeg :
Time of the Indian [special Bicentennial issue] . St. Paul, Minn.: COMPAS.
Notes: Source: PALS Online Catalog (November 1999 search)
Abstract: Poetry, stories, legends, recipes, pictures, and essays about their
lives, from Indian children in Minnesota.
3769. .
(1979). M. White, 1916- , & B. SimonReminiscences of Mary White, Leech
Lake band of the Minnesota Chippewa tribe .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 22891948
3770. White,
P. M. (1998). The Native American Sun Dance Religion & Ceremony: An
Annotated Bibliography. Greenwood
Publishing Group, Incorporated.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
3771. White,
T. C. (1945 February). [Letter to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, & carbon
copy to Tom Cain, Ponemah].
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
3772. White,
T. C. (1945 March). [Letter to Commissioner of Indian Affairs].
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
3773. Whitefeather,
G. (1986 September). Pioneer.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
3774. Whitefeather,
G., & Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1986). Europeans brought Bemidji's
crime problem with them. Bemidji Pioneer.
Abstract: TO THE EDITOR:
Mr. Ryan discretely labels Indian people as “sociological factors” in his
August 26 letter to the editor but then proceeds to make it quite clear that he
is blaming Indians for Bemidji’s crime.
Perhaps Ryan is ignorant of the facts.
A close, unbiased and impartial look at history makes it unmistakably clear
that the “sociological factors” which Ryan so coyly refers to are white imports
from feudal Europe. Before our
unwritten immigration laws allowed Europeans to empty their prisons onto this
continent, Indian people had no crime.
We did not have, nor need, prisons, jails, police. We did not need to lock our doors. There wasn’t a lock or a chain on this
continent until whites imported them to fill the needs of their own criminal
culture. The other “classical
sociological factors” that Ryan refers to: alcoholism and drug abuse,
unemployment, AFDC and truancy (“truancy laws” are cultural genocide—forcing
children into an alien culture) are also white imports.
The reason, plain and simple, that the city of Bemidji has such a high crime
rate, is that Bemidji is the child of a crime-ridden European culture, and the
city itself is founded on heinous criminal acts: genocide, ethnocide, and land
and resource thefts from Indian people totalling billions of dollars. The is the foundation—the “cause”—of your
crime. White people way, “as the twig
is bent, so it will grow.” Indian
people say, “The Circle comes around.”
What both of these sayings mean is that the root of your crime rates is
as old as the roots of your criminal nation.
Your history books are gilded propaganda, one-sided lies from beginning to
end. Just a few examples will probably
suffice:
THE BOSTON TEA PARTY: Armed dissident, Christian tax-evaders dressed up
like Indians to destroy government property.
Indian disguises are an old white tradition.
Maybe the F.B.I.’s “under-cover” operations have their roots in U.S.
Cavalry agents dressing up like Indians to kill unsuspecting white pioneers,
providing the “justification” for “punitive raids” on Indians to steal the rest
of our land and murder our women and children.
THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR: United States of America’s high crime rates go
back to Valley Forge. Ragged desperado
dissidents, having rousted the British, proceeded to break every treaty that
had ever been written and wage a war of genocide against the American Indian
people of the Eastern Seaboard. Whole
tribes—five major linguistic groups—were annihilated.
The motive was greed. The land that was
stolen was used as collateral to print money.
The land stolen from the Five Civilized Tribes was used to underwrite
the Louisiana purchase. The Trail of
Tears and the legislation authorizing expenditure of $15 million (from a
country that was bankrupt 20 years earlier) were actually part of the same
Congressional Act. The land stolen by
breaking the Ft. Laramie Treaty was used to finance the Alaska purchase.
The European criminals let out of prison to become “American colonials” arrived
on the shores of our land impoverished.
Less than 200 years later, these white transients had stolen an entire
continent, murdered most of the original owners and concocted a vision that
they were “God’s Chosen People” under the doctrine of Manifest Destiny. MANIFEST DESTINY is glossed over lightly in your history
books. If Ryan is concerned about
“crime in Bemidji,” he should read it.
Manifest Destiny is a Christian doctrine of rabid bigotry and unbridled
greed. And it’s the doctrine of world
conquest which Adolf Hitler used as a model for the Third Reich.
MISSIONARIES: In violation of U.S. Constitutional provisions of
“separation of Church and State,” these parasitic fifth-columnists were paid by
the U.S. Government (with stolen Indian money) to destroy traditional Indian
culture, language, religion, and social order.
The “classical sociological factors” to which Ryan so glibly refers were
“given” to Indian people by these missionaries, by the U.S. Government, along
with such gifts as smallpox, tuberculosis, syphilis, diabetes, and
starvation. (The U.S. Army was the
first to use germ warfare. They used it
against Indian people.)
Ryan claims that the Bureau of Indian Affairs Police (run by the Justice
Department, which also runs the FBI) is “stable, professional,
non-political.” The BIA evolved from
the War Department—an occupying army for “conquered” Indian Nations. Perhaps Ryan means “stable, professional,
non-political” in the same vein as Senator Dawes (of the Dawes Allotment Act
and Public Law 280) did when he lobbied successfully for a “stable,
professional, non-political” agency, the BIA to oversee “a permanent solution”
to the “Indian problem.” We are still
talking about crime: Senator Dawes engineered a land theft of billions of acres
of Indian land, advocated—and enacted—genocide, and played a causal role in the
Wounded Knee Massacre.
To Indian people, the BIA police are definitely political. As Commissioner of Indian Affairs price
described the just-established BIA police and courts systems in 1881, “a power
entirely independent of the Chief. It
weakens, and will finally destroy the power of tribes and bands.” The structure, function and organization of
these “non-political” agencies hasn’t changed since 1881.
Before Ryan criticizes the tribal council (which is powerless under the 1858
Constitution which the “non-political” BIA forced on us), he should look
closely at the low pay, lack of fringe or retirement benefits and other racist
employment practices of the BIA Police.
If Ryan wants to write about crime rates in the Bemidji area, he should look at
unreported, unprosecuted (possibly even “legal” under your apartheid laws)
white-collar crimes committed against Indian people: the Red Lake Mill run into
bankruptcy by the “stable, professional” BIA; the theft of billions of dollars
worth of Red Lake Indian land on the Northwest Angle; Indian money held “in
trust”—without interest—in the U.S. Treasury, etc. (He could write a very long
book.)
Ryan complains about the lack of jail space.
Bemidji whites know that they are living on stolen Indian land. They know that their economy is based on
stolen Indian resources. When a Bemidji
law enforcement officer sees an Indian, they want to lock him up—both for the
money that flows into the Bemidji law enforcement system, and because they want
to “lock up their consciences.”
Indian authors and Indian historians are coming. We will debunk the lies your history is founded on. Now, if I’ve made enemies, or if I’ve made
friends, so be it! This is the way I
see it.
George Whitefeather
Enrolled Member, Red Lake Band of Ojibway Indians
Red Lake
3775. Whiteford,
A. H. (1997). Floral Beadwork Of The Western Great Lakes. American Indian
Art Magazine, 22(4), 68.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Abstract: Illustrates several examples of the most common forms of early
twentieth-century Great Lakes beadwork, and discusses their design and
execution.
3776. Whiteford,
A. H. (1991). Mystic and Decorative Art of the Anishinabe. Arctic
Anthropology, 28(n 1), 74.
Notes: Source: UnCover
3777. Whiteford,
A. H. (1991). Mystic and decorative art of the Anishinabe (Chippewa/Ojibwa). Arctic
Anthropology, 28(1), 74-83.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3778. Whiteford,
A. H. (1982). The wild rice harvest. Four Winds, 3(10), 42-50, ill.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3779. Whiteford,
A. H., & Rogers, N. (1994). Woven Mats of the Western Great Lakes. American
Indian Art Magazineþ, 19(4), 58.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Abstract: Details the three basic types of mats used by tribes of the Great
Lakes--sewn mats, woven mats, and the more complex rush mats that combine the
techniques of weaving and twining.
3780. Whiting,
J. W. (1981). A glimpse of Indian warfare. Minnesota Archaeologist, 40(2),
89-92.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3781. Whitson,
K. J. (1994). Louise Erdrich's 'Love Medicine' and 'Tracks': a culturalist
approach (Native Americans, Ojibwa). Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
University of Missouri--Columbia.
Abstract: This dissertation is an analysis of two novels, Love Medicine (1984)
and Tracks (1988) by Louise Erdrich, a contemporary Native American writer of
Ojibwa descent. After an introductory chapter which establishes the historical
context of Erdrich's Ojibwa background and her rootedness in that culture,
chapter two demonstrates the ways in which Erdrich uses the structural devices
of an oral literature in her novels. I show that the achronological, circular
pattern of Love Medicine which manifests itself in an episodic rather than
causal and linear plot reflects stylistic and epistemological concerns of the
oral tradition. I also confirm the ways in which Erdrich engages the audience
in an interactive and co-creative relationship with the text. Chapter three
explores the mythic and legendary underpinnings of Erdrich's novels. There are
echoes of the Ojibwa Trickster, Nanabozho, in many of Erdrich's characters, but
they find their fullest expression in Gerry Nanapush in Love Medicine and old
Nanapush in Tracks. This chapter further discusses the role of the underwater
manitou, Misshepeshu, in Tracks, and the way this manitou has been usurped by
the Christian devil. In addition to the incorporation of Ojibwa myth, Erdrich
also weaves contemporary and historical legendary figures into her work. I argue
that Gerry Nanapush is a reconfiguration of Leonard Peltier and that Pauline
Puyat reflects the historical Kateri Tekakwitha. In chapter four I demonstrate
how Ojibwa ontology informs an understanding of Erdrich's work. I pay
particular attention to the traditional Ojibwa belief in soul-dualism,
especially as it relates to the deaths of June and Nector Kashpaw in Love
Medicine and to the spirit journeys of Eli, Pauline, and Fleur in Tracks. I
further look at visions and metamorphosis and the ways that they empower
characters. By placing Love Medicine and Tracks in the context of the oral
tradition and Ojibwa culture I offer an alternative reading of Erdrich's work.
3782. Whitson,
K. J. (1996). 'Ojibway Tales' - Johnston, B. [book review]. Studies in Short
Fiction, 33(1), 138-140.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Source: http://www.webofscience.com/CIW.cgi -- subject search on all indexes,
Fall 1999
Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999
search [review]
Abstract: Ojibway Tales is an excellent companion volume to Basil Johnston's
earlier Bison Book editions, Ojibway Ceremonies (1990) and Ojibway Heritage
(1990). While those volumes dealt with Ojibway mythic and cultural practices,
this new volume is Johnston's collection of fiction, formerly published as
Moose Meat and Wild Rice. In a gesture quite unlike the disclaimer in most
works of fiction, Johnston states in his epilogue that "All the stories
recounted in this book are true: all are based on events that have occurred.
(The names of the principals in the stories have been changed.)." So it is
not as a fictionist that Johnston spins his stories, but as a raconteur steeped
in the oral tradition. Indeed, most of his stories have a strong
"heard" quality that not only connects them to the oral tradition of
the Ojibway, but places them in literary kinship with Mark Twain and other such
tale-tellers of the last century.
The volume contains 23 stories divided into four sections: "The
Resourcefulness of the Moose Meat Point Ojibway," "Christianity,
Religion and Worship at Moose Meat Point," "Getting Along and Ahead
Outside the Reserve," and "With Housing, Education and Business . . .
Poof!. " The categories hint at the volume's themes, which are something
like this: Left alone, the Ojibway are resourceful and humorous people; the
intrusion of missionaries disrupted the traditional values and practices of
Ojibway life; the push for acculturation and assimilation created an awkward
displacement of the Ojibway on, and especially off, the reservation; and the
attempt of the government to "improve" and "elevate" the
Ojibway condition is largely an insulting and disastrous business.
Perhaps the funniest of six very funny stories in Part I is "Indian Smart:
Moose Smart." In this story, six Ojibway are returning home after a
disappointing hunting trip when they spy two moose in the water ahead. They
paddle furiously up to the moose and lasso them so as to get a free ride home
before they make an easy kill. The moose, however, change course and drag the
two canoes through the shoals and onto shore, overturning the people and
contents and splintering the canoes. The hunters are abashed at their
foolishness, and one sarcastically responds, "Yeah! If white man could
only see us now." The tone of this story is generous and humane because it
refuses to capitalize on the positive stereotypes of the Indian by white
society-the skillful hunter in harmony with nature, the compliance of natural
creatures to the will of the respectful hunter, and so forth. In later stories,
Johnston, an Ojibway himself, urges the reader to recognize the miscarriages of
justice in the interactions of white society with indigenous peoples, but to
his credit, he refuses here to burnish any stereotypes that offer only a cheap
and hollow reverence for the "noble savage."
The stories in Part II are especially pointed because they underscore the
spiritual blindness not of the "pagan" Ojibway, but of the Christian
missionaries. Here, the stories are satisfying in that the old traditionalist
Ojibways repeatedly outwit the reservation clerics.
In Part III, when the Ojibway leave the reservation to move into the outside
world, the humor is darker as the theme of blatant racism emerges. Still, even
in the most dangerous stories--"Don't Call Me No Name!" and
"Good Thing We Know Them People"--the spirit of survival humor is
sweetly evoked by Johnston.
Johnston caps his volume with a section on the inefficacious magic of
governmental promises. "A Sign of the Times" is a stunning
presentation of the red tape and legalese that tangles the simplest of tasks on
the reservation.
In spite of ample provocation to swipe broadly at white society, Johnston
achieves an ironic balance that is both biting and gentle and a tone that is
mildly tragic, but never self-pitying. He says that Ojibway Tales is
"intended primarily as an amusing account of Indian-white man
relationships." And it is that; but in claiming little for his
accomplishment, Johnston allows the reader to recognize the swirling torrents
of social commentary beneath the amusement.
Full Text COPYRIGHT 1996 Newberry College
3783. Whittaker,
G. People and politicians in a Chippewa community. Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, University of Minnesota.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers (1967:56)
3784. Widder,
K. R. (1989). Together as a family: Metis children's resonse to Evangelical
Protestants at the Mackinaw Mission, 1823-1837 (American Indian, Michigan).
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Michigan State University.
Abstract: In 1823 the Reverend William M. Ferry and his wife, Amanda, opened a
Protestant mission school for Indian children on Mackinac Island, Michigan. The
Ferrys and their associates intended to convert Indian students to evangelical
Christianity and to teach them the ways of Euro-American society. Only a few
tribal Indian children, however, actually boarded at the mission and attended
the school. Nearly all of the children were metis--youngsters who had a
Euro-American or a metis father and an Indian or metis mother. To understand
the relationship between metis families and evangelical missionaries, this
study analyzes the heritage of the metis children who enrolled in the school.
Scrutiny of the correspondence of missionaries, government agents, other
observers at Mackinac, and fur trade records leads to insights into the metis
as a group, and also into the larger fur-trade society which inhabited the
northwestern Great Lakes region in the early nineteenth century. The mission
emerges as part of a larger community in which the missionaries labored to
change the beliefs and ways of all the people living in that society. The met
is, too, had an agenda. Most of the children's fathers were either traders or
clerks in the fur trade; they wanted their sons and daughters to learn
Euro-American ways to assist them in adapting to changes confronting their
society so they would survive and thrive. The mission experience illuminates
the complex social relationships that developed as Euro-Americans, Indians, and
metis came together at Mackinac and in the Lake Superior country. The metis
children and their families shared many things with the New England
missionaries. This study delineates the region's social structure and shows how
that structure reacted to the changing economic, social, and political ways
which accompanied the westward advancement of Euro-American settlers. Because
of the cultural diversity present at the school, a middle ground developed
where the metis and the missionaries worked out accommodations with each other.
Above all else, this study shows that the metis must not be viewed as tribal
Indians, but as a distinct group of people.
3785. Wiger,
F. H. (1989). The impact of culturally-based services on the academic
performance of undergraduate American Indian students. Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, University of Minnesota.
3786. Wigg,
E. P. (1981). Organizing for social change: a case study in a rural native
American community . Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of
Wisconsin, Green Bay.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search)
3787. Wildcat,
D. F. (1995). Lac du Flambeau Family Resource Center an investigation of
Native American clients use and failure to return after the first visit .
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Wisconsin--Stout, Microfiche.
Menomonie, Wis. : UW-Stout, Library Learning Center, Micrographics Div., 1996.
2 microfiches ; 10 x 15 cm.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search). Includes bibliographical references.
3788. Wilford,
L. A. (1951). History of the Chippewa. Minnesota Archaeologiest, XVII(2),
2-20.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3789. Wilkins,
C. (1994). From the hands of a master. Canadian Geographic, 114(3), 64.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
3790. Wilkinson,
C. F. (1991). To Feel the Summer in the Spring: The Treaty Fishing Rights of
the Wisconsin Chippewa. Wisconsin Law Review, 1991(3), 375.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
3791. Wilkinson,
R. G. (1971). Prehistoric Biological Relationships in the Great Lakes Region. University of Michigan, Museum of
Anthropology, Publications Department.
Notes: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
3792. Willard,
E. V., & Meyer, A. E. (1922). Report on Red Lake flood control .
Minneapolis, Minn. Syndicate Printing
Co.
Notes: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 15490220
3793. Williams,
A. (1989). Gladys Taylor: a portrait. Canadian Woman Studies /Les Cahiers De
La Femme, 10(2/3), 21-24.
Notes: Source: Women’s Resources International [University of Minnesota online
database--Women's Studies Database], August 29, 1999 search
3794. Williams,
A. (1987). In her memory and in the spirit of our ancestors. Canadian Woman
Studies /Les Cahiers De La Femme, 8(3), 10-12.
Notes: Source: Women’s Resources International [University of Minnesota online
database--Women's Studies Database], August 29, 1999 search
3795. Williams,
A. (1989). Maria Seymour: native language instructors program. Canadian
Woman Studies /Les Cahiers De La Femme, 10(2/3), 75-78.
Notes: Source: Women’s Resources International [University of Minnesota online
database--Women's Studies Database], August 29, 1999 search
3796. Williams,
A. (1989). Spirit of my quilts. Canadian Woman Studies /Les Cahiers De La
Femme, 10(2/3), 49-54.
Notes: Source: Women’s Resources International [University of Minnesota online
database--Women's Studies Database], August 29, 1999 search
3797. Williams,
A. O. (1996). Piecing together: no stranger in the house. Journal of
Canadian Studies, 31(4), 144-159.
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct
1999 search
Abstract: An Anishinaabe artist and quiltmaker from Curve Lake First Nation,
Ontario, describes the influences that shaped her love for quiltmaking. Born of
a Caucasian father and an Anishinaabe mother, she both enjoyed the privileges
of being White and suffered the tauntings for her being an Indian. She showed
each of her parents' heritage by depicting traditional Anishinaabe art form and
imported quilting blocks her father gave her in her works. (Anishinaabe artist and quiltmaker Alice
Olsen Williams speech)(Transcript)
3798. Williams,
C. E. J. (1982). Indian control of Indian education in Ontario, Canada:
success or failure? Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Michigan State
University.
Abstract: An examination of present-day 'Indian Control of Indian Education'
throughout the province of Ontario is predicated on the success or failure of a
study conducted among the Ojibway of Manitoulin Island, the Chippewa and
Muncey-of-the-Thames, and the Ojibway of Serpent River. The study attempts to
document the problems that arise when two cultures characterized by divergent
philosophies interact with each other in the educational arena. Historical and
cultural factors are treated as major components influencing the ideology of
local control. It appears that solutions to local control necessitate action
and participation from within the Indian communities as a viable option. This
entails active grass-root participation and an awareness of the abuses by those
who are in control of the present educational system. 'Indian Control of Indian
Education' was given official recognition by the Minister of the Department of
Indian Affairs in February, 1973. It contains a statement of philosophy, goals,
principles, and directions which the writer has used as indicators to discuss
and evaluate the success or failure of the Bands under study. The dissertation
is an attempt to increase our understanding of what 'Indian Control of Indian
Education' is all about, viewed in a background of extraordinary 'diversity,'
and complexity of issues. Such problems as fiscal control, inappropriateness of
central management procedures, the lack of a sophisticated accountability
system, the need to define Indian education in terms of relevancy and parity,
all render impotent the concept of 'Indian Control of Indian Education,' making
necessary common ground-rules for all Bands.
3799. Williams,
E., Radin, N., & Coggins, K. (1996). Paternal Involvement in Childrearing
and the School Performance of Ojibwa Children - an Exploratory Study. Merrill-Palmer
Quarterly-Journal of Developmental Psychology, 42(4), 578-595.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: Ojibwa families (N = 17) were examined to determine the relationship
between quantity and quality of father involvement in childrearing and
children's academic and social school performance. Antecedents to involvement
were also explored. Data analyzed for the whole group and for males showed that
greater amount of time fathers spent as primary caregivers was associated with
higher academic achievement and better social development almost exclusively
for boys. Paternal nurturance was associated with poor academic functioning for
the total group and for boys, possibly because of problems created by the Angio-dominated
school the children attended Antecedents associated with more paternal
involvement included greater participation by the father's father in his
upbringing, suggesting a modeling paradigm in keeping with Native American
respect for elders. [References: 40]
3800. Williams,
E., Radin, N., & Coggins, K. (1996). Grandfather Involvement in
Childrearing and the School Performance of Ojibwa Children. Family
Perspective, 30(2), 161-183.
Notes: Source: Family Studies database [University of Minnesota onlinedatabase],
August 29, 1999 search
40 refs.; 4 illus.
Abstract: The relationship between quantity and quality of grandfather
involvement in rearing their grandchildren and the grandchildren's academic and
social school performance was examined. The subjects were 19 Ojibwa families in
the Bay Mills Indian Community, a reservation in Michigan, who were assessed
using the Paternal Involvement in Child Care Index as well as the Otis-Lennon
School Ability IQ and the Teacher's Report Form of the Child Behavior
Checklist. Results showed that the amount of grandfather involvement correlated
with the cognitive competence of the children, especially boys, and with
adaptive functioning particularly regarding American Indian values. Higher
levels of quantity and better quality of grandpaternal involvement in
childrearing was predicted by grandfather's greater social competence. The
authors discuss the results in terms of the traditional role of the grandfather
in American Indian families.
3801. Williams,
E., Radin, N., & Coggins, K. (1996). Paternal Involvement in Childrearing
and the School Performance of Ojibwa Children: An Exploratory Study. Merrill-Palmer
Quarterly, 42(4), 578.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Source: Family Studies database [University of Minnesota onlinedatabase],
August 29, 1999 search
Abstract: This study examined Ojibwa families (n = 17) of the Bay Mills Indian
Community in Michigan to determine the relationship between quantity and
quality of father involvement in childrearing and children's academic and
social school performance. Eligible families included a child in Head-start
through grade five (i.e., age 3-11). Antecedents to involvement were also
explored. Data analyzed for the whole group and for males showed that greater amount
of time fathers spent as primary caregivers was associated with higher academic
achievement and better social development, almost exclusively for boys.
Paternal nurturance was associated with poor academic functioning for the total
group and for boys, possibly because of problems created by the Anglo-dominated
school the children attended. Antecedents associated with more paternal
involvement included greater participation by the father's father in his
upbringing, suggesting a modeling paradigm in keeping with Native American
respect for elders.
3802. Williams,
E. L. (1995). Father and grandfather involvement in childrearing and the
school performance of Ojibwa children: an exploratory study. Unpublished
doctoral dissertation, The University of Michigan.
Abstract: This study of nineteen Ojibwa (Chippewa) families examined the
relationship between quantity and quality of father and grandfather involvement
in rearing their (grand)children (age 3-11) and the children's academic and
social school performance. Antecedents to increased involvement were also
explored. Data were analyzed for the whole group and for males. Among the
findings was that the amount of time father spent as a primary caregiver, but
not his overall involvement, was associated with greater academic achievement
and better social development for the group as a whole and for males. Data were
discussed in terms of Erickson's concept of generativity and Lamb's concept of
responsibility, one of the three components of fatherhood he delineated. There
were four antecedents associated with increased quantity of paternal
involvement including father's own father's greater participation in his
upbringing and higher paternal community leadership expectations for the child.
Findings also indicate that antecedents of paternal nurturance for the group as
a whole included father's own experience of having had a nurturant father. It
appears that these fathers, in keeping with the American Indian (AI) value of
respect for elders, model their behavior on that of their fathers. The amount
of grandfather involvement correlated with teacher ratings of adaptive
functioning in terms of AI values but not with Achenbach's Child Behavior Check
List ratings. Findings are discussed in terms of AI traditions regarding the
role of grandfather whose job it is to pass on traditional rules and behavioral
expectations to their grandchildren. For the total sample and for males the
antecedents (e.g., good health and
employment) of increased quantity and better quality of grandpaternal
involvement in child rearing all suggested grandfather's greater social
competence.
