Ojibwe Bibliography – part 6




2700.    Robin, R. W., Long, J. C., Rasmussen, J. K., Albaugh, B., & Goldman, D. (1998). Relationship of Binge Drinking to Alcohol Dependence, Other Psychiatric Disorders, and Behavioral Problems in an American Indian Tribe. Alcoholism: Clinical & Experimental Research, 22 (2), 518-523.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: The hypothesis that binge drinking is a benign behavior not associated with alcohol dependence, other psychiatric disorders, or problem areas, in American Indians, was tested in a sample of 582 adult Southwestern American Indian males and females in large multigenerational pedigrees. All information was obtained from semistructured psychiatric interviews that were independently blind-rated for DSM-III-R diagnoses. Three main outcome measures were used: the relationship between binge drinking and (1) alcohol dependence and other psychiatric disorders, (2) substance abuse treatment, and (3) four behavioral problem categories-violence/lawlessness, physical, social, and work. Binge drinking and alcohol dependence were strongly associated. Most binge drinkers were diagnosed as alcohol dependent. However, when controlling for alcohol dependence and other covariates, binge drinking was independently associated with an increase in odds for positive diagnoses for multiple psychiatric disorders, and for social, work, physical, and violence/lawlessness behavioral problems. In sum, binge drinking was found to be a common and severe problem with deleterious consequences in multiple domains of functioning. Assessment instruments should be designed to elicit information on binge patterns of drinking and strategies devised to provide appropriate treatment.  (Abstract by: Author)

2701.   . (1979). J. W. Robinson, & C. Kelsey Reminiscences of Josephine Warren Robinson, White Earth band of the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23017546

2702.   Robinson, L. (1994). Running Scared: An Ojibway coach is accused of robbing his "scared running" team of $30,000. This Magazine, 27(8), 33.
Notes: Source: UnCover database (Aug 1999)

2703.   Robyn, L. M. (1999). Resource colonialism and native resistance: the mining wars in Wisconsin (Chippewa) . Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Western Michigan University.
Abstract: In recent years powerful multinational mining corporations have attempted to mine various minerals found on Indian lands in the northern region of Wisconsin. These lands are currently protected from corporate incursion by treaties between the Chippewa people and the United States government. The Chippewa are using the treaties as an obstacle to corporate access to their lands and to protect their lands from the environmental devastation that will occur from proposed mining ventures. This case study utilizes a  power-reflexive method to analyze the power of the state to control rich mineral resources known to be on reservation lands. Under examination are state and corporate actors and the methods used in an attempt to abrogate the treaties made during the 1800s so that they may continue to use the Chippewa as a resource colony to gain access to these rich mineral deposits. A power-reflexive approach in this research will demonstrate how native peoples are challenging the most powerful institutions of a large nation state by using their capabilities to blend assertion of treaty rights with innovative and militant forms of environmental activism. This research focuses on the American Indian point of view, and how consideration of American Indian views and philosophies concerning the environmentcan help create a new heritage of respect, cooperation, and freedom.

2704.   . (1979). C. Rock, & P. T. HoulihanReminiscences of Cecilia Rock, Leech Lake band of the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 22891940

2705.   . (1979). R. Rock, & C. KelseyReminiscences of Reuben Rock, White Earth band of the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23017550

2706.   Beltrami County, Minnesota : recreation map. (1988). Rockford, IL: Rockford Map Publishers.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search).  