3803. Williams,
E., 1787-1858. (1859). Life of Te-ho-ra-gwa-ne-gen : alias Thomas Williams,
a chief of the Caughnawaga tribe of
Indians in Canada . Albany, N.Y.
J. Munsell.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (Fall 1999 search), 200 copies printed. This
copy no. 34. Introduction signed: Franklin B. Hough.
3804. Williams,
J. F.Memoir of William W. Warren. W. W. Warren (History of the Ojibway [sic]
People).
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
3805. .
(1979). J. Williams, 1928- , & H. T. HooverReminiscences of Johnson
Williams, Sisseton Indian of Minnesota .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23180033
3806. Williams,
K. B. (1997). The effects of background characteristics, social support, and
the self-concept on the Academic achievement of African-American,
American-Indian, Hispanic and Asian-American doctoral students (Native
American). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.
Abstract: The research investigated factors affecting the academic achievement
of African-American, Hispanic, American-Indian, and Asian-American doctoral students at the University of Minnesota.
The relationships between academic achievement and student background
characteristics, social support systems, and the self-concept were analyzed.
Graduate g.p.a. and doctoral degree status were indicators of academic
achievement in this study. It was hypothesized that students' ratings of social
support and students' of self-concept would be strongly correlated with and
highly predictive of academic achievement, while students' background
characteristics would be less strongly correlated with and less of academic
achievement for these four groups of doctoral
students. Two hundred and five doctoral students completed the 'Doctoral
Student Survey' which asked questions related to family and background
characteristics, ratings of self-concept and self-perceptions, perceptions of
the academic and social environments on campus, and perceptions of faculty,
administrators, and students. Background, social support, and self-concept
variables were entered into multiple regression analyses as independent
variables and were used to predict graduate g.p.a. and degree status. Results
indicated that background characteristics significant predictors of graduate
g.p.a. for African-American and Asian-American doctoral students and were
significant predictors of degree status for all but American-Indian doctoral
students. Ratings of social support were significant predictors of graduate
g.p.a. and degree status for all but American-Indian doctoral students. Ratings
of self-concept were significant predictors of graduate g.p.a. for all but
American-Indian doctoral students and were significant predictors of degree
status for only Hispanic doctoral students. Significant relationships were
found between academic achievement and student background characteristics,
ratings of social support, and ratings of self-concept for minority Ph.D.
candidates in this study. However, it seems most effective and appropriate for
colleges and universities to focus on issues related to social support when
developing interventions aimed at increasing the academic achievement of
minority Ph.D. candidates. Increasing the levels of social support available to
minority Ph.D. students should also enhance the levels of self-concept for
minority Ph.D. students and more likely lead to higher levels of academic
success for these doctoral students.
3807. Wilmer,
F. (1996). The White Earth Tragedy: Ethnicity and Dispossession at a Minnesota
Anishinaabe Reservation, 1889-1920 (book reviews). Ethnic and Racial
Studies, 19(3), 749 (2).
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct
1999 search
3808. Wilson,
E. M. (Eugene McLanahan), 1833-1890. (1890). Narrative of the First Regiment of
Mounted Rangers . detatched from Minnesota. Board of Commissioners on
Publication of History of Minnesota in Civil and Indian WarsMinnesota in the
Civil and Indian Wars, 1861- 1865
(p. [519]-542 ). St. Paul, Minn.
Printed for the State by the Pioneer Press Co.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 15690119. Minnesota
Board of Commissioners on Publications of History in the Civil and Indian Wars,
1861-1865. Caption title. Other: Minnesota. Board of Commissioners on
Publication of History of Minnesota in Civil and Indian Wars. Minnesota in the
Civil and Indian Wars, 1861- 1865 ... accession: 12271984 [giving date of
publication as 1891] ... accession: 12271966
3809. .
(1917). G. L. Wilson, 1868-1930Agriculture of the Hidatsa Indians; an Indian
interpretation . Minneapolis.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 15738903 ...
accession: 3236441
Abstract: "Bulletin of the University of Minnesota, November 1917."
"Maxidiwiac was the principal informant, and her account was taken down
almost literally as translated by Goodbird."--Forward. Author's doctoral
dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1916, but not published as a thesis.
3810. Wilson,
H. B. (Horace B.), 1821-1908. (1975). Reminiscences of the Indian war of
1862 lecture delivered...before the M.E. Literary Society, Red Wing, Minn. Red Wing, MN .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 15230315. Original
wrappers. An account of the action of the 6th regiment, Minnesota Infantry.
3811. Wilson,
P. S. (1996). Disputable truths: 'The American Stranger', television
documentary and Native American cultural politics in the 1950's (Blackfeet,
Salish Kootenai, Montana, Menominee, Wisconsin). Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, The University of Wisconsin--Madison.
Abstract: This interdisciplinary historical analysis--from a poststructuralist,
cultural studies perspective--examines the media's involvement in the cultural
politics of Native America during the postwar 'termination' period. Part I
reviews the journalism media's constructions of American Indian culture and
politics, culminating in the 1958 television production of NBC news department's
The American Stranger, a documentary harshly critical of the Eisenhower-era
Congressional policies and the Bureau of Indian Affairs. The broadcast focused
upon the Blackfeet, Flathead (Salish-Kootenai) and Menominee Tribes and
reservations in Montana and Wisconsin, providing the first national television
voice to indigenous Americans who were critical of federal policy. Part II
analyzes the responses to and reception of the documentary, focusing upon the
contested intercultural truths underlying the political controversy, the
ideological basis for the altruistic, Christian audience response, and the
regionalized grassroots activism in Montana that appropriated the documentary
and informally circulated the television film text as a tool for social change.
Part III provides a larger critical and cultural interpretation of the case of
The American Stranger. 'Defining Indianness' extricates discursive
constructions of race, ethnicity and nation, focusing on issues of civil and
human rights, tribal sovereignty and the legacy of whiteness. 'Television and
Its Publics: Shifting Formations in the Public Sphere' theorizes television's
ability to constitute and mobilize a temporary alliance of publics and
counterpublics, including various localized interests, into a national
political forum to effect public policy changes and humanitarian action. The
final chapter, influenced by critical ethnography, questions the political
effectivity of mainstream media representation and examines alternative
strategies used by Native Americans for self-representation. Methodologically,
this dissertation attempts to reconstruct the multiple and competing discourses
circulating about American Indians in the 1950s, focusing upon archival voices
from a wide range of sources, including tribal members, Christian activists,
legislators, bureaucrats, media producers and the general public. The project
also provides insight into the cultural and political implications of how we
research and write 'history,' supporting Foucault's notions about the existence
of institutionalized regimes of truth and the alternate sources of knowledge
and truth represented by less powerful social groups.
3812. Winchell,
A. N. (1898). Minnesota's northern boundary . in Collections of the
Minnesota Historical Society. Volume VIII.
St. Paul, Minn.: The
Minnesota Historical Society.
Notes: Source: PALS online catalog (October 1999 search)
Abstract: The international boundary between Lake Superior and the Lake of the Woods / by Ulysses
Sherman Grant -- The settlement and
development of the Red River Valley / by Warren Upham -- The discovery
and development of the iron ores of
Minnesota / by N.H. Winchell -- The origin
and growth of the Minnesota Historical Society / by Alex. Ramsey --
Opening of the Red River of the North
to commerce and civilization / by Russell Blakeley -- Last days of Wisconsin
territory and early days of Minnesota
territory / by Henry L. Moss -- Lawyers and courts of Minnesota prior to and during its territorial period / by
Charles E. Flandrau -- Homes and
habitations of the Minnesota Historical Society / by Charles E. Mayo --
The historical value of newspapers / by
J.B. Chaney -- The United States
government publications / by D.L. Kingsbury -- The first organized government of Dakota / by Samuel J. Albright
-- How Minnesota became a state / by
Thomas F. Moran -- Minnesota's ! northern boundary / by Alexander N. Winchell
-- The question of the sources of the
Mississippi River / by E. Levasseur. The source of the Mississippi / by N.H.
Winchell -- Prehistoric man at the
headwaters of the Mississippi River / by J.V. Brower -- Charter members of the Minnesota Historical Society and its
work in 1896 / by Alex. Ramsey --
History of agriculture in Minnesota / by James J. Hill -- History of mining and quarrying in
Minnesota / by Warren Upham -- History
of the discovery of the Mississippi River and the advent of commerce in Minnesota / Russell Blakeley --
Reminiscences of persons and events in
the early days of the Minnesota Historical Society / by William H. Kelley -- Fort Snelling from its
foundation to the present time / by
Richard W. Johnson -- Sully's expedition against the Sioux, in 1864 / by David L. Kingsbury -- State-building in the
West / by Charles E. Flandrau
3813. Winchell,
N. H. (1911). The Aborigines of Minnesota. St. Paul: Minnesota
Historical Society.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers
(1967:103), "Bibliography"
3814. Winchell,
N. H. (1898). The discovery and development
of the iron ores of Minnesota . in Collections of the Minnesota Historical
Society. Volume VIII. St. Paul, Minn.: The Minnesota Historical
Society.
Notes: Source: PALS online catalog (October 1999 search)
Abstract: The international boundary between Lake Superior and the Lake of the Woods / by Ulysses
Sherman Grant -- The settlement and
development of the Red River Valley / by Warren Upham -- The discovery
and development of the iron ores of
Minnesota / by N.H. Winchell -- The origin
and growth of the Minnesota Historical Society / by Alex. Ramsey --
Opening of the Red River of the North
to commerce and civilization / by Russell Blakeley -- Last days of Wisconsin
territory and early days of Minnesota
territory / by Henry L. Moss -- Lawyers and courts of Minnesota prior
to and during its territorial period /
by Charles E. Flandrau -- Homes and
habitations of the Minnesota Historical Society / by Charles E. Mayo --
The historical value of newspapers / by
J.B. Chaney -- The United States government publications / by D.L. Kingsbury -- The first
organized government of Dakota / by
Samuel J. Albright -- How Minnesota became a
state / by Thomas F. Moran -- Minnesota's ! northern boundary / by
Alexander N. Winchell -- The question of the sources of the Mississippi River / by E. Levasseur. The source of the
Mississippi / by N.H. Winchell --
Prehistoric man at the headwaters of the Mississippi River / by J.V.
Brower -- Charter members of the
Minnesota Historical Society and its work in 1896 / by Alex. Ramsey -- History of agriculture in Minnesota / by
James J. Hill -- History of mining and
quarrying in Minnesota / by Warren Upham --
History of the discovery of the Mississippi River and the advent of commerce in Minnesota / Russell Blakeley --
Reminiscences of persons and events in
the early days of the Minnesota Historical Society / by William H. Kelley -- Fort Snelling from its
foundation to the present time / by
Richard W. Johnson -- Sully's expedition against the Sioux, in 1864 / by
David L. Kingsbury -- State-building in
the West / by Charles E. Flandrau
3815. Winchell,
N. H. (1898). The source of the Mississippi . in Collections of the
Minnesota Historical Society. Volume VIII.
St. Paul, Minn.: The
Minnesota Historical Society.
Notes: Source: PALS online catalog (October 1999 search)
Abstract: The international boundary between Lake Superior and the Lake of the Woods / by Ulysses
Sherman Grant -- The settlement and
development of the Red River Valley / by Warren Upham -- The discovery
and development of the iron ores of
Minnesota / by N.H. Winchell -- The origin
and growth of the Minnesota Historical Society / by Alex. Ramsey --
Opening of the Red River of the North
to commerce and civilization / by Russell Blakeley -- Last days of Wisconsin
territory and early days of Minnesota
territory / by Henry L. Moss -- Lawyers and courts of Minnesota prior
to and during its territorial period /
by Charles E. Flandrau -- Homes and
habitations of the Minnesota Historical Society / by Charles E. Mayo --
The historical value of newspapers / by
J.B. Chaney -- The United States
government publications / by D.L. Kingsbury -- The first organized government of Dakota / by Samuel J. Albright
-- How Minnesota became a state / by
Thomas F. Moran -- Minnesota's northern boundary / by Alexander N. Winchell --
The question of the sources of the
Mississippi River / by E. Levasseur. The source of the Mississippi / by N.H.
Winchell -- Prehistoric man at the
headwaters of the Mississippi River / by J.V. Brower -- Charter members of the Minnesota Historical Society and its
work in 1896 / by Alex. Ramsey --
History of agriculture in Minnesota / by James J. Hill -- History of mining and quarrying in
Minnesota / by Warren Upham -- History
of the discovery of the Mississippi River and the advent of commerce in Minnesota / Russell Blakeley --
Reminiscences of persons and events in
the early days of the Minnesota Historical Society / by William H. Kelley -- Fort Snelling from its
foundation to the present time / by
Richard W. Johnson -- Sully's expedition against the Sioux, in 1864 /
by David L. Kingsbury -- State-building
in the West / by Charles E. Flandrau
3816. Windom,
W., 1827-1891. (1863). Indian policy. Speech ... in the House of Representatives,
Feb. 28, 1863, on the outrages committed by the Indians on the people of the
state of Minnesota. Newspaper clippings.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 25279754
3817. Winsbro,
B. C. (1993). Supernatural forces: belief, difference and power in
contemporary works by ethnic women (women). Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, The University of Tennessee.
Abstract: This dissertation examines five novels and one autobiography by
contemporary ethnic women writers to determine the influence of belief in
supernatural forces on bicultural individuals as they mature and define
themselves in such a world. How is the process of self-definition affected by
one's personal beliefs, by the community's beliefs, and by the outside world's beliefs?
When are such beliefs--or conflicts between beliefs--constructive, and when are
they destructive, and when is a partial or total reconstruction of such beliefs
called for? Ultimately, all six works demonstrate that personal power is
acquired through self-definition, that is, through the construction of one's
own mythology--or reality--and through the location and claiming of one's own
center. Lee Smith's Oral History, for example, tells the story of Red Emmy,
whose failure to break out of her externally imposed identity as witch
symbolizes the inability of many Appalachian women to escape both the
geographical and sociocultural boundaries of Appalachia. Louise Erdrich, in
Tracks, tells the story of a Chippewa witch, Fleur Pillager, who although defined
from both within and without discovers the limitations of her powers as the
whites increasingly invade and destroy the Chippewa world. In Leslie Marmon
Silko's Ceremony, the half-white, half-Pueblo Tayo, who left the reservation to
fight in World War II, finds his way home both physically and spiritually
through a revitalization of his belief in the Laguna Pueblo spirit people. In
Gloria Naylor's Mama Day, Cocoa constructs for herself a new world that
combines belief in the powers of the self, drawn from the world of New York,
with belief in supernatural powers, drawn from the world of Willow
Springs. Toni Morrison's Beloved
focuses on the power of Beloved, an incarnate ghost, to force Sethe, Denver,
Paul D, and the community to redefine
themselves and their relations to each other through a confrontation with their
individual and collective African American past. Similarly, Maxine Hong
Kingston, in her autobiography The Woman Warrior, describes her efforts to
define herself in relation to her Chinese heritage and her life among
non-Chinese Americans by confronting and giving life to the ghosts of her
girlhood. Thus, self-definition demands that ethnic authors examine their
beliefs in the supernatural, rejecting, renewing, or modifying those beliefs held
by family, community, and the dominant culture. (Abstract shortened with
permission of author).
3818. Winterhalder,
B. P. (1980). Canadian Fur Bearer Cycles and Cree-Ojibwa Hunting and Trapping
Practices. American Naturalist , 115(6), 870-879.
Notes: Source: Wildlife Worldwide [University of Minnesota onlinedatabase],
August 29, 1999 search
Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: A hypothesis which states that cyclic or fluctuating pelt counts of
boreal region species are partially a result of differential foraging by native
trappers, and for many species are not directly indicative of population
fluctuations, is substantiated. Three conditions necessary to this
interpretation were established: hare were important in the diet of the
Cree-Ojibwa; they could be effectively and efficiently obtained when abundant;
and the quest for food-producing species, including hare, had priority to the
native trapper because pelts could not generally be exchanged for food. Ethnohistorical
evidence provides direct accounts for the postulated relationship. An optimal
foraging model elaborates the hypothesis. This theory provides an appropriate
framework for investigating this topic, and possibly also a key for retrieving
population data from fur trade harvest statistics. The differential foraging
hypothesis is consistent with a number of observed properties of pelt-count
cycles, including the apparent similarity in all respects except amplitude,
between pelt-counts and actual population fluctuations in lynx and hare. The
hypothesis is important for the statistical analysis of pelt-count cycles, and
it raises questions about the reality of population cycles which are inferred
predominantly or solely from fur record data. Despite this, there is ample
evidence demonstrating population cycles for hare and lynx, cycles which
presumably have correlative food-chain effects on other species, including
humans.
3819. Wisconsin.
Affirmative Action Coordinating Unit. (1976). Working together : a Native
American resource & referral list . Madison: Wisconsin. Affirmative
Action Coordinating Unit.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search).
3820. .
(1966). Wisconsin. Governor's Commission on Human RightsHandbook on
Wisconsin Indians . Madison: State of Wisconsin.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search)
3821. Wisconsin.
Governor's Manpower Office. (1977). Report on Native American economic
development. Madison, Wis.?: Governor's Manpower Office.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search). Cover title. "September 1, 1977."
3822. .
(1989). Wisconsin. Legislature. Legislative Council.Legislation on tribal
courts and tribal vital records .
Madison, Wis. Wisconsin Legislative
Council.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 21303195
3823. Wisconsin.
Legislature. Legislative Council. (1979). Legislation relating to membership
of the Native American study committee . Madison, Wis. Wisconsin Legislative Council.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search). Cover title. Issued March 4, 1980. Related
activities of the Council's Native American Study Committee. WI docs. no.:
Leg.1:1979/34 Bibliography: leaf 5.
Haas, Shaun P. Johnson, Keith. Wisconsin. Legislature. Legislative
Council. Native American Study Committee.
3824. Wisconsin.
Legislature. Legislative Council. American Indian Study Committee. (1994). American
Indian memo. Madison, WI : State of Wisconsin, Legislative Council.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 31314449. Caption
title.
Abstract: Prepared for the use of the Council's American Indian Study
Committee. no. 1. Background information regarding the changing of county
boundaries -- no. 2. Proposed annexation of the Middle Village site to
Menominee County; Potential fiscal effects on Menominee County -- no. 3.
Provision in 1995 Wisconsin Act 27, regarding a pilot project involving the Red
Cliff Band of Lake Superior Chippewas -- no. 4. Training costs for tribal law
enforcement officers -- no. 5. Draft of a motion relating to tribal
administration of social services -- no. 6. Authority of a county and of a
sheriff to contract with a federally recognized American Indian tribe or band
to house tribal prisoners in a county jail -- no. 7. Review of the Council on
American Indian Health -- no. 8. Elimination of the Relief of Needy Indian
Persons Program and creation of a Tribal Medical Relief Block Grant Program --
no. 9. Indian Student Assistance Program -- no. 10. Amendments recommended by
certain tribal chairpersons to 1995 Assembly Bill 591 and 1995 Senate Bill 359,
relating to the proposed Wisconsin Works Program.
3825. Wisconsin
Regional Library for the Blind and Physically Handicapped. (1991). Kespeadooksit
: the story is ended : Native American materials in print- handicapped format
from the Wisconsin Regional Library. Milwaukee, WI: Wisconsin Regional
Library.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search). Cover title. "A Bibliography of Native
American materials in print- handicapped accessible formats"--P. 1.
"November 1991"--P. 20.
3826. Wisconsin
Regional Library for the Blind and Physically Handicapped. (1910-1997). Kespeadooksit
: the story is ended : Native American materials in print- handicapped format
from the Wisconsin Regional Library. Milwaukee, WI : Wisconsin Regional
Library for the Blind and Physically Handicapped.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search). Cover title. "Revised 10/97"--P.
39. "A Bibliography of Native American materials in print- handicapped
accessible formats"--P. 1.
3827. Wisconsin.
Supreme Court. Wisconsin Tribal Judges Association. (1999). On common ground
: a meeting of state, federal and tribal courts. Madison, Wis. Wisconsin Supreme Court.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 41015426
Abstract: Cover title. "Jointly sponsored by Wisconsin Supreme Court,
Wisconsin Tribal Judges Association, Federal Judges from Wisconsin".
Includes bibliographic references. What is P.L. 280 State? What does this
really mean today? -- Tribal court development in Wisconsin -- History of the
Ho- Chunk Nation judiciary -- Judicial History of the Stockbridge- Munsee
Nation of Wisconsin -- State court/tribal court relations : an historical perspective
-- P.L. 280 presumptions : source of suspicion or comity -- Selected resources
for further reading and research.
3828. Wise,
F. (1982). Mental health and support systems among urban Native Americans.
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Michigan State University.
3829. Wishart,
R. P. (1997). When new experiences come to be: narrative strategies of
Walpole Island hunters and the (re-)construction of cultural persistence
(Algonquian, Chippewa, Odawa, Potawatomi). Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, The University of Western Ontario (Canada).
Abstract: Almost all of the contemporary studies on Algonquian hunting
practices have focused on the most Northern communities and this thesis by
being based on research done with hunters from the community of Walpole Island
(the most southern reserve in Canada) shows how hunting is still integral to
the cultural identity of (at least some) southern Chippewa, Odawa, and
Potawatomi. By up-streaming through the
ethnohistory of Walpole Island and then
focusing on the narrative strategies of contemporary hunters, stories
are shown to be open-ended guiding devices which by referring to an organic
root metaphor of respect and reciprocity have communicated proper meanings and
actions to an active listener. This
dialogically emergent process constructs an interpretive framework whereby a
listener can relate stories to personal experience and then go on to become the
storyteller which functions not only to continually construct and reconstruct
an ecologically sound relationship between people and the land but is also an
important aspect of cultural persistence.
3830. Wissler,
C. (1946). Indians of the United States. Garden City, New York:
Doubleday, Doran & Co.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers
(1967:103), "Bibliography"
3831. Wissler,
C. (1974). North American Indians of the Plains. Burt Franklin Publisher.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
3832. Witthuhn,
J. (1978). Minneapolis Public Schools Title IV, part A Department of Indian
Education evaluation report, 1977-78 . Minneapolis, Minn. Minneapolis Public Schools .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 15021654. Other: Minneapolis Public Schools.
3833. Woboditsch,
P. H. (1996). Ojibwa world view and environmental ethic: an investigative
study. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Windsor (Canada).
Abstract: Often throughout history, the Native North American people have been
regarded as highly skilled in the ways of nature. To be more specific, these
people are sometimes referred to as the first ecologists, or
conservationalists. As a resident of Northern Ontario, I encountered many such
presuppositions about the Ojibwa people. Is this label a result of a an
apparent mystic relationship they seem to have with nature or is it a much more
empirical, scientific approach? What is
it about the Ojibwa that lends itself to such an interpretation as being almost
an environmental specialist? In other words, what is distinctive of the Ojibwa
world view that sets up this apparent difference between Ojibwa (and other
Native North Americans) and non-natives? Can the ways in which the Ojibwa view
nature be beneficial as something workable for all individuals and nature? That
is to say, is the Ojibwa's approach to nature something that is confined only
to their world view or is it perhaps a more generalized environmental ethic, in
some ways distinct from all Euro-centric environmental ethics?
3834. Woehlke,
W. V. (1944 March). [Letter to Mark L. Burns, coordinator B. I. A.].
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
3835. Wolever,
T. M. S., Hamad, S., Gittelsohn, J., Hanley, A. J. G., Logan, A., Harris, S.
B., & Zinman, B. (1997). Nutrient Intake and Food Use in an Ojibwa-Cree
Community in Northern Ontario Assessed by 24h Dietary Recall. Nutrition
Research , 17(4), 603-618.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Source: http://www.webofscience.com/CIW.cgi -- subject search on all indexes,
Fall 1999
Abstract: As part of a diabetes prevention program in a remote Ojibwa-Cree
community in Northern Ontario, 72% of residents gt 9y of age (729/1019)
underwent an oral glucose tolerance test; gt 98% (718/729) of participants
provided a complete 24h dietary recall. Their diet was typical of that for
aboriginal North American populations undergoing rapid cultural change, being
high in saturated fat ( apprx 13% energy), cholesterol and simple sugars (
apprx 22% energy), low in dietary fibre (11 g/d) and high in glycaemic index (
apprx 90). There were high prevalences of inadequate intakes of vitamin A
(77%), calcium (58%), vitamin C (40%) and folate (37%). Adolescents aged 10-19y
consumed more simple sugars and less protein than adults aged gt 49y and ate
more potato chips, fried potatoes, hamburger, pizza, soft drinks and table
sugar. Adults gt 49y retained more traditional eating habits, using more
bannock (fried bread) and wild meats than younger individuals. Interventions to
prevent diabetes in the community should include culturally appropriate and
effective ways to improve the nutritional adequacy of the diet, reduce fat
intake and increase the use of less refined carbohydrate foods.
3836. Wolfart,
H. C., & Shrofel, S. M. (1977). Aspects of Cree interference in Island Lake
Ojibwa. Algonquian Conference, 8th, Montreal, 1976. Actes Du Huitième
Congrés Des Algonquinistes, 8, 156-167.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3837. Wolfart,
H. C., & Shrofel, S. M. (1973). Les paradigmes verbaux Ojibwa et la
position du dialecte de Severn. American Anthropologist, 75(5),
1305-1323, maps, tables.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3838. Wolfart,
H. C., & Shrofel, S. M. (1977). Les paradigmes verbaux Ojibwa et la
position du dialecte de Severn. Algonquian Conference, 8th, Montreal, 1976.
Actes Du Huitième Congrés Des Algonquinistes, 8, 188-207, map.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3839. Wolfe,
R. (1998). Edmonia Lewis: Wildfire in Marble. Silver Burdett Press.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
3840. Wolff,
H. F. (1916). The use of Red Lake as a storage reservoir . Unpublished
doctoral dissertation, University of North Dakota.
Notes: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 13201768
3841. Wood,
D. (1996). The Windigo's Return: A North Woods Story . Simon & Schuster Children's .
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
3842. .
(1985). T. J. Wood (University of Minnesota, Duluth. Bureau of Business and
Economic Research), Visitor trend analysis Indian Point Campground, Duluth,
Minnesota . Duluth, Minn. Bureau of Business and Economic Research,
School of Business and Economics, University of Minnesota, Duluth.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 11994688. "March
1985." Bibliography: p. 39.
3843. Woodrell,
D. (1999). Plumbing depths: this novel's Chippewa hero is beset by sinister
goings-on at his lakeside resort.(Review). The New York Times Book Review,
104(26), 18 col 1.
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct
1999 search [review]
3844. Woods,
R. G., 1933- . (1968). Indian Americans in Chicago . Minneapolis,
Minn. University of Minnesota, Training
Center for Community Programs.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 25448676. Includes
appendix. Includes bibliography. Other:
Harkins, Arthur M. University of Minnesota. Training Center for Community
Programs. University of Minnesota. Office of Community Programs. ... accession:
25431740
3845. Woods,
R. G., 1933- . (1971). Indian residents in Minneapolis : a further
examination of their characteristics . Minneapolis: University of
Minnesota.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 14705630.
"Training Center for Community Programs in coordination with Office of
Community Programs, Center for Urban and Regional Affairs." Includes
bibliographical references. Other:
Harkins, Arthur M. University of Minnesota. Training Center for Community
Programs. University of Minnesota. Office of Community Programs.
3846. .
(1900). R. G. Woods, 1933- Rural and city Indians in Minnesota prisons .
Minneapolis: Training Center for Community Programs, University of Minnesota.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 22971413. Other:
Harkins, Arthur M. University of Minnesota. Training Center for Community
Programs
3847. .
(1969). R. G. Woods, 1933- , & A. M. HarkinsEducation-related
preferences and characteristics of college-aspiring urban Indian teenagers : a
preliminary report . Minneapolis :
Training Center for Community Programs, University of Minnesota.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 2082364
3848. .
(1970). R. G. Woods, 1933- , & A. M. HarkinsIndians and other Americans
in Minnesota correctional institutions . Minneapolis: University of Minnesota.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 4851870. Training
Center for Community Programs in coordination with Office of Community
Programs, Center for Urban and Regional Affairs. Funded by the United States
Office of Education, under contract OEC-0-8-080147-2805 with the University of
Minnesota. Other: United States. Office
of Education. University of Minnesota. Training Center for Community Programs.
University of Minnesota. Center for Urban and Regional Affairs.
3849. S.
Woods (Major), Pembina Settlement Executive Document No. 51 ed., ).
Washington, D.C.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
3850. Woodward,
P. G. (1991). New tribal forms: community in Louise Erdrich's fiction
(Erdrich Louise, Native Americans). Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
Tufts University.
Abstract: Louise Erdrich's North Dakota cycle of novels recalls the oral
storyteller's art through the use of multi-narrator perspective, reliance on
partial disclosure of events, and consequent involvement of the reader in
assembling the pieces of information into a coherent whole. In the first three
works of the planned quartet, Erdrich is concerned with various communities:
family, clan, and tribe. Love Medicine, published in 1984, focuses on the
capacity of the family to endure in new forms despite cultural loss. This novel
of modern Chippewa people living on a reservation covers the years 1934 to 1984
and features both nuclear and single parent families, and it explores the ways
individuals find personal and family identity. Events in The Beet Queen,
published in 1986, extend from 1932 to 1972, and they take place on the
periphery of the reservation; this novel is concerned with the ways people lose
and find identity within various communities, primarily the family. Tracks,
published in 1988, encloses the years 1912 to 1924 and focuses on personal,
political, and historical realities of tribal people, featuring the forebears
of the main characters in Love Medicine. Erdrich uses a dual narrator structure
in Tracks and a multi-narrator design in Love Medicine and The Beet Queen, in
each fiction drawing the reader into the narrative to help tell the story. In
the three novels a number of story lines are carried on simultaneously without
a single featured consciousness asserting authority over the text, confirming
postmodern thoeries concerning authorship and audience involvement in text
production. In Erdrich's novels,
shifting voices and movement backwards and forwards in time free the concept of
community from a fixed definition and endow it with the idea of continuous
creation. Evidence of new forms of
community--family and tribe--testifies to survival of Chippewa culture despite
devastating losses of people and land.
3851. Woolworth,
A. (anthropologist). (clippings files.
Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul, MN.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
3852. Woolworth,
A. (1997). Flandreau Papers Treasure Trove for Mixed Blood Dakota Indian
Genealogy. Park Genealogical Books.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
3853. Woolworth,
A. R. (Alan Roland), 1924- . (1982). The Treaty of Mendota, August 5, 1851,
between the United States and the Mdewakanton and Wahpekute Dakota Indian
tribes : an historical examination . White Bear Lake, Minn. Woolworth Research Associates.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 14508092. "Court
of Claims, docket no. 363."
3854. Woolworth,
N. L. (1981). An historical study and a cultural resources survey of Indian Mounds
Park (21RA10), Ramsey County, Minnesota : for the Department of Parks and
Recreation, city of Saint Paul, Minnesota . White Bear Lake, Minn. Woolworth Research Associates.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 22951030. Title from
cover. "August 1981." Includes bibliography. Other: Saint Paul (Minn.). Dept. of Parks
and Recreation. Woolworth Research Associates (White Bear Lake, Minn.).
3855. .
(1992). R. Worner (Project Coordinator), Management assistance report Red
Lake School District #38 . St. Paul
: Minnesota Dept. of Education, Management Assistance Center.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 30404713
Source: PALS online catalog (October 1999 search)
3856. Worthen,
K. J. (1990). Shedding New Light on an Old Debate: A Federal Indian Law
Perspective on Congressional Authority to Limit Federal Question Jurisdiction. Minnesota
Law Review, 75 (1), 65.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
3857. Wosmek,
F. (1986). A Brown Bird Singing.
Lothrop, Lee & Shepard Books.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
3858. Wosmek,
F. (1993). A Brown Bird Singing .
William Morrow & Company, Incorporated .
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
3859. Wright,
C. L. (Reminiscences of a Cruiser). (1974). C. VandersluisMainly logging : a
compilation... Minneota, MN:
Minneota Clinic.
Notes: cited by Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
"Index of lumber camps referred to this volume" and "correctio s
and additions": [6] p. inserted. Includes
bibliographies and index. Bourgeois, E. J. Thoughts while
strolling.--Morrison, J. G., Jr. Never a dull moment.--Wight, C. L.
Reminiscences of a cruiser.
3860. Wright,
H. E. (Herbert Edgar), 1917- , Coffin, B., & Aaseng, N. E. (1992). The
Patterned peatlands of Minnesota . Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 24628340
Abstract: Includes bibliographical references and index. Peat landforms --
Vegetation and water chemistry -- Ecological development of patterned peatlands
-- Rare vascular plants / Paul H. Glaser -- Bryophtyes / Jan A. Janssens --
Large mammals / William E. Berg -- Small mammals / Gerda E. Nordquist -- Bird
populations / Gerald J. Niemi and JoAnn M. Hanowski -- Amphibians and reptiles
/ Daryl R. Karns -- Surface hydrology / Kenneth N. Brooks -- Groundwater
hydrology / Donald I. Siegel -- Impact of ditching and road construction on Red
Lake peatland -- Ditching of Red Lake peatland during the homestead era /
Kristine L. Bradof -- Development of a raised-bog complex / Jan A. Janssens ...
[et al.] -- The Myrtle Lake peatland / C. R. Janssen -- The archaeological and
ethnohistoric evidence for prehistoric occupation / Mary K. Whelan -- The Red
Lake Ojibwe / Melissa l. Meyer -- Management of Minnesota's peatlands and their
economic uses / Mary E. Keirstead -- Peatland protection / Norman E. Aaseng and
Robert I. Djupstrom.
3861. Wright,
J. V. (1968). The application of the direct historical approach to the Iroquois
and the Ojibwa. Ethnohistory, 15(1), 96-111.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
3862. Wright,
J. V. (1965). A regional examination of Ojibwa culture history. Anthropologica
(Ottawa), 7(2), 189-227, illus., map, table, diagrs.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XII (1968:38)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database,
August 1999 search
3863. Wright,
L., Jr. (1971). Anglo-Spanish rivalry in North America.
3864. Wright,
M. C. (1996). The circle, broken: gender, family and difference in the
Pacific northwest, 1811-1850 (Native Americans). Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, Rutgers the State University of New Jersey//New Brunswick.
Abstract: Gender, kinship and race patterned relations between Native American
peoples of the Pacific Northwest and the Euroamerican fur traders, missionaries
and settlers who colonized the region in the first half of the nineteenth century.
Hierarchy, rigid gender definitions, and the use of 'race' to both define the
'other' and order social relations marked the patriarchy of the Euroamericans.
A diversity of relationship options characterized the more flexible, bilateral
Native Americans. Indian women's significant societal power (varied by
life-cycle, slavery, family and other factors) structured their relations with
the fur traders. Although the Euroamerican's dialogue of power denigrated the
women as sexually loose, Indian peoples and the fur trade's laboring class
often contested the companies' policies and goals. Indian norms predominated
among the families formed by laborers and native women, while the elite traders
maintained defensive restrictions within their families. Protestant and
Catholic missionaries targeted Indian gender (farming and domesticity) and
family (an end to divorce, polygyny and wider kin obligations) for change.
Catholics had a process-oriented approach to Christianization, while the
Protestants tended to be more rigid and exclusionary. Protestant missionary
women experienced conflicts between God's calling and domestic demands, even as
they practiced hierarchical relations and segregation to contain contamination
feared from the heathen 'other.' Indians, in response, selectively adapted new
economic and cultural norms, syncretized spirituality, and resisted mission
power. The sexual safety of Euroamerican womanhood cloaked imperial intents as
American settlers contained Indian action, forged unity in the colony and
proved their collective manhood in war, even as many women experienced the war
firsthand. Protection of home and kin also brought Cayuse warriors' attack on
the Whitman Mission and revenge for the militia's massacre of an Indian
village. The colony's intermarried Euroamericans and metis, while vital to the
war's success and to peace negotiations, were suspect. The traders' connections
to the Native Americans and their nationality, language and religious differences seeded a wave of
nativism to contain the 'other' within the colony, just as diverse and
noncombatant Indian people fell into the racial 'other' outside it. A new
ordering of relations resulted.
3865. Wrone,
D. R. (1993). The Economic Impact of The 1837 and 1842 Chippewa Treaties. American
Indian Quarterly, 17(3), 329-340.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database,
August 1999 search
3866. Wub-e-ke-niew.
(1992 July). [Letter to Swan, Daniel C.].
Abstract: P.O.
Box 484
Bemidji,
MN 56601
(218)
679-2382
July
11, 1992
Daniel C. Swan
Curator of Anthropology for Ethnology
The Science Museum of Minnesota
30 E. 10th Street
St. Paul, Minnesota 55101
FAX (612) 221-4777
Dear Daniel C. Swan,
The July 10 issue of the Free
Native American Press printed an Associated Press article from Seattle on the
front page, stating that the George Herbert Walker "Bush administration
has quietly asserted that it has the power to declare any Indian tribe in the
nation extinct." From the time of
the First Continental Congress, the agenda of the United States of
America has always been the Divine Mandate of Manifest Destiny. The Fundamentalist Christians at the Lake
Mohonk Conferences, who were the policy-makers for Indian Country, openly
supported genocide of this continent's Aboriginal Indigenous People. One of the ways of destroying Aboriginal
Indigenous Nations, advocated by these Good Christians, was through genetic and
social engineering, particularly using the polygamous, morally bankrupt
"Squaw Men" on the frontier to bring in alcohol and rum, etc.
The policy of the United
States has always been to Terminate the Indians. One of the diabolical methods used in this Termination Agenda was
the creation of the boarding schools.
The scheme was to brainwash the Aboriginal Indigenous children, such as
the Anishinabe Ojibway children, and to change their identity and make them
into Indians. Catch-22 spin control.
Another part of the
Euro-American Governments' scheme to Terminate Indians was designing
"blood quantum," where the White owned Bureau of Indian Affairs could
take full-blooded Europeans or full-blooded Indo-Europeans and turn them into
full-blooded Indians. The United States
Statutes on Indian Enrollment, including Title 25, Section 479, also provide
that for the purposes of stealing land, "Aboriginal peoples ... shall be
considered Indians."
The Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, writing about the Court of Indian Offenses shortly after its
establishment, described the White Indians packed on top of the Aboriginal
Indigenous people, as "Indians ... who could be relied upon to aid the
Government in its efforts to abolish rites and customs" of Aboriginal
Indigenous People. The Commissioner
goes on to write, "The policy of the Government for many years past has
been to destroy tribal relations as fast as possible. ... To do this the agents
have been accustomed to punish for minor offenses, by imprisonment in the
guard-house and by withholding rations."
The missionaries used the same strategies to force Christianity onto
Aboriginal Indigenous People.
Another method used by the
Bureau of Indian Affairs, when their Indians got out of line and started
talking politics, was to tell their Indians, "with one stroke of the pen,
you will no longer exist." This is
what the United States Government's Indians have said to me. But, I am not an Indian. Indians were created by the United States
Government, as a purely temporary expedient for annihilating the Aboriginal
Indigenous People. The Europeans
created the identity of "Indian," they own their Indians, and the
Indians have to thank the White man for their existence. We, the Anishinabe Ojibway People, were here
long before the United States Government came into existence. We are a Sovereign People who own our
identity, we are writing our history, and we have a right to exist. It does not matter what the United States
Government says about their Indians -- it does not apply to us. This land does not belong to either the
Indians or to the Europeans, it is and always has been Aboriginal Indigenous
Peoples' land. The Indians created by
the White man do not own their own identity, and they do not have any roots,
just like the Europeans who gave them the Indian identity do not have any roots
on this Continent. Their Great White
Father has a serious identity problem, also.
The United States Government
is trying to abrogate Indian Treaties, again.
For the last hundred and fifty years, they have kept predicting that the
Aboriginal Indigenous People will be extinct in another generation -- and try
to forget that the Indian Treaties were signed by their subject people, the
Indians. The Anishinabe Ojibway People
have never signed a Treaty. We cannot
sell our land, because we cannot sell our identity and we cannot sell our
religion. Maybe the Europeans can sell
anything, but we don't. Abrogating the
Chippewa Indian Treaties does not have any effect whatsoever on the Anishinabe
Ojibway Peoples' land, which does not and has never belonged to the United
States nor to any other European power; not to the Euro-Americans' subject
people the Chippewa Indians, either.
Senator Paul Wellstone sits on
the Senate Select Committee for Insular Affairs, which is guilty of complicity
in genocide. Senator Wellstone should
be very familiar with Holocausts. The
United States is using mythological "Indians," euphemisms, and
Wanna-Be's to get at the Aboriginal Indigenous People. The ugly statistics of ongoing genocide are
hidden in a mass of numbers about "Indians," who are Western European
subject peoples. Every ten year
enumeration of the U.S. Census, more Whites and other Indo-Europeans get turned
into statistical "Indians."
(The B.I.A.'s present death statistics are calcuated using U.S. Census
data about living "Indians.")
The historical and genealogical research that we are doing, proves that
these "Indians" are not Aboriginal Indigenous People. Forcing the identity of "Indian"
onto the Aboriginal Indigenous people is a human rights violation, and it is
also a violation of the United Nations Convention for the Prevention and
Punishment of Genocide.
We encourage the Bush
administration to recognize the truth, and come to terms with the massive
genocide that the Euro-Americans have committed on both of these
Continents. It is true -- and it
urgently needs to be talked about -- that most of the Aboriginal Indigenous
Nations on this Continent are indeed extinct, including the Five Civilized
Tribes. If you have an European or
Indo-European patrilineal ancestor, and you are an Indian, you are already
"Terminated" through genetic engineering. Anishinabe Ojibway Clans and Dodems are inherited through the
father's bloodline. If you do not have
an Aboriginal Indigenous Clan or Dodem, you are history. The White man has taken your identity away
from you, using a colonizing strategy that's older than the Roman Empire, and
tried to replace your real identity with the mythological identity of
"Indian." So-called Chippewa
Indians, like other conquered people, figure descent through the mother's line
-- the Chippewa Indian patrilineal line of inheritance is Indo-European, and
thus is no threat to the Whites. The
United States said that they were going to annihilate and terminate the
Aboriginal Indigenous People of this Continent, and there are only a few of us
who have survived the centuries of genocide.
It's time that the Euro-Americans quit hiding behind their subject
peoples the White and Mulatto Indians, and started facing the truth, and taking
responsibility for what has been done.
Genocide is an inherent part
of the history, values, and religion of Western European Civilization. (The U.S.A. was a role model for Adolf
Hitler.) Until the people here deal
honestly with their history, they are doomed to repeat it.
Another message to you Leech
Lake Chippewa Indians who are posing as Ojibway people, and trying pretend that
you are Aboriginal Indigenous people.
As far as I know, no Anishinabe Ojibway people have been in the inner
circle of your Casino operations. Wait
until the Christian Fundamentalists start making money leading grassroots
movements against gambling. To add
converts to their flock, they will scapegoat the Indian Casinos, and preach
fire and brimstone sermons against gambling, so that they can terminate you and
abrogate the fraudulent Treaties. It's
also called fleecing the flock, and pulling the wool over your eyes. It's coming, it's one of the same old
schemes they use over and over again, generation after generation. The handwriting is on the wall.
Instead of letting the White
Euro-Americans control you through their identity of "Indian,"
find out who you really are. Nobody can
"terminate" you, if you own your real identity. I am not an Indian, I am Anishinabe Ojibway,
and I have a Clan and a Dodem, and my religion is the Indigenous Anishinabe
Ojibway religion, the Midewiwin. We,
the Anishinabe Ojibway People, have an inalienable right to exist in our own
Sovereign land.
Go ahead, George, Terminate
your Indians. Make my day.
Wub-e-keniew
cc: this article has been submitted to the Ojibway News and the Free Native
American Press
3867. Wub-e-ke-niew
. (1992 December). [Letter to Dawson, Jim].
Abstract: Minneapolis Star Tribune
attention: Jim Dawson
Staff Writer
Dear Jim Dawson,
I enjoyed seeing my article in the Commentary section of the Minneapolis Star
Tribune today. I was particularly
amused by the things that you chose to edit out of the article.
I understand your linear and compartmentalized thinking, and some of the
phrases that whoever edited the article deleted are the ones which I figured
would be the most threatening to people imprisoned within the Indo-European
languages and world-view. To someone
outside of your culture, your fears and your unwillingness or inability to face
reality are crystal-clear.
The Indians who write, are writing out of the same world-view as the other
Europeans. They have the same values,
the same ways of thinking—and much of what they write is simply fleshing out
the “Indian” stereotypes which are given to them. What I write comes from the Anishinabe Ojibway tradition, from my
Dodem and my Clan and my identity as Anishinabe Ojibway. Much of what I write is not mine alone, but
is explaining to you in your language what my people have been saying to you
(in the Anishinabe Ojibway language) for as long as you have been here. You couldn’t or wouldn’t listen, so my
people have to tell you in English.
What I write comes from my love for this land, from my roots which
according to our history are more than one hundred thousand years deep in this
land. It’s a feeling that you Europeans
do not have access to on this continent.
I don’t need to wrap myself in any flag (particularly an European one)
to prove how “patriotic” I am. It seems
blasphemous to have to pay foreign European taxes for Grandmother Earth, where
I come from and where I shall return.
When the Euro-American immigrants finally get the courage to face reality, and
understand themselves clearly—only then will you be able to do what you need to
do in making this a better place for all people. Everybody is put here for a purpose, and everybody has something
valuable to contribute to this planet.
For your information, I am enclosing a copy of my next column for the Native
American Press. The reason that
this particular article is written very aggressively, is because the Chippewa
Indians are trying to steal Anishinabe Ojibway land at Red Lake, again. These “Chippewa Indians” are not
Anishinabe Ojibway—they are White, French Métis or African people and we can
prove it. We have been researching your
documents relating to their genealogies for eight years, and correlating this
with Anishinabe Ojibway oral tradition.
It was a good scheme while it lasted, but now that there are a number of
Anishinabe Ojibway who are fluent in English, this scheme is coming to an end.
Wub-e-ke-niew
3868. Wub-e-ke-niew.
(1995 July). [Letter to Spence, Gerry].
Abstract: The Hon. Gerry Spence, Esq.
15 - S. Jackson
Jackson, Wyoming 83001
Dear Gerry Spence,
We very much enjoyed reading your book, With Justice For None—your title
is right on the mark. But, there is
more that needs to be said about the Roman and English Common Law which the
European-Americans have imported here.
From my Aboriginal Indigenous perspective, what’s usually mis-named
“American Law” and “Indian Law” benefits (as designed) only the elite of the
group which brought that form of foreign law here, and rips off everyone else
(with rare exceptions). From outside
the Western paradigm, from my Peoples’ point of view, the so-called legal
system looks very different than it does from within that system, especially
since insiders’ views are colored by abstract conceptions of how the Law is
“supposed to be.” To me, the entire
structure is illegal and doesn’t belong here.
Enclosed is a copy of my book, We Have The Right To Exist, which we hope
you find of interest.
Wub-e-ke-niew
3869. Wub-e-ke-niew
. (1992). BROADCASTING NEWS:
There is a group of people at Red Lake who are in the process of
starting an AM and FM radio station here. ... Ojibwe News.
Abstract: BROADCASTING NEWS:
There is a group of people at Red Lake who are in the process of
starting an AM and FM radio station here.
This is a community project that doesn’t have anything to do with any
government, including the Tribal Council, because government-run radio stations
have inherent imbalance and conflict of interest. In this “Age of Information,” there are many needs in this
community that are not addressed by existing broadcast media, and a community
owned and operated radio station at Red Lake is sixty years overdue. The programming that the organizers of this
radio station plan include starting the day with an Ojibway prayer at sunrise;
Anishinabe Ojibway music, Country-and-Western music, and other music that fits
the taste of this community. In the
evening they plan to have news and public affairs programming and also
Traditional story-telling (for example Na-na-boo-zho stories and Zhe-bai
(“ghost”) stories; community announcements, and other local programming. There are local functions that need to be
announced, and crises that arise, for example accidents on the Lake where a
radio station could provide help before it’s too late. The radio station will also provide school
announcements, local weather (North of the Continental Divide), and so on. They have been working on this project for
quite awhile and have a clear idea of how to serve this community’s needs. To you readers outside of this economically
depressed reservation: they need broadcast equipment (transmitters, towers,
studio equipment, etc.) and office equipment including a computer and
typewriters. Contact Francis “Boog”
Downwind, Jr. at (218) 679-2368, or write him at P.O. Box 356, Redby, MN
56670. They have a tax-exempt number
and donations will be greatly appreciated as well as tax-deductible.
3870. Wub-e-ke-niew.
(1995). Field School Class Project.
Abstract: Name:________________________
Field School Class project from Wub-e-ke-niew
(Please answer these questions)
1. Where did your ancestors come
from? Why did they leave their homeland
to come live on this continent?
2. When your ancestors left their
country, what did they call themselves?
What was their identity?
3. What did your ancestors do for a
living in their country? What were
their lives like?
4. Did your ancestors have freedom of
religion in their land?
5. Why did your ancestors give up their
identity, and change what they called themselves to “American”?
6. Can you speak any of your ancestors’
language? If not, why not?
7. What kind of games did the children
play in the country of your ancestors?
8. Why did the European immigrants
slaughter almost all of the buffalo?
9. Since you now live on this land,
what are you doing to take care of the ecology? Are you taking responsibility, or do you hope somebody else will
take care of it for you?
10. If you could predict the future in
what you call “America,” what do you think is going to happen in your lifetime?
11. Why is there so much violence in this land they call “America”? How are you going to solve the problem of
violence? What are you doing to make
this a better world, so everybody is treated as a human being?
3871. Wub-e-ke-niew.
(1996). The foundation of Ahnishinahbæótjibway society is the
Dodems. ...
Abstract: The foundation of Ahnishinahbæótjibway society is
the Dodems. It is hard to
describe the nature of these Aboriginal Indigenous extended families in the
language of the Western Europeans—the expansion of Western society over the
past several thousand years has been dependent upon the destruction and
denigration of indigenous forms of extended family, and the conceptual
structure of Western Civilization is not conducive to comprehension of
kinship/family based egalitarian and organic social organization like that of
the Ahnishinahbæótjibway Dodems. Egalitarian nonviolent societies of any form
are an inherent threat to the structure of hierarchical society—hence the government-sponsored
boarding schools and other assimilation policies aimed toward the Aboriginal
Indigenous people.
There is very little information on Ahnishinahbæótjibway
society accessible to Western Europeans, but volumes and volumes have been
written about the Chippewa and other Indians across the country. In order to begin to comprehend the nature
of Aboriginal Indigenous social structure, it is crucial to realize that the
vast majority of both the writing and the people identified as “Indian” has
nothing to do with the Aboriginal Indigenous people—these Indians are Métis
with an European or North African patriline and a hierarchical creole culture
which has very little resemblance to Ahnishinahbæótjibway or
other Aboriginal Indigenous cultures.
Recently, there has been a resurgence of White interest in indigenous
cultures, which has been re-directed toward the Indians. The Indians speak frequently of a “cultural
revival,” of “bringing back traditions”—but how can the very people who played
a crucial role in destroying the Aboriginal Indigenous people and cultures, and
selling our land, hope to “regain” something which they never had? The Indians have a hierarchical,
nuclear-family based social structure, and the same values as their Western
European relations. The Chippewa
Indians’ historical authorities such as William Warren write about “migration
from the East,” which is an accurate description of the movement of the Métis
during the fur trade, although they could have extended the description of westward
migration over the Atlantic Ocean.
The “extended family” for the Indians centers on European feudalism and the
Great White Father: the institutional patriarch who used these mixed-blood
people as tools in the occupation and conquest of this continent, the genocide
of the Aboriginal Indigenous inhabitants, and the assuaging of the White man’s
burden of guilt by giving the Indians “sovereignty” and continues to use these
people as intermediaries in the ongoing destruction of the ecosystem and the “mopping
up” in the total annihilation of both the Aboriginal Indigenous people and
every trace that we ever existed.
“Indian sovereignty,” as used by the United States government, is just
another form of segregation. When the
Indians have served their purpose, the U.S. Government will resume the policy
initiated during the Eisenhower administration: termination of Indians and
their assimilation into the lower socio-economic strata of the mainstream
American society. The Indians are not
the Aboriginal Indigenous people; the “Indians” are an entirely different
people than the Ahnishinahbæótjibway.
The expansion of Western society has been filled with abandoned fragments of
nuclear families, and the children created and molded to fill the needs of the
state. Corporations, churches and the
government—the patriarchy—purport to be the extended family, but they meet
their obligations toward “their people” only when it is convenient for them to
do so; frequently evading responsibility for the pain, economic distress and
dislocation which they have created by blaming the victims of their own
policies. The State is going after
“deadbeat dads,” imprisoning jobless men who have abandoned by the corporations
or expropriated by GATT, scathingly criticizing people for doing the impossible
within the constraints of the nuclear family.
People are kept off balance and in chaos by conflicting and
irreconcilable messages, mutual impossibilities, and psychological and social
violence. For example, young people are
cut off from the wisdom of their elders (“youth” is the idol and the target of
the Nation-state, and the discarding of elders is a part of the nuclear-family
cycle that each generation experiences), flooded with multi-dimensional and
market-tested messages of sexuality, and then condemned for either “teen
pregnancy” or abortion. These and other
strategies are repeated over and over again, with the chorus of “exploitation
is healthy.” The paradigm of Western
nuclear families creates an unhappy society full of hate and violence.
The egalitarian Ahnishinahbæótjibway Dodems are neither
“tribes” nor “bands”—they are intricately inter-linked aspects of a
continent-wide extended family, inter-related with the fish, the birds, the
furred animals and the amphibians.
There were at least 32 Ahnishinahbæótjibway Dodems—immortal
extended families, and in order to understand Aboriginal Indigenous social
structure, it is important to realize that there were no hierarchical nuclear
families here, and our Aboriginal Indigenous language was not hierarchical (the
Chippewa language, which the White man created, is hierarchical and has no
connection with the Ahnishinahbæótjibway language except for
a few mutated vocabulary-words)... and it has been destroyed as a living language,
as planned by the invading Western society.1
The only perspective available to the average American of Ahnishinahbæótjibway
society is that written by the Western European invaders, who did not
understand the nature of our extended family and community—and who do not
understand their own society’s lack of extended family or community. From an Aboriginal Indigenous perspective,
Westerners have no comprehension whatsoever of our most fundamental social structure,
the extended family; and indeed there is an enormous and pathological void in
Western society because their extended families have been systematically
destroyed as Western Civilization “advanced.”
The Western European people are fleeing the ghosts of their past,
running away from their own history and denying the reality of their own
identity by trying to create the new identity of “Americans.” In order to create a viable society in the
twenty-first century, they need to come to terms with their past: both what
they themselves have lost, and what they have taken from others; their
historical revisionism and their projections onto other people.
The love and connectedness which are inherent in Ahnishinahbæótjibway
extended family are a normal and natural requirement of all living beings; Western
society depends on the destruction of extended family and the perversion and
sublimation of healthy human social drives into the minimally-fulfilling
hierarchical institutional structures upon which Western society depends:
organized religion, political structures and Western economic structures, and
the patriarchal Nation-state all depend upon the absence of egalitarian
extended families.
The nuclear families of Western society do not have any roots—they are
“fly-by-nights,” here today and gone tomorrow, transients who do not care where
their people are buried. If they would
have had Aboriginal Indigenous connections to their own land, they would have
maintained that land. But, the poor
substitute of an extended family which they have, the State, touts the “highly
mobile” Western society. Ahnishinahbæótjibway
Dodems are of the land in ways which are incomprehensible to
Westerners: for example, my ancestors of the Bear Dodem have been born
right here, have lived here and died here, and have been buried here over the
course of at least four ice ages—this land; the beings of this ecosystem past,
present and future; my ancestors, my descendants and myself are one and
inseparable. There is neither boundary
nor separation between the Bear Dodem, the land and myself—we are
family, we are connected throughout what Westerners would call “eternity.” Even though Western society has done its
best, and in most ways succeeded, in destroying Ahnishinahbæótjibway
people, language and culture, our spirit and the ghosts of those who have been
killed, remain an integral part of the land.
Western languages are profoundly disconnected from nature and Aboriginal
Indigenous reality; these languages are masters of deception which create
illusions. An example is the description
of forests as “renewable resources,” ignoring the ramifications of cutting down
even one tree, and blinding people to the imminently self-destructive process
of demolishing natural ecosystems and hiding from reality by planting “tree
farms.” The Ahnishinahbæótjibway
Dodems lived in harmony and in balance with an ecology which we kept as an
abundant paradise where Grandmother Earth gave us all that we needed: food,
clothing, health and shelter. What for
us can only be translated into Western European thought as “heaven on earth,”
the Western invaders called “wild,” and wildly proceeded to destroy what he
laid claim to as “God’s creation.”
“Wild” is a projection which fits the European invaders—when they label
what was here as “wild” they are really telling on themselves, and identifying
what they are.
The patriarchal elite of Western society operates on the principles enumerated
by Machiavelli, including “divide and conquer;” intolerant of even hierarchical
extended families, and driving wedges into the most intimate aspects of the
nuclear family. The State, which is the
patriarchal pseudo-family offered to the masses, penetrates its influence even
into the bedrooms of the people subjugated under its Democracy, Socialism,
Communism, Capitalism, Christianity, and other institutional philosophies. The destruction of the extended family
leaves a void which is felt but cannot be described in Western languages;
people within Western society adopt many different strategies to deal with that
void, resulting in teen pregnancies, gang membership, drugs, divorces,
addictions, anger, joining “unhappy groups” like the Neo-Nazis so that they can
project their own pain onto other people in the form of hate... all of these
patterns resulting from the destruction of the extended families and the
abstract hierarchical languages of Western society prevent people from dealing
with the root causes of their pain.
There is no language or grammar in Western society to structure, maintain,
or even comprehend egalitarian extended family. Westerners are forced into the mold of “mechanical man,” and are
crippled by their culture and their language in ways which abuse them, wound
them deeply and prevent them from becoming fully human and from realizing their
inter-connectedness with all life on earth.
If one could stand outside the structure of the Western society, and look at it
from another paradigm, they would realize that the Hippie movement, the New Age
phenomenon, and the great numbers of Whites searching for “medicine men,” shamans,
and “Indian religion” all come from the innate sense of loss which remains on
some level of awareness for many Westerners, despite the numbing,
sado/masochistic, addictive and disconnecting effects of Western language and
culture.
Western society has come full circle, using the achievements of their “advanced
technology” to bomb the barren sands of the land which they once called the
Garden of Eden. They are maintaining
institutional illusions about their society and their history at an ever-increasing
cost.
Ahnishinahbæótjibway Dodems/extended family, language and
culture have been destroyed—the people of my grandfather’s generation were the
last of my people who experienced anything resembling an intact society, and
even in my grandfather’s youth our people were under heavy genocidal
attack. As a child I spoke my native
language with my grandfather and other older relatives, and came to understand
my Ahnishinahbæótjibway heritage through my grandfather; but
what remained of the Ahnishinahbæótjibway in my childhood was
shattered fragments of a people and a culture, many who were the last of their Dodem,
survivors of a holocaust who would take the living Ahnishinahbæótjibway
language with them to their graves.
Being “Indian” is culturally apropos at the moment, and many mixed-blood
acculturated Chippewa Indians talk about “bringing back traditions,” or
“reinventing Indians” from by an acculturated people who were almost terminated
by the Eisenhower administration, and have very little understanding of their
own history and traditions, and virtually none of the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
one. But, one can never re-create the
past, nor bring the organic vitality of a living culture back from
extermination. The “traditions”
accessible to born-again Indians are White interpretations and projections, or
discoveries of “lost tribes” who conveniently came back from the brink of
extinction just in time to open up an Indian Gaming casino.
After being confronted with undeniable documentary evidence of the extent of
the destruction wrought upon my people, I have finally come to terms with the
harsh reality that I tried to deny for most of my life: the Ahnishinahbæótjibway,
which interpreted into English means “We, the People,” are gone; our culture
has been destroyed. Those few of us who
survive as individuals and tattered shreds of Dodems have some
understanding our identity; a tiny percentage of our Aboriginal Indigenous
land—ravaged and plundered by the Westerners, her ecology wrecked or teetering
on the brink of collapse; we have our Ahnishinahbæótjibway
perspective and memories of the time when our language lived. We are no longer “We, the People” living in
what seemed the eternal and infinite harmony of our Dodems; we are
extinct in terms of the culture and people who we once were. What we have lost is almost beyond
comprehension, but there comes a time to let go of the distinctly non-Ahnishinahbæótjibway
emotion of anger, and live in harmony with reality, in accordance with the
non-violent values of my people.
What remains for me to do is to offer what I know to all of the people who are
here now (I won’t say “black” or “white” or “yellow” because everybody has been
mongrelized by centuries of Western war-and-peace). The history of Western Civilization has come full circle upon
itself, and they are coming to the end of their paradigm. The descendants of the immigrants and
invaders are here, and probably have no place else to go. The Ahnishinahbæótjibway
tradition is a part of this land; our spirit and our ghosts are inseparable
from this living part of Grandmother Earth.
The time has come for the newcomers to learn how to address the violence
which is an inherent part of their culture; to treat other people as human beings
rather than exploiting them, and to live in harmony with this land and with
themselves.
The Dodems were the foundation
of Ahnishinahbæótjibway society: they were egalitarian
extended families. The network of Dodems
and maternal relatives was the bedrock of our social universe, our identity,
our culture, our relationships with each other and our understanding of what it
means to be a human being.
Anthropologists have focussed on the “kinship” of indigenous peoples,
without ever coming to a full understanding of the meaning or pervasive significance
of the extended families which we had.
They had no basis of comparison in their own hierarchical,
nuclear-family society; they had no cultural groundwork for understanding
community in our terms.
There were at least 32 Ahnishinahbæótjibway Dodems; I
am of the Bear Dodem. The Dodems
are patrilineal, meaning that one is born into their father’s Dodem;
when a woman married she also took on her husband’s Dodem; her children
were born into her husband’s Dodem but had an equally close kinship relationship
with their mother’s side of the family.
Ahnishinahbæótjibway favored marrying from outside of
the local community; the women coming from across the continent to live with
their husbands’ Dodem and people.
Ahnishinahbæótjibway are and have always been
exogamous, meaning that we do not marry anyone to whom we are related; and we
defined relatives as anyone of the same Dodem, or otherwise related by
blood through seven generations... grandparents’ (two generations)
grandparents’ (four generations) great-grandparents, and all of their
descendants are blood relatives—and we knew who all of these thousands of
relatives were. This huge network of
relatives created a vast “social security” safety net; a loving family
extending thousands of miles in all directions; more than ten thousand brothers
and sisters with whom any kind of sexual relationship was unthinkable and
unimaginable, and therefore with whom we interacted in ways not readily
understood in the sexually-permeated Western society.
Many of the original birchbark scrolls were genealogical records, recording the
Dodem’s family history far beyond seven generations; the birchbark
scrolls which I have examined are Métis scrolls (many of which are hocus-pocus
made specifically for sale to anthropologists in the mid to late nineteenth
century)—I do not know of any Ahnishinahbæótjibway scrolls
which have survived. Almost all of the
scrolls which are preserved in museums as “Chippewa scrolls” are the Métis’
creole scrolls, just as the language which as recorded as “Chippewa” is a
creole fur-trade language. Because we
did not marry within the sixteen Dodems to whom we were the most closely
related (our parents’, grandparents’, great-grandparents, and
great-grandparents’ Dodems), and because we did not marry blood
relatives through seven generations, we avoided many of the genetic diseases
which plague Western society; the Ahnishinahbæótjibway people
were environmentally, socially, and genetically healthy... we were the
third-tallest group of people in the world—most of us over six feet tall.
Identity and affiliation, including what in English are tangentially referred
to as the “herd instinct” and the “nesting instinct,” are among the fundamental
human needs which were filled by the Ahnishinahbæótjibway Dodems
and egalitarian extended family; food, clothing and shelter were readily
provided for in our permacultural relationship to our intact ecology, leaving
plenty of time for leisure and socialization, arts and other forms of
creativity. We were totally secure with
our identity as ourselves, as human beings, and of our being loved and
belonging within the constellation of our relatives; within the context of our
kinship-oriented society—we did not need external definitions of ourselves. Western society has intentionally limited
even the hierarchical feudal extended families of its past history, in part
because Western institutions such as the Church depend on usurping the natural
human drive for affiliation which was filled by the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
extended families.
The gangs, teenage pregnancy and abortion, divorce, violence and social
“deviance,” which stem from the unbalanced and dehumanizing dynamics of
attenuated nuclear families and Western hierarchy—none of these were generated
by Ahnishinahbæótjibway extended families. The principal emotional states of Western
culture: including anger, fear, sorrow, disgust, lust, surprise, jealousy,
hate, profanity and greed, result from the inherent imbalances of Western hierarchical
nuclear-family social structure (and the abstract languages which help maintain
that structure), and because of Ahnishinahbæótjibway kinship,
egalitarian society and extended families, were not a part of our personality
structure nor social repertoire.
From an Ahnishinahbæótjibway perspective, Western European
people are transients who have no roots and no sense of connection to the
land. In our tradition, the Dodems
had an eternal connection to the land; each patriline belonged to a particular
place of the land, had lived in that place since time immemorial, and was a
part of the natural cycles of the land; our ancestors had been buried in the
land since the beginning of human time, and “selling land” was a metaphysical
impossibility. We did not have
Nation-states (or the “tribes” or “bands” which are part of the popular Western
misconception of Aboriginal Indigenous culture); we were not defined or
entrapped by any abstract monetary system, and our relationship to the land was
a living, untaxed one. We understood
and respected the ecological balance of the land, and maintained it as a
paradise—in the Ahnishinahbæótjibway understanding, no sane
people would foul their own nest.
The Westerners have been running from the immense pain of their past and their
hierarchically imposed identities.
Western society is full of “blind alleys” which are designed to
eliminate threats to the structure by diverting people, re-directing them into
“fighting the establishment” in violent, dead-end hierarchical terms—the
survivalist “anti-tax” movement is one of these blind alleys, as is communism
and the “get government off our backs/states’ rights” movement. Westerners can begin to regenerate their
relationship to the land by doing their genealogies, and putting their extended
families back together again; by recreating a vocabulary and a grammar which is
in harmony with egalitarian extended family.
The land is a critical part of this, and a family which works together
on the land, growing their own food, is beginning to rebuild the links which are
essential for a truly human society.
All people need to put their hands into the Earth, and understand “this
is where I come from, and this is where I will return.”
The Ahnishinahbæótjibway did not have domesticated animals—we
did not need pets like cats or dogs to fill the void left by lack of extended
family, and we understood the ecological devastation wrought by domesticated
herbivores such as sheep and cattle.
The deer and moose with whom we lived in harmony, lived gently in
relationship to the environment, leaving tracks and faint traces where they had
eaten... they did not devour the young trees and destroy the ecological balance
like cattle, sheep and goats do. It is
true that deer, like wolves and other non-domesticated animals, maintain the ecological
harmony by eating that which is out of balance—like introduced horticultural
species such as too-tender apple trees.
Western agriculture is an entirely different, hierarchical paradigm: in
which the cattle have more and better land than the people do, the foundation
of the food supply is a few mono-cropped species which are extremely vulnerable
to disease, and the eventual residue of “civilization” is desertification. These pathologies would not be possible in
the context of balanced, egalitarian extended families—this is why Ahnishinahbæótjibway
families were attacked and destroyed as a part of Western expansion (if the
Westerners had taken care of their land, they would have never needed to
“expand” here... and they are not taking care of this land either, they are
destroying it also.)
1The deliberate
destruction of Ahnishinahbæótjibway and other Aboriginal Indigenous languages is documented
in the book, We Have The Right to Exist, also by Wub-e-ke-niew.
3872. Wub-e-ke-niew.
(1996). A memorial to the Aboriginal Indigenous people of this Continent: We of
the Bear Dodem of the Ahnishinahbæótjibway intend to
establish a radio station on our Aboriginal land at Red Lake as a memorial ...
Abstract: We of the Bear Dodem of the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
intend to establish a radio station on our Aboriginal land at Red Lake as a
memorial to the Aboriginal people who have lived here since time
immemorial. We are among the very few
survivors of a five-hundred year holocaust which has annihilated almost all of
the Aboriginal people of this continent.
We, the few who are still alive, are paying tribute to our Ahnishinahbæótjibway
ancestors and to the other Indigenous people who were here, and giving voice to
our heritage, values and culture. There
have been other memorials to other peoples established all over the world, to
wars and generals and other victims of other holocausts. We as survivors of this genocide need to
establish a living memorial to the Aboriginal Indigenous peoples of this
continent.
In front of the radio station, we will put a plaque honoring our people who
were destroyed in the holocaust of the Aboriginal Indigenous people of this
Continent, and commemorating the Dodems of the Ahnishinahbæótjibway. The plaque will also contain a brief history
of the Aboriginal Indigenous people.
The radio station will be the first ever memorial to the Indigenous
people of this Continent; the first to fully acknowledge the human rights
violations against the Aboriginal Indigenous people of this continent.
The Need: Although there is historical acknowledgment of the
Métis and other immigrant people who were a part of the European colonization
of this continent, even the existence of ourselves and the other Aboriginal
Indigenous people has been ignored, distorted and obscured by Western history
and culture. We have been intentionally
and consistently confused with the people identified as American Indians, who
are an immigrant creole people of European heritage and patrilineal
descent. We, the Aboriginal Indigenous
people, are a nearly extinct people, and while we are still able to do so, we
feel compelled to memorialize the many millions of our people who were killed
in the genocide which characterized Western Civilization’s presence on this
continent for more than four centuries.
We are the last of our people, and we need to pay tribute to the
Aboriginal people who were here, both to our own ancestors, and to those many
millions who people were annihilated completely and who are without
descendants.
It may need to be stressed that we are not Indians, and we are not establishing
an Indian radio station. We leave it to
the Indians, who the United States and Canada count in the millions, to come to
terms with their own history and to memorialize that history as they see fit.
Why a Radio Station? A
radio station is a living memorial, presenting to the world the egalitarian,
non-violent and profoundly beautiful values lived by the Aboriginal Indigenous
peoples of this continent. It is a
memorial to a multitude of languages and cultures which have been
destroyed. We Ahnishinahbæótjibway
of the Bear Dodem are among the very few who have survived, and a radio
station will allow the world to hear our last voices, as we go into extinction
within the next generation—as the holocaust of our people takes its final toll.
Plan
What will it do? Our
ancient wisdom may be helpful to a troubled world—we understood how to maintain
both the ecosystem and our societies in harmony. Our voice has been silenced here, and a radio station will let
the world know that there were Aboriginal Indigenous people who lived here for
countless millennia before the Indians or the Europeans. The Western European people have to come to
terms with what they have done on this continent—they cannot continue to hide
it. The only way that a solid
foundation for the future can be built, is on an honest understanding of the
past. Among the things which we will
broadcast are discussions of the Ahnishinahbæótjibway Dodems,
which in translation are extended families many generations deep, in comparison
to Western social structure, which is based on nuclear families.
How will a Radio Station do this? Most of our people have been mis-educated, and many of both our
own people and those of our audience have been mis-educated and are
functionally illiterate, although they have other talents. A radio station will help a wide range of
people who do not read newspapers. It
will give voice to people whose traditions are oral rather than written. It will provide a venue for grassroots music
which has not been given commercial air-time, and give voice to those who have
been silenced. The dynamics of a radio
station will be a living memorial to the Aboriginal Indigenous people who were
here.
Who’s Competent to Establish and Run the Radio Station? We, the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
of the Bear Dodem are among the last surviving Aboriginal Indigenous
people. We are the only ones who
understand our heritage, and it is we who must memorialize the Aboriginal
Indigenous people of this continent.
What Do We Need? We have
our own ancestral land which has never been under treaty and which has never
been ceded—it does not belong to the United States Government and it does not
belong to the Indians; it is our Aboriginal Indigenous land. We have the airwaves, the dedication and the
motivation. We need: AM/FM radio
broadcasting equipment, studio equipment, buildings, a radio tower, a diesel
generator, and operating funds. Most of
our people live below the poverty level in areas where unemployment reaches
90%, and it would be helpful to pay those working on the radio station. We are working on a more detailed budget,
detailing the specific equipment and operating funds. We welcome in-kind donations such as the radio transmitters and
towers, studio equipment, etc. We are
seeking donations from individuals who feel that they can make a difference in
this world
Please
Contact: Wub-e-ke-niew, Ahnishinahbæótjibway of the Bear Dodem
3873. Wub-e-ke-niew.
(1997). Six questions about language from Wub-e-ke-niew to Dr. Harvey Sarles.
Abstract: 1) If you destroy the language, you destroy the culture. What is culture comprised of?
2) If you destroy the language, do you destroy the people? Do the people go extinct?
3) Why do you want to destroy the language and culture of any people to begin
with? What benefit is it to you
(plural) to do this? What are your
(plural) motives?
4) The Western European culture and language have no respect or manners for
other people, including themselves. Why
doesn’t it have manners or respect?
They invaded this land, and remain here.
5) After all of these years, when they said they wanted to destroy the Indians
(implying that the Indigenous people were Indians), saying, “they will not live
amongst us,” now, all of a sudden, they are promoting the Indians. Why are they promoting them? They are teaching Chippewa in the schools,
but they are not teaching it in the homes.
They are teaching it with White teachers and wanna-be’s. I would like to know who is an Indian, and
why is he here? Indian is a foreign
language, a foreign term. What do they
mean by Indian languages? From
India? They are being very vague. They need to explain themselves. I want to know, and nobody tells me. I have been asking this question, and nobody
answers me.
6) The indigenous language and Chippewa are two very different languages. Why are the distinctions being blurred?
3874. Wub-e-ke-niew.
(1992). To: The International Court of Justice: We, the Anishinabe Ojibway People of the
Anishinabe Ojibway Nation, are, by this letter, filing against the genocide,
ecocide, human rights violations, and other acts of war committed against our
People. ...
Abstract: International Court of Justice
Peace Palace
The Hague, The Netherlands
To: The International Court of Justice:
We, the Anishinabe Ojibway People of the Anishinabe Ojibway Nation, are,
by this letter, filing against the genocide, ecocide, human rights violations,
and other acts of war committed against our People.
I am Wub-e-keniew, son of Wub-e-keniew, who was the son of Bah-wah-we-nind, who
was the son of Bah-se-noss. We are
Anishinabe Ojibway People of the Bear Clan and Dodem. Bah-se-noss was hereditary spokesperson and Midewiwin spiritual
leader of the Anishinabe Ojibway People of the Bear Clan at Red Lake. His title and responsibility has passed to
my grandfather, Bah-wah-we-nind, and thus to myself, his only surviving
grandson.
I speak for myself and also on behalf of my people, the Anishinabe Ojibway People. We are a Sovereign people of the Sovereign
Anishinabe Ojibway Nation. We retain
some of our Aboriginal Indigenous land, at Red Lake in the territory claimed by
the United States, and the State of Minnesota.
Although the United States Government fraudulently claims “eminent
domain” to this land, we have never ceded our land, our Sovereignty, our
Midewiwin Religion, our culture, our values, our resources, nor our Eminent
Domain to the United States, the State of Minnesota, the Christian churches, to
any other European institution nor power, nor to anyone else. The United States is presently claiming that
it holds “trust title” for the part of our Anishinabe Ojibway land which they
call the “Red Lake Indian Reservation.”
It needs to be made clear that the vast majority of people whom the
United States Government identifies as “Red Lake Chippewa Indians” are not, in
fact, Anishinabe Ojibway People—and that the “Sovereignty” to which the United
States refers in regard to “Chippewa Indians” is in fact, an European
Sovereignty delegated through the United States Secretary of the Interior—and
has absolutely nothing to do with the intrinsic Sovereignty of the Anishinabe
Ojibway People. The United States
Government has been using slippery English in order to deceive the world about
what they are continuing to do to the Anishinabe Ojibway and other Aboriginal
Indigenous Peoples here. We have always
known that they were lying, but we could not do anything about it until we
spoke fluent English.
We are not “American Indians,” we are not “Chippewa Indians,” and
we are not “Native Americans.”
The Europeans have used the Judeo-Christian religion, which is an
immigrant religion here, to justify their heinous acts of genocide and other
aggression against the Anishinabe Ojibway People; and they have used
Christianity to falsely claim title to this land. The Judeo-Christian Bible (King James Edition) reads,
“... and whatsoever Adam
called every living creature, that was the name thereof.” [Genesis 2:19]
“And he said unto them, Go
ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creature.” [St. Luke
16:15]
“... subdue [the earth]; and
have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over
every living thing that moveth upon the earth.” [Genesis 1:18]
The Judeo-Christians do not have the authority to re-name the Anishinabe
Ojibway people, by calling us “Indians,” “Native Americans,” “Chippewas,” or
anything else. They have followed their
alien Biblical prescription for “having dominion,” but they have no right to
change our identity, nor to call us anything except by our proper name. The Indo-European interpretation of “God”
and what “God” tells them to do, is not the only one in the world. They do not have a monopoly on “truth,” and
from the Anishinabe Ojibway perspective, it seems like they’re pretty far from
the truth. To try to annihilate a
people by destroying their identity or their religion is genocide in the name
of an Indo-European “God.” They have no
right to claim religious “dominion” over any but their own Indigenous land
where Eden once flourished. They have
no right to try to impose their foreign religion into anybody else’s land. They have no right to try to “convert”
Anishinabe Ojibway people to their alien religion. This is our land, and our own Midewiwin religion is ancient and
deep within this land.
According to the foreign Judeo-Christian Fundamentalists, Adam was evicted from
Eden in 4004 B.C. We, the Anishinabe
Ojibway People, have been living here, on this land given to us by the Great
Creator, and have been living our Midewiwin Religion on this land for more than
four ice ages. Our Spiritual Tradition
is older than Judaism, Christianity, Buddhism, and Islam put together. The Anishinabe Ojibway Midewiwin is a part
of our land, inseparable from Grandmother Earth, and both we the Anishinabe
Ojibway People and our Midewiwin religion belong here. The alien religions which the Europeans have
imported onto our land have no jurisdiction here.
The Judeo-Christians have no right to claim our land in the name of their very
recent Deity. They have no right to
kill our people in the name of “religious salvation.” They have no right to brainwash our children, particularly
through compulsory “education.” They
have no right to build “churches” within our own, under the great sacred
Cathedral dome of the Sky. They have no
right to destroy what they do not own nor understand, and no right to claim
that which is not theirs.
The Europeans have gone into other peoples’ lands all over the world,
justifying their theft in the name of Christianity. They have stolen other Peoples’ land, property, and resources,
because the Europeans did not take care of their own land, property, and
resources; because Europe was plundered and European resources squandered in
the endless wars of the European war culture.
Judeo-Christianity is used to condone the Christians’ thievery, plunder
and killing.
The Europeans have brought more than ninety (90) diseases onto our land, some
of them used specifically and intentionally in germ warfare. We have documentation of medical
experimentation by the United States Government on the Anishinabe Ojibway
people at Red Lake. The Euro-Americans
have also fostered alcoholism among the Anishinabe Ojibway people, using their
imported “sacred substance” as a tool of genocide. How many categories of mental illness have they brought over
here, also? We have not been able to
count them. All of their diseases came
from their war and from their main mental illness of greed.
How can you go into somebody else’s land and claim it, when there are already
people living there—Sovereign people who have cherished that land for countless
millennia. How would you like it if I
went into your house and claimed everything?
I don’t think you’d like it.
That’s what the Europeans have done and are doing. Don’t they have any manners, any
respect? Do they think that they are
the only people who count? How can
anybody respect them, when they don’t have any respect for anybody else?
The Europeans have created another “race” of people, the “Indians.” There were no “Indians” on either one of
these Continents before the Europeans got here. The “Indians” are used as brokers and middle-men to steal
Anishinabe Ojibway Peoples land, Sovereignty, and resources; and the “Indians”
are used by the United States to obscure their ongoing genocide of the
Anishinabe Ojibway people. The United
States claims to have millions of “Indians.”
In Anishinabe Ojibway country, less than five percent of the people
counted as “Indians” [which we are not], are in fact Aboriginal Indigenous
People.
After the “French-and-Indian Wars,” how many French people were made into
“Indians” by the conquering British? We
can document thousands of French people turned into “Chippewa Indians.” These French “Indians” are not my
people. They are not Anishinabe Ojibway
people, although the United States falsely claims that they and we are the same
invented category, “Chippewa Indians.”
The Europeans have tried to forcibly impose alien European political
structures, like “Democracy” onto the Anishinabe Ojibway Nation. The United States Congress’ colonial puppet
government, the Indian Reorganization Act “Tribal Councils,” were manipulated
onto Red Lake Anishinabe Ojibway land deceitfully, and against the desires of
the Red Lake Anishinabe Ojibway people.
We can document this.
“Democracy,” “Communism,” and “Capitalism” are all European concepts, all
alien to this land. They do not belong
here, and they have no place in the non-violent, egalitarian Theocratic society
of the Anishinabe Ojibway people. Their
forcible imposition of these alien political structures is a human rights
violation, and has included genocide.
The European Nations of France, England, and the United States have made
“Treaties” with “Indians.” The land
covered by these “Treaties” did not belong to the “Indians” [all people with an
Indo-European patriline]. The land here
belongs to the Anishinabe Ojibway People with a patrilineal Clan and Dodem of
the Midewiwin. It is held jointly by us
through the Midewiwin. The land is a
part of our identity and our religion, and cannot be sold.
Another diabolical scheme which has been done by the European immigrants is
taking Anishinabe Ojibway resources, and turning it into the alien Dollar
economic system. They have destroyed
our resources and our food supply with genocidal intent. They have polluted our waters where our fish
live; they have destroyed the habitat for our game animals; they have sent some
of our game animals into extinction; they have cut down our permacultural
Sugar-Maple trees and destroyed our permacultural Mahnomen [“wild rice”]
lakes. They have clearcut our forests,
and they tell us that this is “Civilization.”
I do not call this “civilization,” I call it acts of criminal insanity.
The United States Government created the boarding schools. They kidnapped and brainwashed all of the
Anishinabe Ojibway children. The
purpose of the Boarding Schools was to take away the self-esteem, identity,
language, religion, and culture of the Anishinabe Ojibway People. I speak from experience: I was held nine
years as a political prisoner of these foreign European-Americans in a Boarding
School. These alien European-Americans
do not have any identity, they do not have any culture, and they do not have
any roots here. They have no right to
come in here; they have no right to torture Anishinabe Ojibway children nor
anybody else.
We, the Anishinabe Ojibway People have a right to exist. We have a right to retain our own Sovereign
Nation on our own Sovereign land, without any interference from anybody. The United States Government has no right to
plant their European subject people, the “Chippewa Indians” on our land, and to
“negotiate” with them to steal Anishinabe Ojibway land, resources and
Sovereignty.
The United States Government, whose Sovereignty is held by England, is
currently violating the International Convention for the Prevention and
Punishment of Genocide, against the Anishinabe Ojibway People. They are currently committing Acts of War
against we, the Anishinabe Ojibway Nation.
They are currently violating our Sovereign territory, and refuse to
recognize the Eminent Domain and Sovereignty of the Anishinabe Ojibway People
in our own land.
We, the Anishinabe Ojibway People, are a non-violent people. There are no words for “War” and “Peace” in
our language. Our Sovereign Nation is a
theocracy, but it is not a diabolical scheme to seek converts to rule the
world. We do not seek converts. We wish to live in peace in our own land,
without interference from anybody.
There are a lot of good White, Black, and other people here who love and
respect the land, and who are decent people.
We have no quarrel with these people.
However, the people near the top of the hierarchy are the ones who stand
to benefit from the holocaust of our people and the decimation of our
environment. Both this W.A.S.P. élite,
and most of the Indo-European “Indians,” who owe their existence, their
identity, and their loyalty to the Euro-American élite are in complicity with
the ongoing genocide, human rights violations, and other travesties against our
Anishinabe Ojibway land, Sovereignty, and people.
We have the documentation to back up what we write. We have been doing research for the past eight years into the
genealogy and history of Red Lake, and have thousands of pages of
documentation. We would like to have
our case tried in the International Court of Justice. Could you please send us any forms necessary for us to fill out
to file against the genocide, acts of War, and human rights violations
committed by the United States and England.
[We include England because the Sovereignty of the Euro-American
W.A.S.P. élite is held, through the Anglican Church, by England.] If you do not have a procedure for
redressing the grievances of the Aboriginal Indigenous Peoples of the world, we
ask you why not? Genocide has been a
constant thread in European history; it is a part of their very cultural
structure. Anybody who would commit genocide
in the name of their religion is spiritually bankrupt.
Do the Nuremberg Principles apply in this case? It seems that the United States has been formulating their
“Indian” policy in accordance with the European rules of war; however the
European concepts of war and peace have no place on this Continent, and we, the
Anishinabe Ojibway People, are not a part of the United States Government’s
“Indians.” According to the United
States Senate policy reports on “Indian Affairs” written in 1977, the United
States expects that “Indians” will have disappeared by about the year
2027. We, the Anishinabe Ojibway
People, see the long-term Euro-American agenda as being that of obliterating
the Aboriginal Indigenous Peoples, both from the history which they control,
and as a People. The abuse of the word
European “Indian” to refer to both French people and Anishinabe Ojibway people
is a part of this strategy. If we had
not learned English, they probably would have gotten away with it.
We request that the proceedings of this case be published, and sent not only to
the European-oriented élite “leaders” of the Nations of the world, but also to
the genuine Indigenous leaders of the surviving Aboriginal Indigenous Nations.
Sincerely,
Wub-e-keniew,
a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr.
3875. Wub-e-ke-niew
, Harding, M., & NiiSka, C. (1996). Spring--the Season of Sugar. The
Grapevine, Harmony Natural Foods Cooperative Newsletter.
Abstract: By the time you read this, we will be in our sugarbush: cutting
firewood, washing kettles and pails, experimenting with what we hope will be a
more efficient sap evaporator, and checking our first tap to see if the sap is
running yet.
As the cycle of the seasons moves toward Spring, the days get longer and the
sunlight soaks the land with welcome warmth.
Every being who has rested through the cold of Winter begins to
awaken. The birds are beginning to
return, the bear cubs making their first explorations beyond the den where they
were born in mid-Winter, and the sap is beginning to rise in the trees. As the sugar-beet farmers in the Red River
Valley stare across acres of mud and wait for their fields to dry enough to
start planting again, here it’s maple sugar-making time.
Sugar maples were one of the foundations of Ahnishinahbæótjibway
permaculture, of the Aboriginal Indigenous peoples’ harmonious and respectful
inter-relationship with the natural cycles of Grandmother Earth. A sugarbush is part of a complex, integrated
ecosystem where several species of maple, basswood, birch, ash and other
trees—along with hundreds of species of shrubs, grasses, ferns and herbs, birds
and insects, and animals all live in symbiotic and mutually-supportive
harmony. Ahnishinahbæótjibway
permaculture was an economy of abundance, egalitarian and inter-connected, and
not susceptible to centralized control.
The Dodems (extended families) would gather at the family
sugarbushes to make sugar together in the Spring. Everybody from babies to centenarians worked together in the
sugarbush and enjoyed the companionship of the extended family. The heat from sap-boiling fires felt just
right in the gathering warmth of springtime sunshine, and it was a beautiful
time of year.
Although the methods used to make maple syrup and maple sugar have changed on the
surface—steel drills instead of axes to tap the trees, tin cans and plastic
pails instead of birchbark containers, metal or plastic “taps” instead of
wooden ones—the basic process is still the same. The trees are tapped by cutting or drilling through the bark into
the sap-wood and the sap is collected, drop by drop, in pails or cans. The maple sap, which runs sweet enough to
make maple sugar only in the northeast part of this continent, is gathered and
boiled for several hours to evaporate the water. When it first starts to boil, the hot sap begins to froth. We always use deer tallow or pork fat,
dipped into the boiling sap to stop the foaming and boiling over. Presently, some people think that using a
spruce bough is the way the Aboriginal Indigenous people used to stop the
foaming. Not true. Using a spruce bough actually makes the
syrup taste lousy, almost like turpentine, thus enhancing the market for
commercial white sugar, and justifying cutting down the maple trees for
furniture. It also discredits the
Aboriginal Indigenous culture.
Ultimately, thirty or forty gallons of sap boiled down, are concentrated to
make about a gallon of pure maple syrup, or a few pounds of maple sugar.
People have asked, “Isn’t it a lot of work to make maple syrup?” It is, but in the old way it was done
together as a Dodem, for the family, and sure, it was a lot of work, but
it was a lot of fun, too. The Dodem
did all of their food-gathering and food-harvesting together: gardening, maple
sugaring and gathering mahnomen (which is sometimes erroneously called
“wild rice”). In reality, making maple
sugar is a lot less work than clearing a sugar-cane field, planting the cane,
weeding the fields for over a year while the sugar-cane matures, burning the
fields, cutting the cane in tropical heat, grinding the sugar-canes to extract
the juice—and then finally beginning the boiling-down process that the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
began with. Many people don’t realize
that market-scale production of sugar-cane began with slave labor, is now
economically feasible only with cheap third-world labor and fossil-fueled
machines, and is ecologically destructive.
Maple sugar is a living food, and each day’s sap run is different: syrup will
be a slightly different color, and sugar will have a different texture. Unlike white sugar, which is chemically
refined and potentially addictive, maple sugar is an organic complex filled
with minerals; a food which is good for you, part of a healthy natural diet. And maple sugar will not unbalance the blood
glucose of diet-controlled diabetics.
The sugarbush is a time of re-awakening and it was a time of celebration of
family and Spring. But, most of all,
the sugarbush is a time of renewal, companionable working-together of family
and friends, of giving thanks for the wonderful food given to us by Grandmother
Earth. Sugar-making, and the
stewardship of Grandmother Earth which is inherent in it, is something which is
naturally a part of all of us human beings who live here now—but we all have to
learn to fine-tune ourselves as earth-beings into our natural cycles of life,
and live in balance and harmony. This
we must do, in order to survive.
[This
newsletter article was the collaborative work of Wub-e-ke-niew,Clara NiiSka,
and Mary Harding]
Wub-e-ke-niew of the Bear Dodem,
a Co-op member, is author of We Have the Right to Exist, A Translation of
Aboriginal Indigenous Thought.
3876. Wub-e-ke-niew
, & NiiSka, C. (1997). Language from an Ahnishinahbæótjibway
perspective.
Abstract: Presented to the University of Minnesota’s Spring Anthropology
Conference in the context of a workshop on language jointly given by
Wub-e-ke-niew and Clara; the paper was circulated at the conference
Once upon a time, not so very long ago, the air in Southern California was
clean, faintly resinous with chaparral on warm afternoons, tangy with the sea,
softly perfumed with the flowers that carpeted the hills and canyons in the
early spring. I, who have lived perhaps
half a lifetime, remember standing amid the toyon and manzanita in San Diego,
watching the snow shimmering on distant mountain peaks. As a child I played beneath the gnarled
giants of ancient live oak trees, and cupped my hands into cool small streams
to drink the sparkling water.
Once upon a time, less than fifteen years ago, my husband, Wub-e-ke-niew and I
cut through the winter ice on Red Lake to get our drinking water. The deer trails were many across the snow in
the woods. We ate duck and rabbit,
partridge, venison and moose, and in the summer our nets were heavy with
fish. We filled our pails with
blueberries and raspberries, highbush cranberries and chokecherries, ate a
surfeit, and left more than we picked.
We filled the cars of visitors with vegetables from our garden, and
still had more than enough to last the winter.
The morning birdsongs of spring and early summer were loud enough to
wake us at first light. Wub-e-ke-niew
is Ahnishinahbæótjibway of the Bear Dodem, and
dialogue and meta-dialogue with Grandmother Earth are an inherent part of his
native language. Unlike “English, which
is a pseudo-male language,” he says, “the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
language is both male and female.”
It tears my heart apart to go to Southern California, now. Richard Nixon signed the Clean Air Act, and
the air is brown and acrid, burning the eyes, clogging the lungs and obscuring
even the closest hills. From the
mountaintops, I have looked down at scarred land disappearing beneath the
filthy haze. The smog spills through
mountain passes out into the desert, poisoning and even killing trees which
grew when Columbus landed, some of them older than Christianity. The Pacific Ocean is faintly slimy with
sewage, and I would hesitate to dip my hands into the scummy trickles of
polluted water where clear streams once flowed. Freeways roar through the canyons, shopping centers and parking
lots entomb the land once vibrant with chaparral, and tier upon tier of
ticky-tacky suburban housing developments suffocate the hills where early
spring flowers bloomed. Wub-e-ke-niew,
who visited Southern California in 1995, told me, “The original plants are
gone, replaced by alien plants from all over the world. It is a dead land, like a fatally ill man on
life support—and they should pull the plug and let it die, it’s going to
anyway. They are downsizing the
ecosystem, and before everything is gone, we need to downsize the big
corporations and governments that are wrecking it. We all live here. We are
all a part of it, and it belongs to all of us.
But, the English language disenfranchises us and we become corporate
slaves.”
On a warm afternoon last summer, I sat on the rocks by the shore of Red Lake,
and watched the sun move slowly toward the horizon. The play of light between sky and water belied the dying lakes,
the water so murky I would not swim in it.
Those who still fish pull many empty nets, and I would hesitate to eat
any of the few fish they catch, some with cancerous growths on them. The snow-water we melt for washing in the
winter-time leaves a faint ring of oil in the pails—it’s been that way since
the Gulf War.
Grandmother Earth has been raped and plundered: vast expanses of clear-cut
stretch toward the horizon at Red Lake.
Snowmobile trails along the highway have replaced most of the deer
trails through the woods, and the rabbits and partridges are very few. I went blueberry picking two summers ago,
and during the course of a day found only a few handfuls of berries. My husband says that insecticides have
killed the pollinating bees, and when a hibernating bee woke early in the house
last winter, he lived with it rather than killing it or taking it outside where
it would freeze. When spring came, he
caught the bee and let it go outside, and watched as it sat on a tree,
stretching its wings and cleaning itself.
Each year, we see a few more of our trees die, and last spring the
birdsong was but a faint echo of what it was ten years ago. My husband has begun feeding the birds to
get them through the winter, and tells the clerk in the co-op where he buys the
seed, “You cut down the forests to plant sunflowers and corn, and I have to
come to town to buy sunflower seed and corn to feed the birds whose natural
food grows in the forest, and that’s foolish and obscene. The forest took care of the birds—that’s how
it’s naturally supposed to be. I’ve
never fed the blue jays before, but now everything has been destroyed, and I
had more than fifty blue jays stay to eat all winter. It’s sad.”
I have a friend who defends the forest with the ferocity of a grandmother
protecting her young, writing passionate and carefully researched letters, and
testifying to congressional committees.
I thank her for the acres for which she has gained a reprieve, and
grieve for each new swath of clearcut, and for the regimented rows of sterile
tree-farms. I look beyond the few rows
of pine trees planted in what the Department of Natural Resources calls an
“aesthetic” buffer along many highways in northern Minnesota, to the ragged
stands of aspen behind them, and notice that the piles of pulp-sticks waiting
by the railroads in Bemidji are of smaller trees than they were just a few
years ago. Some were very young trees,
only a few inches in diameter.
Destroying the ecological infrastructure upon which all life—including
our own—depends, is unthinkable thought in Ahnishinahbæótjibway,
beyond the pale even of insanity.
Wub-e-ke-niew says that the Ahnishinahbæótjibway language is
egalitarian, but that English has hierarchy, disharmony and disrespect, “built
right into the language.” In the late
modern/postmodern world, where the dominant discourse is in English and other
European languages, Wub-e-ke-niew says, “There are no checks and balances on
the multi-national corporations. They
are like a runaway bulldozer with no operator at the controls, destroying
everything in its path. There need to
be some checks and balances, people taking responsibility for what is being
destroyed. Newt Gingrich says that they
are downsizing ‘big government,’ giving responsibility back to the states—why
isn’t Congress solving the problems?
The states are only part of the problem, and the states are throwing
money to institutions like the school boards and the prison system, and the
problem never gets solved. It’s pretty
clever: delegating and delegating again, throwing money to some bigmouth, who
gets the money and it’s gone. It’s like
Johnson’s War on Poverty: they kept delegating responsibility until the money
was all spent, but the poor are still with us.
They are not going to solve the problem: there are no viable goals and
objectives, they have slogans but they don’t have a plan to solve the problem
of destroying the ecosystem, and they don’t want to solve the problems because
they need conflict and chaos in order to govern.”
Wub-e-ke-niew remembers the old-growth forests which stretched across northern
Minnesota for the many millennia his indigenous ancestors spoke in harmony with
Grandmother Earth and Grandfather Midé.
Here lived white pines two hundred and fifty feet tall and nine
feet in diameter, sugar-maples more than two thousand years old. In his book, We Have The Right To Exist,
he writes:
In my great-grandfather’s time,
old-growth forests covered more than half of this Continent, from the Atlantic
Ocean to the tallgrass prairies west of the Mississippi. The trees rose to meet the skies, and the
sentience of these ancient living beings was a part of our Ahnishinahbæótjibway
community, part of the seamless continuity of time. They were more magnificent than the finest
of the Europeans’ cathedrals, but they were not oppressively cold,
psychologically manipulative man-made canyons of stone; nor flying-buttressed
edifices like hordes of giant locusts crouched in waiting to devour the land
and suck the life out of Grandmother Earth.
Our forests were comfortable and nurturing, like the haven of baby
chicks under their mother hen’s wings.
The forests were home, serene and secure, gentle and wise. Theirs was a concert of voices: the sharp
snapping of trees in the cold winter nights, the wind in the pines, the low
calls of mother foxes to their young, the soft conversation of our Dodemian
and the crackling of the fires in the sugarbushes, the spring symphony of
birds, the drumsongs drifting across the water in summer, and the whooshing
beat of the air as millions of birds flew south in the fall. When I was young, I walked through these
forests. The earth was soft underfoot,
like walking on a plush carpet. The
undisturbed primeval forests had very little underbrush, and a person could see
a great distance.
When we were young boys
playing in the old-growth pine forests, we used to watch the flying squirrels
in the pines in wonder and amazement.
We watched them glide from one tree to the next, walking behind them on
a thick carpet of pine needles. They
were beautiful, graceful animals. It’s
been more than forty years since I have seen a flying squirrel. They have joined the vanishing species that
disappear with the plunder of the ecology.
They are gone, because their home in the ancient pines has been
clear-cut, replaced by aspen, and the whole ecosystem has changed. There is no habitat for flying squirrels in
aspen brush. Where are the smallest of
the woodpeckers, that used to be all over the woods when I was a boy? In the last ten years, I have only seen three
of these tiny birds. Where are the
cedar swamps, so thick that it was dark at noon? I used to go down into these swamps and pick our swamp tea, and a
few of the moccasin-flowers. All of
this is gone ... (1995:91-92)
Generation after generation, the ecosystem that sustains all of life on this
Earth has been destroyed by the “civilization” brought to this continent by the
Europeans. Generation after generation,
small freedoms have been nibbled away.
Returning to the Cities after an absence of eighteen years, I feel the
tightening constraints: photo ID to work, photo ID to enter the stacks at
Walter library, hyper-alert caution when walking alone after dark, police
sirens and gunshots at night, windowless school buildings, car-alarms... the
list goes on and on. When I talked to
my husband about my culture-shock, he told me, “violence is built into the
English language.”
Some of the older anthropologists at the University of Minnesota have talked in
class about the destruction of the social fabric of the villages where they did
their early fieldwork. The integrity
and harmony of those villages has been profoundly altered by global market
economies, they say. Social theorists
like Anthony Giddens write about the transformations wrought by “late modernity”—in
time, space, community and interpersonal relationships—with what seems to me a
certain forced optimism. As one who has
seen the remnants of an intact egalitarian community, who has glimpsed the
enormous loss of human possibility in late modernity, I read such writing with
sorrow. Wub-e-ke-niew adds, “This
society does not have manners and respect.
People are not treated as human beings—manners and respect are not a
part of [Western] culture. Until that’s
built into the culture and language, to treat other people with manners and
respect, it’s going to keep getting worse.”
But, it is pointless to lament without offering an alternative.
As human beings caught in a web of positive-feedback loops called “progress,”
we stand at a fork in the road, unique in scale if not in kind. On the one hand is an eight-lane
superhighway leading to increasing ecocide, and quite probably to our own
destruction—we are interdependent with all of the other life on this planet,
and if we kill the Earth which sustains us, we too shall perish, despite hubris
and our faith in Science. On the other
hand, there is an unmarked and unmapped path: a historical moment in which
radical transformation is possible: of the deep structure of Western society,
and of the language with which that structure has been constructed.
Wub-e-ke-niew and I used to talk about, “Why Columbus?” For what, have his relatives, his Dodem,
and his community been annihilated during centuries of genocide? He says, “Perhaps it had to come full
circle, perhaps once ‘civilization’ began, there was no other way it could
finish.” When George Bush bombed the
ancient cradle of Western Civilization, the place which the Christian Bible calls the Garden of Eden, the
circle began to close—after millennia of destruction of others, the force of
Western technological warfare returned, against its own roots. Now, there is continual festering violence
in what the Christians, the Jews and the Muslims call their ancient homeland. Wub-e-ke-niew asks, “When are the crusades
going to end?” Humanity cannot survive
another circuit of the same violent circle.
What is another path?
A crucial key is language, defined in the broad sense of [any] “systematic
means of communicating ... “ (Webster, 1993).
Language is a core aspect of the “software” of society: mediating social
interaction, structuring the ways in which one interprets and then behaves in
the world. The shared meanings conveyed
in language are a vital aspect of culture and society. Although I disagree with those who say that
language is uniquely human, language is fundamental to human society. However, Wub-e-ke-niew emphasizes crucial
distinctions between indigenous language and Western hierarchical languages. Indigenous languages like Ahnishinahbæó
tjibway were an integral part of being a human being. Hierarchical languages like English,
however, “dehumanize you. I look at the
English language as a human rights violation, giving you an identity which is
not really you. I see that language as
being crooked and full of dishonest schemes.
Part of its pious hypocrisy is its hierarchy—the people on the lower
levels of the Western hierarchies are excluded from what is called ‘proper
English.’ These people’s adaptations to
the language, like Ebonics, are discredited. Rather than being a part of the community, the English language is
being used as a tool of oppression and dehumanization.”
From at least the moment of our conception, we are bathed in language, our
mother’s voice resonating through amniotic fluid, surrounded by our mother’s
emotional energy in conjunction with language, exposed to subtle biochemicals
transmitted through the placenta in association with language. As neonates, we grow in the context of
language; to some degree “hard-wired” for our native language as our neurons
grow and our synapses link in the setting of language. The discourse through which our identities
are formed and maintained is coded and structured by language. The interactions through which we negotiate
our relationship to society—and, in the aggregate, form our society—are
mediated by language. Our understanding
of the world is powerfully influenced by language, as are our actions within
the world. The thoughts which we
communicate to others, and much of what we tell ourselves, is in language. Each language transmits across the
generations the history and values of those whose language it is. Language and the deep structure of society
are inextricably linked.
Changing the language in fundamental ways, will inevitably change society. The kinds of deep linguistic transformations
which will heal the social ills compounded over millennia are not
instantaneous—the pathologies of Western civilization cannot be cured in years
or even decades. However, profound
metamorphoses can happen over just a few generations. Hierarchical language has been an effective tool of oppression
because most peoples’ understanding of their native language is implicit and
the generative forces of grammar, syntax, structure, patterns of discourse, and
constellations of word connotation are outside of their usual awareness. Deconstructing the language and its
meta-narratives (both present and absent) is a necessary precursor to debunking
and transcending the illusions of Western Civilization.
Modern languages change continually, and a comparison of popular dictionaries,
from the present and from fifty years ago, for instance, will reveal subtle but
important changes which are interconnected with social changes like the decline
in personal autonomy. Wub-e-ke-niew
sees such shifts as being phase changes rather than structural or paradigmatic
transformations, pointing out that, “When the Western Europeans emigrated from
Europe, the majority of them were slaves.
What they found here was an abundance of resources, which subsidized the
‘American Dream.’ But, now the
resources are gone, and the social system is changing back to the feudal
slavery of medieval Europe. Old folks
talk about the ‘cabin at the lake’ they used to have, but now, they and their
children don’t have cabins at the lake anymore. It’s not like it used to be.
There are no more resources, and the ‘American Dream’ has become an
abstract, hierarchical illusion. The
imported European social system hasn’t fundamentally changed—they can’t get out
of the box that confines them, and the underlying feudalism will resurface and
prevail. They go around and around,
like a caged animal pacing back and forth, but they are prisoners of their
language. In order to change, they need
female as well as male language, to create balance. Then, they can escape from the cage of feudalism.”
In English, the word “communication” has acquired a new meaning involving
transmission of information in one direction only, as in “mass
communication.” The maintenance of hierarchical
society has historically involved the use of euphemisms, particular ones
changing as their currency transmutes them from discrete hint to direct
reference (an etymological study of euphemisms could disclose some interesting
patterns about a society). Public
relations and advertising professionals are sensitive to the constructive power
of language, coining such canny phrases as the “Wise Use Movement.” Wub-e-ke-niew adds, “Euphemisms and
metaphors are abstract illusions.
Replacing something that’s real with something that’s full of
metaphors—I think that’s funny. The
English language is so crooked, it allows people to tell lies with euphemisms
and metaphors, while pretending they’re telling the truth. An example is the special way that junk dealers
have of dealing with people. An old
junk dealer not too far from here, when somebody asks him how much he wants for
an old rusty wheel-rim, for example, has a long and eloquent speech about how
valuable his junk is, and how it’s worth much more than the (inflated) price
he’s asking for it. He will tell his
customers that his junk is so valuable, he might want to keep it for himself
instead of selling it. He uses the same
reverse psychology even when he’s selling his used cars—he’ll tell you, ‘I want
to keep this car.’ But, when you give
him a good offer, he’ll sell it right away.”
The underlying nature of Western languages, including English, is partially
revealed by ancient writers like Plato (428 bce - 348 bce). In Phaedo, he writes in language in which
hierarchy is already implicit, embedded in apparently unquestioning acceptance
of the legitimacy of institutions of God and rulers. In a voice which he writes as that of the condemned Socrates,
Plato urges retreat into what he describes as a perfect abstract, a rejection
of the natural world, claiming “observation by means of the eyes and ears and
all the other senses is entirely deceptive” (1971:83a). He characterizes that which is “earthly”
(1971:81c) as tainting and contaminating the immortal soul, and associates the
“divine” (1971:82c) with “despising the body” (1971:65c).
Wub-e-ke-niew observes, “Creating an abstract and an illusion like God—that’s
disgusting, revolting. They need a god
to go to war, and that’s obscene. Their
god only talks to certain groups of people; He never talks to me. With illusions and abstracts talking to
them, they should be locked up in a crazy house. I never did see the devil, either, although the Catholic prefect
at the Catholic mission school was always chasing him, always looking for the
devil. I never saw the devil, but I did
see a crazy man chasing an illusion—that’s what cults do to people.
“Abstract language is detached from the land.
It needs to connect back to the land—we are all human.” With the rejection of reality embedded in
Western philosophy, and in the abstract “ideal” of the English language, there
is no culturally validated way of even communicating clearly about the extent
to which the ecosystem is being devastated.
The material world, including the web of life of which human beings are
inextricably a part, has been devalued, ignored and evaded as a part of the
ancient philosophers’ strategy of denying death by denying the corporal,
visceral, vital aspects of life. We and
our children are confronted with the very real possibility of the extinction of
all humanity because of our destruction of the ecosystem which sustains us—we
have nearly come full circle to the ultimate irony of the ancient Greeks’
rhetorical denial of death.
Wub-e-ke-niew points out, “They destroyed the ecosystem in Europe, and
now they have come over here, but they haven’t changed their language or their
values. They look at the ecosystem for
their food, clothing and shelter, but they destroy it to get money, and use the
money to buy things. Because of their
male language, they continually keep on taking, and never put anything
back. We looked at the ecosystem for
our food, clothing and shelter, too, but we took only what we needed and kept
it in balance. Why are the immigrants
from Europe destroying the ecosystem?
They didn’t take care of the ecosystem in Europe, and they are not
taking care of this one, either. Their
language shows their destruction of it, their violence.”
Plato’s rejection of reality has powerful political implications. In Phaedo, he has Socrates state the
legitimacy of God and civil rulers in other contexts, as well as in the
construction of discourse removing their inherent hierarchy from easy
challenge. By also discrediting direct
observation of reality in favor of an abstract which is deeply knowable only by
experts such as philosophers, he claims a monopoly on “truth” and delegitimizes
any potential challenge to the deep structure of the state and its religious
infrastructure. Plato defines the
senses as, “An impediment which by its presence prevents the soul from
attaining truth and clear thinking” (1971:66a). This has been a very effective strategy: during the past
millennia empires have risen and fallen, revolutions have toppled leaders, but
the underlying hierarchical structure, once established, legitimized and
embedded in the vulgate, has endured and spread around the globe. In present-day Euro-American society, this
inheritance from the ancient Greeks applies not only to church and state, but
also to multi-national corporations.
Wub-e-ke-niew says, “Another abstract, make-believe, is living in La-La
Land so the corporations can steal from you—they say, ‘make believe we’re not
stealing from you.’ They all have a
juvenile mentality, very childlike.
That’s what’s wrong, part of it.”
Another aspect of late modern language which is crucial to the problems facing
us all, is dualism. Plato writes in
Phaedo, “Are we satisfied, then, said Socrates, that everything is generated in
this way—opposites from opposites?
Perfectly, [said Cebes]” (1971:71a).
Dualism helps mask the dissonance between the abstract and reality. Wub-e-ke-niew writes, Westerners, “Use
dichotomies to keep people inside of their culturally and linguistically
constructed box. Within the structure
of illusions which comprise the ‘shadows on the walls of the cave’ of Plato’s
truth, harmonious reality has been distorted and stretched, spun out into
insubstantial polar opposites. ... [Western] reality-of-the-mind is characterized
by denial, loss of awareness into the black hole of artificial
subconsciousness, and an overriding, transcendent fear” (1995:352). Dualistic language rends the coherent
totality of indigenous reality into abstract shreds which are then
compartmental ized hierarchically. It
is the deep structure of English and other Western languages which sustains the
mind:body, master:slave, culture:nature, war:peace and male:female dichotomies,
and in conjunction with linearity, makes coherent holistic understanding extremely
difficult. Dualism makes possible the
violence which saturates the English language.
Wub-e-ke-niew adds, “It also legitimizes slavery by defining slaves as
the ‘other.’ They create illusions; the
language lets them be grand masters of deception.”
Dualism also generates a second, less visible, set of schisms on English, what
Wub-e-ke-niew calls a “double perspective—everything that comes out of their
mouth has a double meaning.” Because
the reflections of reality which course down the hall of mirrors comprising the
abstract are split into opposing pairs, there is, in English, an “unsaid” for
everything that is said, an unspoken shadow of discourse, an implied opposite
that is an inherent part of the message—potent, but difficult to challenge because
it is obscured beneath a surface of literal meaning. The consequence, Wub-e-ke-niew writes, is, “Layer upon layer of
lies so deep that the truth has become invisible to them. By understanding the Euro-Americans’
language, and studying their behavior and thought patterns through their
language, I can see who they are. They
live in a maze of unreal dichotomies.
Many believe that they are telling the truth, but beyond the boundaries
of their language, they are lying” (1995:72).
When George Orwell, in his novel 1984, wrote of “double-speak,”
he was touching on the dualism of English.
Violence and dualism are
linked—violence which is directed at a language-constructed, abstract other is
significantly different in meaning from that which is directed toward the
extended self. In English, we can do to
“them” what we would find unacceptable when done to “us.” Wub-e-ke-niew provides the example of “War
and Peace. The Ahnishinahbæótjibway
did not go to war. The European
colonizers created an artificial foe—the Indians—and used their language to
create a program of war, in order to justify their stealing. In English, war is violent, but peace is
even more violent than war. The Western
Europeans claim that we were violent, but we didn’t go on their land—they are
the ones who came onto our land. If we
were so violent, why didn’t they use our prisons, instead of having to build
their own? They brought the Bible and
the gun, and these are both violent.”
The violence which permeates the English language is perceptible semantically
and grammatically. A thesaurus hints at
the range of violence which writers of the English language have lexicalized,
including: anarchy, anger, bedlam, brawl, brutality, chaos, choler, commotion,
confusion, discord, disorder, ferocity, fierceness, fight, fray, frenzy, fury,
harpy, intensity, ire, lawlessness, mayhem, pitch, protest, rage, rebel,
revelry, revolt, riot, savagery, scuffle, severity, shrew, termagant, tumult,
turmoil, upheaval, uproar, vehemence, virago, wrath ... the list goes on and
on. English grammar molds one’s most
egalitarian intentions into hierarchical sentences: the subject verbs
the object, one-up, one-down, subjecting the objectified to a good verbing
(with aggressive sex-and-violence connotations lurking in that grammar). In the English language, Wub-e-ke-niew
observes, “sex and violence are inseparable—they are ‘two peas in a pod,’ if
you want to use a metaphor.”
Violence also pervades the discourse of English. Wub-e-ke-niew says, “Every day, you hear abusive language on the
streets, ‘butch,’ ‘son-of-a-bitch,’ ‘mother-fucker.’ We did not have anything like that in our language—there are no
swear words in Ahnishinahbæótjibway (and the closest
translation of ‘war’ is ‘two or three guys talking about something’—in
nonviolence, and they would be able to come to a consensus about it, in balance
and harmony). Why are the Western
European languages so violent? You can
see the same kind of violence on the freeway every day: people cutting each
other off, shaking their fists at each other and cursing. Whenever they get behind the wheel of a car,
their anger comes out. The Western
languages are designed to dehumanize people, to take away their humanity, their
identity and their self-esteem, to domesticate them, and to stereotype and
label them, and that has to change.
“Western European civilization cannot exist side-by-side with indigenous
peoples—it is too violent. It has to
destroy other people, and egalitarian indigenous people are dangerous to
Western hierarchy.” Wub-e-ke-niew says,
“You can almost see the vanishing species that are gone, because of the
violence. It is out of balance.” Scholars of late modernity and postmodernity
write of fragmentation, of deconstructed theory and of an emphasis on the individual. From another vantage point, one can see
profoundly disturbing patterns of violently oppressive hierarchy, of invidious
oppression, of shattered communities and of devastating destruction of the
ecosystem. Those of us who live in
relatively privileged positions, in places insulated from the cataclysmic
eradication of ecological integrity and indigenous communities, may not be
fully aware of the total price extracted by the civilization, nor of the entire
cost of its fruits.
As Machiavelli makes explicit in The Prince, violence is an intrinsic
part of Western strategies of government.
“Divide and conquer” is a ploy older than Julius Caesar, and the
violence embedded in English destroys extended families and community which
might provide a base for resistance to the domination by those whom Chomsky
calls “the opulent.” English,
Wub-e-ke-niew says, “is not designed for extended families, but for nuclear
families within a society where the church, state, and other institutions are
artificial surrogates, rather than the indigenous Dodems. The institutions created by English are like
adoption or placement in foster care—they take away more of a person’s
identity. The hostility of the state
toward families shows in its welfare policies.
Their institutions are such that people are depending on being fed by
the state, but now the leaders say, ‘go find a job.’ But, that’s just a slogan—they don’t have a plan, or goals or
objectives. If the state is a surrogate
family, why aren’t they out there helping them? It’s a very distant and cold father and mother that they
have. ‘Find a job’ is the same kind of
rhetoric they used on us during Relocation.
‘Relocation’ means taking you out of your home and abandoning you—there
was nobody there to help you, no friends, they dump you out in the
streets. It’s like abandoning an infant
in a church (or like Moses left in the bulrushes). The leaders of Western Civilization don’t take responsibility:
they are still juveniles, like schoolyard bullies.”
English takes away people’s identity, Wub-e-ke-niew says, “Like a ‘broken’
horse that a child can ride, compared to a horse in its natural state. A domesticated horse will run back into a
burning barn, although a horse in its natural state will run away from the
fire. English is designed to have power
over you, take away your identity and domesticate you. The English language takes away people’s
spirit and their energy, what they call the ‘soul.’ English-speaking people try to domesticate everything including
the ecosystem—that’s why everything which was so beautiful, has been
destroyed. For example, the water has
been polluted, and you can’t drink it.
We might as well live in the desert—you can’t drink the water there
either. They put animals in zoos. In zoos, there are emotions which are not
natural and normal, man-made (and very childish) emotions like anger, jealousy
and greed. They dam up rivers and then
sell land on the flood plain, where the land is supposed to flood. ‘Honest Bob’ sells used cars, but he also sells
real estate, for example in downtown Grand Forks. People don’t belong on the flood plain, in high rises, or on
Hale-Bopp.”
Racism and ethnocentricism are among the symptoms and manifestations of deeply
ingrained violence in the English language.
Of particular relevance to anthropologists are the perceptions of
autochthonous peoples which are embedded in the language and in the discourses
in which that language plays a constitutive role. Although the word “primitive” has often been replaced by politically-correct
(but similarly loaded) substitutes such as “non-modern,” the word primitive is
one which is not infrequent in currently-used anthropology texts. In a thesaurus, primitive leads to savage,
uncivilized and crude; and savage leads to untamed, as well as to brutal,
ruthless, cruel, sadistic, animal, and fiend—as well as to wild, aborigine,
native and uncivilized. Wub-e-ke-niew
observes that, after having been in contact with Western civilization for most of
his lifetime, he does not want to be “civilized, because only civilized
people kill one another. (If we would
have been civilized, we would have killed Columbus.) I don’t want to be civilized, and I don’t want to be a White
man. I don’t need a soul, either—you
can keep all of those European things.”
He also comments, “There are many prevailing stereotypes of primitive
people, for example putting anthropologists in big iron kettles and boiling
them. Where did the ‘primitive’ people
get the kettles from, and did they take the dirty socks off of the
anthropologists first?”
Language structures the way in which one perceives and interacts with the
world; it is simultaneously at the core of culture and society, the primary
means of communication and the generation of praxis. In the Ahnishinahbæótjibway language,
Grandmother Earth is a powerful, female, being; nurturing, loving, and
along with Grandfather Midé, the source of all life. In English, “natural” is wild, wild is primitive, and primitive
is but a short semantic distance from Satan.
“Earthy” is crude and vulgar—and vulgar is disgusting, obscene, and
offensive. These linkages are more than
word-games: the consequences of language are writ large across both society and
the landscape, starkly and appallingly visible to anyone who takes even a
tentative first step beyond the constraints of “civilized” language. As Wub-e-ke-niew puts it, “Civilized men—and
women—are allowing our Grandmother to be raped.”
“My Ahnishinahbæótjibway language is both male and female,”
Wub-e-ke-niew explains. “English is a
male language, and language is the heart of any people and their culture. Language takes away peoples’ identity and
their self-esteem, and they don’t know who they are. They are confused by the language, by their imposed
identity—disconnected from their roots and from who they are, molded into
slaves for the corporations. They are
trapped by the dualism in English, and some become homosexuals because of the
false unreality of the English language.”
Wub-e-ke-niew continues, “Language molds the way people understand the
universe, the way they live their lives and how they are as human beings. I remember the old Ahnishinahbæótjibway
women who were still living when I was young.
Those old women had beauty, strength and balance which I have never seen
in a White woman. When women change the
English language so that it is a balanced male-and-female language, then the
world will change.” By transforming the
English language so that it is balanced, male and female, Western women can
help rebuild the harmonious inter-relationship with Grandmother Earth and with
community and family which was once the birthright of every woman. We can reclaim our real identity and live as
who we are meant to be as women.
Succinctly, Wub-e-ke-niew says, “Western European man is a prisoner of his
language; Western European woman doesn’t have a language. Indigenous women had languages, the ones
that the White man destroyed.
Indigenous language is what kept this land a paradise; it was the
balanced male-and-female understanding which preserved the harmony ...
Grandmother Earth is very female.
Grandfather Midé and Grandmother Earth, that is what our
over-all-of-Aboriginal-time ‘religion,’ ‘philosophy’ and ‘myth’ are
about.”
Wub-e-ke-niew adds, “The female was not involved in making the languages of
Western Civilization. Using
institutions and disciplines which he controlled, the White man said, ‘We’ll
make a language, and she can use it with us.
That’s arrogance. It says it
right there, that the language does not have respect, nor manners, nor feelings
for anyone else, just the few males at the top of the hierarchy.”
Language is the legacy of countless generations. Hierarchy, duality, abstractions, violence and pseudo-male
imbalances have been entrenched in Western languages over millennia, and
resonate throughout these languages from the deep structure, through the
grammar and the lexicon. It is not
probable that this heritage can be fully transformed in a handful of years. However, this is a moment in history profoundly
unlike any other. The self-proclaimed
heir of Western hegemony, the United States, is perched upon a land from which
a few of her surviving autochthonous people still speak: cogently, urgently,
and in thoughtfully articulated and nuanced English. It is becoming increasingly apparent that Western society cannot
long continue in present directions without dire consequences, including
irreparable devastation of the ecosystem.
We are at the brink of profound changes, at the edge of a narrow window
of opportunity to transform the deep structure of society—in ways which could
lead to millennia of oppression amid the toxic ruins of the Golden Age of
America, or, alternately, toward healing the violence, disharmony and imbalance
which have been inherent in Western Civilization.
Transformation of the English language is a way of beginning the healing. Such metamorphosis needs to be done from the
grassroots, regenerating from a network rather than orchestrated from a
position of authority within a hierarchy.
Beginning the process of understanding ourselves as embodied human
beings, intrinsically connected to each other and inherently, inseparably part
of the whole ecosystem, is a part of it.
Deconstructing the English language, understanding the ways in which
English has distorted our perceptions and disconnected us from our selves and
the rest of nature, is another part of the process, and one in which the first
tentative steps have begun.
Wub-e-ke-niew suggests that, for women, it could be profoundly helpful
to rename our body parts, drawing on our own understanding of ourselves as
female human beings and transcending the definitions imposed on us by
authorized—and/or aggressively puerile—male terminologies. I have begun to see myself beyond words, in
faint flickers of wisdom beyond the abstract knowledge of Western mind.
I dream of midafternoon spring sunlight glistening across meadows golden with
California poppies, and remember the feel of warm earth beneath my bare
feet. Another one of us may dream of crystalline
midwinters punctuated by starlight and the sharp popping of trees in subzero
night, and, as Wub-e-ke-niew describes it, “the comforting howling of a family
of wolves sharing a rabbit, and the safe, secure and blissful sleep that I had
as a boy hearing the lullaby of the wolves, knowing that everything was in
balance. In the morning, I would go
outside and breathe deeply in the fresh, clean clarity of frigid air.” And, yet another one of us might dream of
the kinetic, sensuous heaping of seals basking on rocky islands, nuzzling
infant yelps wafted amid the keening of seagulls on salt-tanged sea
breezes. Everything is connected; we
are all part of nature.
References Cited
Plato. The Collected Dialogues of Plato. Edited by Edith Hamilton and Huntington
Cairns. 1961. Princeton.
Wub-e-ke-niew. We Have
The Right To Exist. 1995. Black Thistle Press, New York.
3877. Wub-e-ke-niew
=, 1. (1995). We have the right to exist: A Translation of Aboriginal
Thought: The First Book Ever Published from an Ahnishinahbæótjibway
Perspective. New York, NY: Black Thistle Press.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 31999048. On t.p. "t"is superscript.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 309-366).
Source: PALS online catalog (October 1999 search)
3878. Wub-e-ke-niew
=, a. k. a. F. B. Jr. (1992 September). [Letter to Wellstone, Paul].
Abstract: Senator Paul Wellstone
United States Senator
2550 University Avenue W., #100 N
St. Paul, Minnesota 55114
attn.: Dwayne Williams
Dear Senator Wellstone and Dwayne Williams,
I am enclosing the “privacy release form” which we finally received. We have been having an ongoing problem with
delivery of our mail since 1985.
I am a Sovereign Anishinabe Ojibway person, living on my Aboriginal Indigenous
land at Red Lake. I am not an “Indian,”
and I am not a “Native American.”
“Indian” and “Native American” are racist slurs referring to
non-existent races of people. As we
have written you previously, the majority of the people identified as “Indians”
are neither Anishinabe Ojibway nor Aboriginal Indigenous People—more than 95
percent of the people who are “Federally Recognized Indians” on the “Indian
Enrollments” at Red Lake, for example, are people of European or Indo-European
ancestry—not Anishinabe Ojibway ancestry.
The United States/English governments created “Indians” in order to steal this
Continent. Specifically at Red Lake,
the people with whom the United States/England has dealt throughout their
inter-relationship with the Anishinabe Ojibway People at Red Lake, have not
been the Anishinabe Ojibway People.
Here, the majority of the “Indians” are people of French or
French-Moorish patrilineal ancestry.
They do not have a patrilineal Clan nor Dodem of the Anishinabe Ojibway
people—our Aboriginal Indigenous Sovereignty and identity are through our
religion, the Midewiwin, through our patrilineal Clans and Dodems. For example, the people who signed the “Treaty”
in 1863, upon which the United States is resting its “title” to much of the Red
River Valley, was signed by people of predominantly French-Moorish ancestry, not
by the Anishinabe Ojibway People who owned the land. The “Red Lake Tribal Council,” with whom the United States, the
State of Minnesota, and other agencies of the U.S./English is also an
organization comprised of French Métis—a puppet government created by the
United States Congress, governing a “Tribe” created by the United States
Congress. The presence of what your own
Senate Select Committee on Indian Affairs called a “federal instrumentality ...
an arm of the Federal sovereign”1 is a human rights violation, as
well as a violation of International Law.
We can document the devastating genocide of the Anishinabe Ojibway People here,
under the United States/English colonial incursions onto our land. After Adolf Hitler’s legacy of genocide
became public knowledge, the United States/England’s policies—which continue to
be the annihilation of all Aboriginal Indigenous Nations on this Continent [the
same Senate Report quoted earlier anticipated that this would be accomplished
within “fifty years”]—shifted and became more subtle. The “Indians” which the U.S./England created serve several
functions in the post-Third Reich policies: their numbers mask the fact that
only a very few Anishinabe Ojibway People survive, and their inclusion in
statistics masks the evidence of ongoing genocide. The “Indians” are used as brokers and middlemen between the
Aboriginal Indigenous People and the U.S./England: it is U.S.-controlled “1934
Indian Reorganization Act Tribal Councils” and other “Indian” agencies which
sell, lease, and sign away Anishinabe Ojibway Peoples’ land, resources, and
rights. It is “Indians” who administer
the programs which are still actively promoting genocide of the Anishinabe
Ojibway people. Because these “Indians”
operate under a paper “sovereignty” delegated by the U.S. Secretary of the
Interior, the U.S. Government is probably hoping that they can avoid
accountability for their actions.
The Anishinabe Ojibway People at Red Lake still have some of our Aboriginal
Indigenous land—we are the last ones in the United States who were not
“allotted.” We intend to keep our land,
and we intend to preserve a future for our future generations. We are a non-violent people, and this is our
land. We have a right to exist as a
Sovereign People on our own land.
I have spent much of my adult life working to create a better world for the
next generations of Anishinabe Ojibway people.
For many years, I tried to work with “Indians,” which was impossible
because “Indians” do not own their own identity, they do not own their
Sovereignty, and they operate out of the White values of their European or
Indo-European patrilines. As “Indians,”
they are stuck in an identity controlled by Western European “Civilization”—an
identity which is a stereotype and a stigma and racist.
In 1984, I tried to get a post office box at Red Lake. The “Indians” who worked there said that there
weren’t any post office boxes. [There
is not any rural mail delivery to most of the Reservation, although the
population density along the potential mail routes is greater than many other
rural areas which do have mail delivery.]
What they meant was, “we don’t have a post office box for you,” because
this is Anishinabe Ojibway land, and I am one of the few surviving Anishinabe
Ojibway people at Red Lake. The Post
Office’s refusal to rent me a post office box was a not-so-subtle way of saying
that the “Indians” who control the political process under the aegis of the
United States Government at Red Lake, did not want me establishing legal
residency on my own land. [I also could
not get U.S.-funded housing, an Indian Health Service well, nor even a “fire
number.”] Fine, the United States can
keep their “Indian programs.”
In 1985, I rented Post Office Box number 484 at Bemidji, 56601. Post Office Box rental at Bemidji is not
inexpensive. I pay more than thirty
dollars per year to pick up my mail at Bemidji, while most people living in the
United States get mail delivered to their mailbox at home. This would be alright with me, except that
the Bemidji Post Office regularly does not put some of my mail into my post
office box, although it is addressed to me, with my post office box number, and
with the correct town and Zip code.
Some pieces of mail get “forwarded” to Red Lake, where either the B.I.A.
opens my mail and reads it, or it is given out to other people, “Indians,”
living at Red Lake, who open it, read it, and maybe they give it to me several
months later and maybe they don’t. Last
month, a piece of mail correctly addressed to myself, was sent to Red
Lake. I happened to be expecting this
particular piece of mail, and asked repeatedly and with increasing emphasis at
the Bemidji Post Office, finally talking to the person in charge. The Postmistress told me that it had been
forwarded to Red Lake, which had then returned it to the sender, “addressee unknown.”
We have been dealing in a “stopgap,” nonconfrontive way with the problem by
asking people to send us important mail “certified, return receipt
requested.” Today I got a piece of
certified mail which had been torn open by some party in the Post Office,
damaging the contents. I am enclosing a
photostatic copy of the envelope and bag in which I received it. Enough is enough!
I assume that the Bureau of Indian Affairs and/or other Neo-Fascist
organizations within the United States Government are using the justification
of “trusteeship” or some equally racist, apartheid illegal fiction to interfere
with my private affairs. I am not
an “Indian”! I am a Sovereign
Anishinabe Ojibway person, and no government arising out of Western European
Civilization has any jurisdiction whatsoever over my private affairs, my
Sovereign person, nor my Sovereign land.
I am not violating any laws, either my own Traditional Anishinabe
Ojibway laws, nor the laws of the United States/England, which is illegally
claiming eminent domain over the territory of my Anishinabe Ojibway Nation.
I am requesting that your office ensure that the responsible parties (and
irresponsible parties):
a) give all of my mail which the U.S.A., or any of its agencies including their
1934 Indian Reorganization Act “Red Lake Tribal Council” has taken previously,
to me.
b) deliver all of my mail in the future, to my Post Office Box 484 at Bemidji,
Minnesota, 56601, and cease and desist mutilating, mis-routing, delaying,
opening, and otherwise interfering with my mail.
c) provide me with a detailed record of your actions in this case, including
copies of all relevant files which any of your Government’s agencies have.
Thank you for taking action in this matter.
Wub-e-keniew,
aka
Francis
Blake, Jr.
1American
Indian Policy Review Commission, Final Report, submitted to Congress, May 17, 1977, volume one, pages
258-9
3879. Wub-e-ke-niew
=, a. k. a. F. B. Jr. (1992 October). [Letter to Dawson, Jim].
Abstract: Minneapolis Star Tribune
attention: Jim Dawson
Staff Writer
I enjoyed talking with you today.
Enclosed is an commentary article for the Star Tribune, as we
discussed. I have submitted a number of
letters to the editor and commentary articles to the Star Tribune in the
past, in response to various articles in your newspaper. Euro-American newspapers, including the Star
Tribune, have consistently refused to print not only my writing, but that
of other members of the Anishinabe Ojibway community, generally on the grounds
that our Aboriginal Indigenous perspective is “inflammatory.” How do the editors think that their articles
are to us? The articles which the
Euro-American media has written about “Indians” almost invariably include
inaccuracies and mis-statements which denigrate the Anishinabe Ojibway
people. We read the Euro-Americans’
writing, and say, “here they go again with their lies. Can’t they tell the truth, or are they
pathological liars?” Some of the
Euro-Americans’ misconceptions are hilarious, but some of them are seriously
damaging. In the past, particularly
when we did not speak English fluently, we could not defend ourselves.
The relationship which the Euro-Americans have tried to promote with Anishinabe
Ojibway people since Hitler has been a paternalistic one, “father knows best”
patronizing, as well as covertly genocidal.
(Prior to the Third Reich’s efficient application of an old European
colonial strategy, their relationship toward us was an openly genocidal
one.) Such paternalism reinforces the
Euro-Americans’ “superior” hierarchial position in their own eyes, inflating
their egos at the expense of other people.
Paternalism blames the victims of Euro-American violence, by drawing the
victims into the structure of their schemes of stealing and re-defining
them. A person has to be either brainwashed
or into S & M to be suckered into this vicious mind game and crooked
con. Euro-American paternalism also
follows the Machiavellian prescription of keeping occupied people powerless and
isolated. The Euro-Americans have tried
to constrain descriptions of “reality” and history to their own limited
versions, and have tried to re-define and re-name the Anishinabe Ojibway
(“Chippewa Indians”) and other Aboriginal Indigenous people (“Indians” and
“Native Americans”) to fit their own agenda of entrenching their hold on our
Continent.
The élite of the Euro-American hierarchy centers its priorities on the G.N.P.,
on “making money.” The Great White
Father is only concerned with his own people, and lets the rest of the human
beings on this continent go without—he is greedy and he does not belong
here. He uses an European Sovereignty
to steal from the Aboriginal Indigenous people, who have our own Sovereignty
very deeply rooted in this land. He
promotes violence rather than promoting harmony. All you have to do is look at the destruction of the land all
across this continent, and at the violence in the cities. The environment has been ruined for the
benefit of a few who the Great White Father calls his “chosen people.” This has to stop. These issues really have to be addressed; it can’t go on like
this.
The Great White Father is a terrible role model, with his greed and his
violence and self-destructive behavior.
The “Indian” stereotype created by the White man is not any better:
drunken, lazy, dirty, savage, primitive, etc., etc., etc., “Indian.” Just recently, the newspaper printed the
news that the Churches apologized to the “Indians.” Their apology is meaningless; they are lying again. The Churches are apologizing to the wrong
people. They are apologizing to the
people that they created, who have White patrilineal ancestry. These people are not the people against whom
the Churches focussed their genocidal activities. There are no “Indians” here, just European subject people filling
an invented European stereotype. The
Churches have yet to even admit that there are Anishinabe Ojibway and other
Aboriginal Indigenous People here. The
Churches need to deal honestly with the genocide that they have committed, and
also with their violently destructive world-view.
The United States’ Constitution is one in a long series of European government
documents which denies the legitimacy of Anishinabe Ojibway and other
Aboriginal Indigenous Nations’ right to exist as Sovereign peoples on our own
land. We have (using the “Indians” as a
front) been defined, under European law, as “uncivilized,” and therefor without
claim—under racist Euro-American statutes and U.S. Supreme Court decisions—to
what has been our land, as Nations, since time immemorial. If you study the history of United States
“claim” to eminent domain on this Continent, you will find that it rests firmly
on the genocidal Judeo-Christian hocus-pocus of claiming somebody else’s land
“in the name of God;” in the Genesis prescription of giving everything a
different name in order to claim it.
The Anishinabe Ojibway religion, the Midewiwin, is much older than
Judaism, Christianity, Islam, and Buddhism all put together. Our tradition goes back for more than four
ice ages, to the beginning of human time.
We, the Anishinabe Ojibway People, have a right to exist as a Sovereign Nation
on our own land. We are a non-violent
people, and we have an ancient, non-violent religion, the Midewiwin, which we
call “Grandfather,” and which is inseparable from Grandmother Earth.
We can back up what we say, including that the majority of “Indians” are in
fact White people. You are welcome to
come visit, and look at our research.
Wub-e-keniew
a.k.a.
Francis Blake, Jr.
3880. Wub-e-ke-niew
= (a.k.a., F. B. Jr. (1993 March). [Letter to Blake, Tony].
Abstract: Dear Tony Blake,
Thank you for your letter, although I can not be of much help to you in tracing
your lineage.
My great-grandfather on the patrilineal line was Bah-se-noss, who was a
full-blooded Anishinabe Ojibway.
Bah-se-noss was a Midewiwin title, and he also had a personal name, but
he had neither a Christian name nor a “surname.” His wife was Nay-bah-nay-cumig-oke—not “Mrs. Bah-se-noss.” She married into his Bear Dodem, but she
kept her own name. Their son was
Bah-wah-we-nind, my patrilineal grandfather.
His son, my father, Wub-e-ke-niew, who was given the Christian name
“Francis Blake” [I am a “junior”] by the Priest when he was forced into the
Mission School (draconian compulsory-education laws) in the early 1900’s.
My father’s older half-sister, Lizette, had the same mother
(Ke-niew-e-gwon-e-beak) and a different father. When she was compelled to go to school, she attended under the
name of Lizette Blake, which was given to her by the Priest. Her father was Kah-ke-gay-yah-be-ge-tah, and
since he was a mixed-blood not Aboriginally from Red Lake, there is the remote
possibility that he was descended from John Blake (born about 1826 in Maine),
who was a lumberman and later an “Indian Agent” in Northern Minnesota. There was another family of Blakes at Red
Lake, patrilineally descended from Kah-ke-zhe-baush (born around 1820) and my
great-grandfather’s sister or cousin, Quay-ke-ke-zhig-oke; all of these people
had been killed by the time I was born, although I remember seeing a picture of
their grandson, Robert Blake, which had been taken in the early 1900’s.
The Christian names which were given to the Red Lake Anishinabe Ojibway were
intended to obscure our identity—and some of them were given with apparent
cynicism on the part of the Indian Agents and Missionaries who did the
naming. For example, one of my
great-aunts (my grandfather’s sister) was given the name “Mrs. Blackjack”
although there was never a “Mr. Blackjack.”
(There was also a “Mrs. Joker.”)
Around the turn of the century, there was a great emphasis on both
baptism and the giving of “Christian” names as a part of the process of trying
to destroy Anishinabe Ojibway culture and my grandfather Bah-wah-we-nind,
although he never gave up his Anishinabe Ojibway language nor religion, appears
in the Catholic baptismal records as “George Bahwahwenind,” and then, after his
step-daughter was named Lizette Blake in school, he shows up on the B.I.A.
records as “George Blake.”
The United States tried to destroy the identity of the surviving Aboriginal
Indigenous people here in several ways.
One of them was by taking away our names and forbidding us to speak our
language—and trying to give us a “Chippewa Indian” identity. According to many United States documents,
from a time period extending over more than a century (including U.S. Senate
documents from 1977), the ultimate goal of U.S. “Indian” policy was the Final
Solution of annihilating Aboriginal Indigenous Peoples completely. Among the strategies discussed openly in
U.S. documents of the 1800’s, and documentably employed at Red Lake, was a
genetic engineering of destroying the Sovereignty of Anishinabe Ojibway people
by eliminating Anishinabe Ojibway patrilines—the U.S. Government brought in
Whites who they called “squaw men” with that intent.
Anishinabe Ojibway group membership, identity, land and Sovereignty are held
through the Dodems of the Midewiwin, inherited from father to son, i.e.
patrilineally. As a consequence of U.S.
policy, only about a quarter of one percent of the eight thousand “Red Lake
Chippewa Indians” enrolled by the U.S. Government on the Red Lake “Indian
Rolls” are Anishinabe Ojibway. The rest
of them are “Chippewa Indians;” patrilineally White. In plain English, these people are European subject people, with
European values, traditions, and customs.
In other words, they are history—which is sad, but that’s the way it
is. (If the United States had not done
their social and genetic engineering; if they had not engaged in genocide, the
ratio of mixed-blood people with Anishinabe Ojibway patrilines and with
European patrilines would be 50:50, instead of 1:400.)
I wish you luck in your search for your ancestors. If you have not already looked into the Latter Day Saints’ Ancestral
File, I highly recommend it. It is
computerized records which encompass at least half of the population of the
United States prior to 1900. These
records are open to the public without fee—contact the nearest L.D.S.
(“Mormon”) Temple for more information.
We did not look through the “Blakes” in the Ancestral File (there was no
reason to, because I am only the second generation with the name “Blake”), but
had good luck with more than half of the Métis families we were looking for,
finding some of compiled genealogies extending into pre-Colombian Europe.
The sources which we have used in compiling a genealogy of the Red Lake
Anishinabe Ojibway and Métis include Bureau of Indian Affairs records:
particularly the “Indian Enrollments” (1885 - 1940), the “Annuity Payment
Records,” allotment records, probate records, B.I.A. correspondence
(particularly from the 1800’s), Indian Claims Commission Reports, Treaties and
Agreements and the papers associated with them, B.I.A. reports, and other U.S.
Government records. Some of these
records (for example, the “Indian Enrollments” and some of the correspondence)
are available from the National Archives on microfilm; some of them have been
microfilmed by other parties (for example, some of the Annuity payrolls by the
Minnesota Historical Society), and some of them exist only as original
documents in the National Archives in Washington D.C. and various regional
depositories. Because the Mohawks’
primary White-Government relationship is with the State of New York on the U.S.
side of the border, rather than the U.S. Government, there would probably not
be the same huge mass of information in the U.S. Archives. You would probably find more than you might
expect in the New York State Archives/Historical Society, as well as in the
Canadian Archives.
The records relating to this area were deliberately scrambled up—it took two
computers, several years, knowledge of the Ojibway language, and correlation
with Anishinabe Ojibway oral genealogies (much of what we were looking for was
documentation of what the older Anishinabe Ojibway People already knew) to
straighten the records out. There were
some terrible things which were done here, and the records were intended to
obscure that: Anishinabe Ojibway names were stolen; the Catholic cemetery was
bulldozed (the Priest wanted to hide that the French Métis buried in the
Catholic cemetery had stolen names—the Anishinabe Ojibway were buried close to
our houses); the names were spelled almost every possible way that they could
be, etc.. The 19th-Century
record-keepers never dreamed that a multi-lingual Anishinabe Ojibway person
would be going through their records with a computer! There are almost certainly extensive records on the Apache, which
you might find helpful. The National
Archives publishes guides to “Indian Records” and also to genealogical
records. These guides are in most
public libraries; microfilms can be purchased through the mail.
We also used many of the more standard genealogical sources: church records,
census records, obituaries and “community affairs” reports in old newspapers,
incidental genealogical information in history books and anthropological
reports, etc. The Minnesota Historical
Society has a wealth of documents which include useful genealogical information
about both the Anishinabe Ojibway and the Métis, including some compiled
genealogies in donated personal papers, as well as a surprising amount of
information in such sources as fur trade records. I assume that the New York Historical Society has at least as
good a collection.
Good luck with your search.
Sincerely,
Wub-e-ke-niew,
a.k.a.
Francis
Blake, Jr.
3881. Wub-e-ke-niew
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1993 June). [Letter to Guinier, Lanai].
Abstract: Professor Lanai Guinier
University of Philadelphia Law School
Dear Professor Lanai Guinier,
We are writing in the hopes that you or one of your colleagues may be able to
put us into contact with a lawyer who is able to take on the establishment in a
case involving Aboriginal Indigenous Peoples’ Sovereignty and human and natural
rights.
I am an Anishinabe Ojibway—I am not an “Indian.” I live on my ancestral Aboriginal Indigenous homelands, which the
White man calls “Red Lake Indian Reservation.”
For several years, I have been writing a newspaper column in the Native
American Press, clarifying the identity of the peoples who are here, and
standing up for my peoples’ rights. I
have been addressing the problems in the community, and have been addressing
the violence which has been brought in by external forces such as the United
States Government. The philosophy of
the Anishinabe Ojibway has always been non-violence. There were no wars here, and we do not have a word for “war” or
“peace” in our Anishinabe Ojibway language.
The historical background which led up to the present problem includes that the
United States Government is trying to re-define both the Aboriginal Indigenous
People and the French Métis, and make us into “Indians,” which is an artificial
identity. I told the United States
Supreme Court and the Bureau of Indian Affairs that I am not a “Chippewa
Indian,” and I turned in my “Indian Enrollment Card” to Justice Thurgood
Marshall, who kept it.
We have been working for the last eight years, researching the genealogy and
the history of Red Lake, debunking the lies which have been told about the
Anishinabe Ojibway. The people who
signed the Red Lake Treaty were not Anishinabe Ojibway—we can prove with
meticulously documented genealogies that they were French Métis who the U.S.
Government re-defined as “Red Lake and Pembina Chippewa Indians.” As is proven by the transcripts of the
Treaty Negotiations, the Red Lake Anishinabe Ojibway did not sign the Treaty. As was said at these negotiations, we cannot
sell Grandmother Earth, which is our identity, our birthright, and a part of
our religion the Midewiwin. This
relationship to the land, our religion, our philosophy, and our non-violence,
is why our permacultural ecosystem was intact, why a person could drink the
water from any lake or stream—and for that matter, why all newcomers were
greeted as friends. If we had been the
violent, warlike people presented in the projection of Western European
Civilization, the “Indian” stereotype, Columbus would have never landed.
The Anishinabe Ojibway people define ourselves, in accordance with our ancient
Midewiwin religion, in terms of our patrilineal Dodems, which White
anthropologists have translated as “Clans.”
I am of the Bear Dodem, as were my father, grandfather, great-grandfather,
and so on into time immemorial—as is my son.
The Métis people who are maintained here by external forces do not have
Anishinabe Ojibway Clans/Dodems. They
are patrilineally European.
At the present time, there are approximately eight thousand people on the Red
Lake “Chippewa Indian” rolls. Of these,
about two hundred are actually Anishinabe Ojibway—the rest are White people,
French Métis, and others, many without a drop of Anishinabe Ojibway blood.
The United States Government uses these “Chippewa Indians” to maintain the
fiction that our Anishinabe Ojibway land was ceded; as a smokescreen to hide
the massive genocide of the Anishinabe Ojibway; and through the intentional
blurring of our identities as “Indians,” to maintain an occupation force under
U.S. control in what remains of the Anishinabe Ojibway community. The “Indian culture” which is fostered by
external forces is one of violence.
Red Lake Reservation is categorized as one of two “Closed Reservations,”
meaning that the land was never allotted.
The United States Government unilaterally and fraudulently [we have
documentation to prove this] forced the 1934 Indian Reorganization Act onto Red
Lake Reservation in 1959, and at the present time is dealing with this external
government called the “Red Lake Chippewa Tribal Council” through the Western
European Sovereignty which unilateral U.S. Statute assigns to the Secretary of
the Interior under what they call the “Sacred Trust.” The reality is that it’s an occupation force.
There is an island of land claimed by the State of Minnesota on the Red Lake
Reservation, called the “Redby Townsite,” which originated from a railroad
patent unilaterally granted by the United States Congress. The “Redby Townsite” went through a land
company, and much of it ended up in White hands, as planned. There remain some parcels of land which are
on the State of Minnesota property-tax rolls, and for which Beltrami County
collects a “garbage tipping fee” although they do not collect the garbage.
THE CASE: On June 12, at
approximately 7:30 p.m., I called my son, who was living in a house for which I
have been the care-taker for a year and a half, on the Redby townsite. By some circumstance, I telephoned him at
the particular moment that two Métis Indians had broken into his house, and
were in the process of assaulting him.
Myself and the other people with me could hear him screaming over the
phone, “Don’t kill me, don’t kill me,” after which the phone went dead. The assailants had torn the phone out of the
wall. I immediately left for Redby, and
the Reservation police were called. I
took my son to the hospital for X-Rays in Bemidji, 37 miles away. (I am enclosing a copy of the hand-out that
the Bemidji Hospital gave him.) The
Reservation [Bureau of Indian Affairs] Police did not arrive until we were
ready to leave for Bemidji.
I and my son filed assault charges both in the Bureau of Indian Affairs (which
is called a “CFR—Code of Federal Regulations”) Court at Redlake, and with the
County Attorney in Bemidji. In the
French Métis culture which prevails on the Reservation because of their
majority population, the “traditional” way of dealing with an assault is to
perpetuate the violence by going over and beating up the assailants. Some friends of mine offered to “even the
score” by beating up the people who tried to kill my son, but I said no. We need to use their law, and address the
violence which is in this community.
The Red Lake B.I.A. police have not even picked up the assailants for
questioning—one of them is the son of a police officer. The Beltrami County Attorney is claiming
that he has no jurisdiction over “Indians” on the land that the county claims
in Redby townsite, although these “Indians” were created and are defined by
imported European law. They are
shirking their responsibility, and they are enabling the genocide of the
Anishinabe Ojibway to continue, and are covering up the grand theft of the
land. I repeat, there is no such person
as an “Indian,” and never was. The
County Attorney is colluding with the long-term U.S. policy of obscuring the
issues by claiming that the European immigrant Métis are the same people as the
Anishinabe Ojibway. The Métis Indians
are not indigenous to this land. The
Beltrami County Attorney is caught up in the United States Government’s
structure of artificially defined apartheid based on illusory “Indian blood
quantum” [which has nothing to do with Aboriginal Indigenous ancestry].
As a parent, I am understandably upset about the assault of my son, but I am
also concerned about the larger issues.
We have done the background research to prove that the people I am
saying are Europeans are, in fact, Europeans.
The paper “sovereignty” wielded by the Bureau of Indian Affairs has been
consistently used to oppress the Aboriginal Indigenous People, through their
subject people, their created “Indians.”
Throughout the course of their history on this Continent, the Europeans have
consistently refused to recognize the inherent Sovereignty of the Aboriginal
Indigenous People here. And yet, it is
our land and resources which underwrite the United States economy and the U.S.
monetary system. Our people have been
going without in our own land. We, the
Anishinabe Ojibway, are neither a “minority” nor an “ethnic group”—those few of
us who have survived the centuries of genocide remain a Sovereign people, and
we have an inherent right to exist on our own land.
There is much more detail, but we don’t want to make this letter too long. Do you know of a lawyer who is willing to
take on the United States Government, the governments originating out of
Western European thinking in the United Nations, and is willing to use this
particular case as a lever to get at the broader issues? The immigrant European Nations, including
the United States Government (which bases its legal system, including so-called
“Indian law” on British Common Law, Roman Statute law, and Judeo-Christianity),
has consistently refused to recognize the inherent Sovereignty of the
Aboriginal Indigenous Nations of this Continent. They are bringing a foreign law onto this land, and although even
the [European-law] United Nations says they do not “recognize” us, are
implicitly acknowledging our existence through their unilateral writing of
labyrinthine “Indian law,” the paper “Indian Sovereignty” used by the U.S.
Department of the Interior, and their use of “Indians” to obscure the
genocide. This stealing of Aboriginal
Indigenous Peoples land and resources, this consistent refusal of Western
European Civilization to recognize the Aboriginal Indigenous peoples and our
inherent right to exist unmolested on our own land, and the ongoing genocide,
must come to an end. The violence must
be addressed. We have, over the course
of the last eight years, already done much of the background research, and we
can win.
Thank you. Wub-e-keniew, a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr.
3882. Wub-e-ke-niew
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1993). 1910 letter questions how W.E. Natives
establish blood quantum. Ojibwe News.
Abstract:
June 10, 1910
Hon. E. H. Long
Spe’l. Ass’t. to Att’y. Gen’l.
Detroit, MN
Dear Sir:
I have the honor to submit the following matter for your consideration:
While engaged at White Earth, in notifying applicants for fee simple patents to
appear at your office in Detroit, there to establish their status as to blood,
I had occasion to visit the tent occupied by Mrs. Delia Gubins and Elizabeth
LeClair, her sister, and while there they made the following statement, to wit,
You dont want to take us for Indians for we are not. This is the first time we have ever camped out: we belong in St.
Paul, and are french and not Indians.
Our fathers name was Benjamine La Fond; he was a black-smith, our
mothers name was Margbaret La Fond; they both received half-breed scrip but we
never claimed to have Indian blood until Gus Beaulieu came to us in St. Paul,
and told us that he would get us on the White Earth rolls and get us good
allotments and find buyers for them. That
the tribal fund would soon be divided and we would get a share; we would be
fools not to take a chance like that to get some of the tribal money.
Then they made a complaint that their parents had been beaten out of their
scrip; that their mother Margaret, sometimes known as Maria La Fond, had sold
her scrip to Isaac Van Ettan, “a man who was married to a cousin of Gus
Beaulieu,” for $40 and later their father had sold his and they understood that
it had been placed on land in the Iron range, that was worth Millions of
dollars. They wanted the Government, to
get the land for them as their parents had been swindled out of their
scrip. I advised them to report the
matter to you and see what you could do; I asked them to do this for the reason
that I did not have a witness with me when they told me the story and I think
that it will be of interest to us if we wish to show how people have become
enrolled on this reservation.
Yours respectfully
Thomas E. Harper
Special Agent
3883. Wub-e-ke-niew
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1994). According to the headline in the October 6
Minneapolis Star Tribune, “Show of force evicts farmer who didn’t pay tax.”...
Abstract: According to the headline in the October 6 Minneapolis Star Tribune,
“Show of force evicts farmer who didn’t pay tax.” The problem is that the Gibbon, Minnesota farmer who lost his
farm, Oliver Kramer, thought he owned “his” land—and he didn’t. Under the British/Roman legal system
exported from Europe, White property-holders have a feudal relationship with
the State—the very terms for land “title,” like “fee simple,” are derived from
the old European feudalism. In this
foreign way of thinking, “landowners” receive certain rights and privileges to
a piece of land from the state—for which they must pay property taxes. Although the entire structure on this
Continent is based on stolen Aboriginal peoples’ land and resources; the White
economic, legal and political system favors the upper artificial socio-economic
class of Whites, the so-called “property-holders,” who then cry about the high
taxes that they’re paying and point their fingers at the people who are
disenfranchised and exploited by their White system. The privileged self-righteously label these people “welfare
queens,” “food stamp recipients” and “dead-beat dads”-—although the smug
“taxpayers” fail to look at where they came from, and how they are also pigging
out on “welfare” and profiting from property stolen from the Aboriginal people
of this Continent.
When the United States Constitution was written, the only people who could vote
were “property-owners,” and also written into the U.S. Constitution is the
discriminating phrase, “Indians not taxed.”
“Indian land” is not property, in the legal real estate White man’s
definition of the word. The White
“untaxed” Indians are created to be used as proxies, scapegoats and
brokers. They have never actually owned
any land, and under the imported European property-structure, never will. There are no “Indians,” and the mythological
“Indian Title” is created by the White man for his own greedy purposes. The Western European culture has
always been parasitic, and there is someone always waiting in the wings or the
smoky back-rooms to take advantage of another’s misfortunes which are created
by the imported European system to keep the class system intact. In the case of Kramer the farmer, Reuben
Meyer (a County Commissioner) knew all about Kramer’s tax problems, and bought
the land for a fraction of its market value.
Something’s fishy in Gibbon, Minnesota.
THE GANG OF TEN: Speaking of something fishy, there have always been
private sales of fish by Red Lake fishermen, which are defined by the State of
Minnesota as “bootlegging” under their White economic system and their White
racist laws. These fishermen are forced
into “bootlegging” by economic exclusion—the White man wants them to use their
money, but not to participate in the inner sanctum of the Whites’ economic and
law-making system. If these guys had
been upper-class Whites, they could have bought a Congressman, a Senator and
probably George Bush—then they would have been wheeling-and-dealing
“entrepreneurs,” but instead they’re labelled as criminals and law-breakers.
Also on October 6, the Bemidji Pioneer reported the indictment of ten men for
illegally buying and selling fish. The charges
resulted from using taxpayers’ money to create a phony corporation, Can-Am
foods, which created employment for the in-group running a three-year sting
operation. The indictments mention only
a few hundred fish at a time, because clear-cutting has destroyed the ecosystem
and decimated the fish population. The
“good guys” and their families and friends ate so much “bootleg” Red Lake
Walleye, I hope they get mercury poisoning from the pollutants they’ve been pumping
into the Blackduck River, the air, and the rest of the environment.
WHITE-WATER CASE: In a related, crooked scheme, several Chippewa Indians
were arrested recently for setting two and a half miles of gill-net in Upper
Red Lake—on what the State of Minnesota claims as the “White-Water” side. (That they were greedily setting too many
nets was not the issue.) The State of
Minnesota just went to court about Indian hunting and fishing rights, and a
decision was handed down that Indians could hunt and fish on ceded lands, even
though the Treaties were not made in Chippewa or French, only in English, and
neither the Europeans who call themselves “Indians” or the Europeans who call
themselves “Americans” own the land, which belongs to the Aboriginal people.
In this local scam of White-Water fish, the land and water in question have
never been ceded—maybe this is why the Indian fishermen were arrested for
exercising “treaty-rights.” On the one
hand, the State of Minnesota is using their Indians to claim Red Lake Ahnishinahbæótjibway
land and water under the Northwest Ordinance, “because it was never
ceded.” On the other hand, the State of
Minnesota is using their Indians to claim Red Lake Ahnishinahbæótjibway
land and water—including the Eastern half of Upper Red Lake under the provisions
of legislation passed by the U.S. Congress on January 14 of 1889. The Nelson Act reads:
“... and such cession and relinquishment shall be deemed sufficient as to each
of the said several reservations, except as to the Red Lake Reservation, if made
and assented to in writing by two-thirds of the male adults occupying and
belonging to such reservation, and as to the Red Lake Reservation the cession
and relinquishment shall be deemed sufficient if made and assented to in like
manner by two-thirds of the male adults of “all” [sic] the Chippewa Indians in
Minnesota.”
The 1889 Nelson Act was unilaterally passed by the U.S. Congress in
January. Six months later, in July, the
Minnesota Chippewa Commission showed up at Lac Rouge (the foreign French Métis
term which in foreign English means Red Lake) to “negotiate the Treaty,”
meaning getting the consent of Indians to rip off more than three million acres
of Red Lake Ahnishinahbæótjibway
land. Both the oral history and U.S.
Government documents state that the boundary line drawn by both the Indians and
the Whites would be a mile East of Upper Red Lake. (The Chippewa Commission covered their ass in Washington by
amending the official transcript, referring to “mistakes” in the lines.) The 1889 Nelson Act was unilaterally drawn
up and enacted, and it would be mighty White of you if it was unilaterally
repealed.
The “Red Lake Band” and the “Tribe,” who are claiming to be “Sovereign,” are
the ones who should be standing up for their enrolled Chippewa fishermen. But, neither the Bureau of Indian Affairs or
the foreign 1934 I.R.A. Chairman, Bobby Whitefeather—who is paid more than
$60,000-plus dollars a year to be a mythological full-blooded Indian are
defending their Tribal Members. Just
like Whitefeather’s predecessors, “Butch Brun” and Chairman-for-Life Roger
Jourdain celebrated the hundredth anniversary of 1889 Chippewa Commission
rip-off with much fanfare, and a fake medicine man with a pipe. These burnt-stump immigrant Frenchmen
foolishly proclaimed the “founding of the Red Lake Nation in 1889,” hoping that
all the Aboriginal people were dead.
These Chippewas need the Indian identity that’s given to them by the
White Man, and the fraudulent 1889 “Agreement” is a crucial part of the
Minnesota Chippewa Indians’ identity.
The January 14, 1889 legislation is also very important to the State of
Minnesota, which is collecting illegal taxes derived from the more than three
million acres of Aboriginal land stolen in 1889, and still selling resources
from this stolen land.
My telephone number is (218) 679-2382 and my mailing address is P.O. Box 484,
Bemidji, MN 56601.
Wub-e-ke-niew
3884. Wub-e-ke-niew
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1993). The “Assimilation” policies of the United
States Government are also in violation of the provisions of the International
Convention for the prevention and punishment of Genocide. ...
Abstract: The “Assimilation” policies of the United States Government are also
in violation of the provisions of the International Convention for the
prevention and punishment of Genocide.
Maybe the reason that the molders of public opinion are calling the
present-day horrors “ethnic cleansing” is to evade responsibility. Do the Nuremberg Principles apply to
fratricide?
3885. Wub-e-ke-niew
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1993). "Being Indian is a very old tradition
among the blacks in New Orleans. I have Indian blood, but you don’t have
to," according to Big Chief Ferdinand ...
Abstract: “Being Indian is a very old
tradition among the blacks in New Orleans. I have Indian blood, but you don’t
have to,” according to Big Chief Ferdinand Bigard, quoted in an article by
Shelley Holl in Sunday’s Minneapolis Star Tribune. “Being Indian” is also an old tradition among a number of peoples
in Northern Minnesota, including the French Métis, the French Mulattos, and
others who may not have a drop of aboriginal Indigenous blood—this includes the
former “Indian Tribal Chairman” Roger Jourdain. Many of these “Indians” will tell you that being “Indian” is a matter
of spiritual orientation,” or “adoption by the ‘tribe’” [but which “tribe,” and
who owns and defines it?]; but in another linear-thinking category they reckon
their U.S. Government “Indian blood quantum” down to fractional 64th’s and
marry their own first cousins so their children can be “enrolled, federally
recognized ‘Indians’.” This kind of
inbreeding was a part of the Wanna-be Indians’ traditional French-Arab culture
in France four hundred years ago.
Aboriginal Indigenous Peoples’ Dodems prevent this kind of incest. If many of these “Indians” looked as their actual ancestors, they’d be quadroons.
I applaud Joe Sayers’ efforts to
address racism in Bemidji. However, by
maintaining his public identity of “Indian,” he is defeating his own purpose,
and ends up promoting the racist mythologies which cannot be separated from the
artificial identity of “Indian.”
Although the racism that Joe Sayers is dealing with in Bemidji is real,
Joe is relying on the White man for his identity. The “Indian” identity is a projection, a stereotype which is by
definition loaded with the racism of the immigrant Europeans. When he, and other sincere “Indians” trash
that stupid artificial identity, and become who they really are—then they won’t
be handicapped and handcuffed by this imposed identity. Right now, they’re being outmaneuvered by
racist European philosophy that’s built into the invented European identity of
Indian. When these “Indians” take on
their real identity, then the White man won’t be able to categorize them,
manipulate them, and dismiss them as “tokens.”
If the people who are promoting this racist Indian stereotype get themselves
out of this identity trap, and find out who they really are, then they own
their identity, and can get back their personal Sovereignty, their culture, and
their history. One needs to seriously
address the racism of the United States Government, which is using Aboriginal
Indigenous Peoples’ money and resources to intentionally create a messed-up,
factioned Indian community. Under this
classic Machiavellian tactic, a few, mostly White, “Indians” are subsidized in
high-paying, status-laden jobs, while under this crooked scheme, most of the
rest of the “Indians” are confined in welfare ghettos, and told they are
supposed to be “Indian and free,” and “Indian and proud.”
By learning his language of crooked European English, I see the White man for
who he really is. His language
clarifies the White man’s racist strategies.
What he has done is told the “Indians” that “Indian” is a wonderful and
romantic identity, and has told the “Indians” to go get their “Indian
traditions.” The real Indian tradition
is selling stolen Aboriginal Indigenous property, and signing crooked Treaties
(like the 1837 one). But, by promoting
his Disneyland mythology of caricature Indians, by sending people down the “Red
Road” which he defines, the White man diverts people away from studying his
crooked language and culture, and distracts people from having the power of
knowing who they really are and owning their real identity.
INDIAN RELIGION: The mainstream
Judeo-Christians are violating their own U.S. Constitution with their
legislation establishing “Indian Religion” under U.S. jurisdiction. The Senate Subcommittee recently met in
Hawaii (the only state which does not have “tribes of Indians”—unless they are
turning the indigenous Hawaiian people into “Indians”). The mainstream Judeo-Christians also
violated their own Constitution, and David Koresh’s Civil Rights, by killing
him and his followers. Whatever
happened to “Freedom of Religion?”
I asked Senator Inouye’s office to send me a copy of their proposed legislation
a month ago. I haven’t heard from them
yet, and probably never will. There is
no provision in the Treaties (which the “Indians,” not the Aboriginal
Indigenous People, signed) giving the United States Government jurisdiction
over Aboriginal Indigenous Peoples’ burial sites. The “Indian Freedom of Religion Act” is trying to change this,
and give the U.S. jurisdiction over our peoples’ burial sites using their
fictitious “Indians.” I predict that
one of the consequences of this present “religious freedom” act will the a
“legal” market in stolen grave goods, which have already been dug up. They’re covering up this violence (and the
genocide which has been and continues to be done against Aboriginal Indigenous
people) by having White “Indians,” like those
on the Minnesota Indian Affairs Council, rebury Aboriginal Indigenous
People after their possessions have been stolen. The racist piece of legislation, the “Indian Freedom of Religion
Act” is anarchy—where can an Aboriginal Indigenous Person take the U.S. and
their White “Indians” flunkies and sue them?
Will the amended “Indian Freedom of Religion Act” be reciprocal, and
give Aboriginal Indigenous People the “legal right” to go dig up the “Indian’s”
graves, which are in the Christian cemeteries.
Will we be able to dig up famous White people like George Washington,
sell their artifacts, and then go bury them someplace else in unmarked graves,
so the next generation can claim they “never existed”?
The “Indian Freedom of Religion Act” establishes “Indian” religion under U.S.
regulation, and creates White “Indian Medicine Men,” like Big Chief Bucky Head
and Holy Man Sargent. Grand Medicine
Man Inouye already has his Department of Interior flunkies issue licenses to
carry eagle feathers, as well as the feathers themselves. Do the Government Indian Medicine Men have
an “endorsement” on their laminated plastic “Indian Card”? One of the most vicious—and most
hidden—strategies of the imperial Indo-Europeans (for at least the last three
thousand years) has been using an “established” religion, rather than honest
spirituality, to control and subjugate their people. David Koresh was simply following the same pattern as the “world
religions,” all of which are dishonest manipulations of human beings, and all
of which have committed child abuse (how about the “Indian boarding schools”)
as well as genocide. If these “world
religions” were legitimate, you wouldn’t see any missionaries, particularly
those who “shoot to convert” along with their secular brothers who “shoot to
feed.” You don’t see any Aboriginal
Indigenous missionaries, we don’t need to sell people on our spirituality. I haven’t seen any of the real Midewiwin
spiritual elders out trying to “convert” people—although there are some
fraudulent “Indian Medicine Men” who make big bucks playing the “Indian
religion” scam.
My telephone number is (218) 679-2382
and my mailing address is P.O. Box 484, Bemidji, MN 56601.
Wub-e-ke-niew
3886. Wub-e-ke-niew
=(a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1996). Big Tree Hunt.
Abstract: “In 1962, the Department of Natural Resources launched a Big Tree
Hunt to locate and identify the state’s largest native trees. Since its inception, thousands of
Minnesotans have enthusiastically participated in the program. Today, the program elicits considerably more
response. The Horticultural Society of
Minnesota works with the DNR’s Division of Forestry to expand the list of
record trees to include naturalized, non-native and horticultural varieties.
... Send your report to: Frank Usenik, Big Tree Hunt, Department of Natural
Resources, Forestry Division, Centennial Office Bldg., 658 Cedar St., St. Paul,
MN 55155. ...”
[followed by a table comparing the DNR's "big trees" to those listed
in Britton and Brown (1917).]
3887. Wub-e-ke-niew
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1995). Corruption in “Indian Country” are making
the news, with the indictment of Chip Wadena and his cohorts. But fraud, embezzlement, stealing has been
business as usual on the U.S. Indian Reservations since the United States
began. ...
Abstract: Corruption in “Indian Country” are making the news, with the
indictment of Chip Wadena and his cohorts.
But fraud, embezzlement, stealing has been business as usual on the U.S.
Indian Reservations since the United States began. The stage was set in the U.S. Constitution with the clause,
“Indians not taxed,” meaning that those defined as Indians would have neither
land nor political representation.
The pattern in “Indian Affairs” has been fraudulent dealings, investigations
including Congressional hearings, hand-wringing in the media, and surface
restructuring of the political administration of Indians, which set the stage
for a new round of corruption. The
Indian Treaties were understood to be “shameful documents” even at the time
that they were signed; the halfbreed scrip issued from the Treaties was the subject
of years of Congressional investigations; the crookedness emanating from the
General Allotment Act has not yet been fully put to rest (for example, the
White Earth Land Settlement Act which contributed to Chip Wadena’s troubles);
the Meriam Report’s documentation of abysmal living conditions on the
Reservations which fueled the cries for “reform” which led to the 1934 Indian
Reorganization Act; in 1977 the Senate American Indian Policy Review Commission
reported that Indians’ position was “little better than that which he enjoyed
in 1928 when the Meriam Report was issued.”
The most recent round of Indian corruption is leading once again to calls for
“reform;” this time the focus is on re-writing the 1934 I.R.A.
Constitutions. This proposed solution
will simply lead to more corruption, and yet another round of investigations
twenty years from now; it will not break the pattern of restructuring corrupt
Indian Affairs once each generation.
Rewriting the “Indian Constitutions” does not touch the foundations of
the problems, and as long as the policy-makers deny their history, they cannot
hope to escape from the vicious cycle of corruption, restructuring and
corruption in which they are caught.
John Collier was Commissioner of Indian Affairs when the present Indian
Reorganization Act constitutions were written and put in place on most of the
reservations. Although the I.R.A. was
promoted as providing democracy for Indians, Collier wrote that “Over Indian
matters ... Congress still holds plenary power.” Indian Commissioner Ross Swimmer confirmed this in a Minneapolis
press conference on July 12, 1988, telling a group of concerned Indians, “I’m
telling you, you don’t have a government!”
As long as the phrase “Indians not taxed” remains in the U.S. Constitution, the
people who are identified as Indians are caught in a powerless position:
without representation in mainstream U.S. democracy, and subject to the
administrative “sovereignty” ascribed to the U.S. Secretary of Interior in
Indian Affairs.
The root of the problem is that “Indian” is an identity created and controlled
by the European immigrants to this continent.
Indian is a European word, and the U.S. claims both the power to define
Indians in a wide range of ad hoc circumstances, and the power to
terminate Indians “with a stroke of the pen.”
The crux of the entire mess which Indian Affairs has always been, is
that Indian is an artificial identity, and the vast majority of people who have
been defined into the Euro-American Indian identity are not the aboriginal
people who are autochthonous to this continent.
The United States policy-makers do not dare amend the U.S. Constitution to
eliminate the “Indians not taxed” clause, nor to deal honestly with the history
which has led them to the current round of corruption and cries for reform; not
one man nor woman among them has the courage to confront the genocide and
blood-soaked land upon which the U.S.A. is founded. They do not want to acknowledge or deal with the realities of
their national past, to see the linear-thinking structure which generates
endless cycles of corruption, debate, reform and corruption. It is far more politically expedient to
focus their attention away from history and onto the present, patching together
another quick fix in the same old pattern, and pretending it is “new.”
Writing and re-writing Indian Constitutions will not fix the problem, because
what the media are portraying as an “Indian problem” is really a white man’s
problem—inextricably connected to the violence in the streets, the decay of the
social and environmental infrastructure, to the sham democracy presented to far
more Americans than merely Indians with 1934 I.R.A. Constitutions. I would like to see the white men in the
power structure take responsibility for what they are doing, and where they
have come from, and honestly speak to what their ancestors have done, and why
those ancestors ran away from their plundered homelands. Instead of barrelling into the next century
like a runaway bulldozer, they need to turn around and take a look at where
they came from; they need to take responsibility for the species that they have
sent into extinction, and the peoples and languages they have destroyed. Without a clear view of the past, corruption
and fraud will continue. A criminal
will change his name to evade responsibility for the crimes he has committed in
the past. Western European man has also
changed his identity—here, they call themselves Americans, and some even call
themselves Indians.
3888. Wub-e-ke-niew
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1993). Dear Grampa: How many Branch Davidians can you fit into
an F.B.I. patrol car? ...
Abstract: Dear Grampa: How many
Branch Davidians can you fit into an F.B.I. patrol car?
Answer: All of them: One in the
front seat, three in the back seat, two in the trunk, and eighty-five in the
ashtray.
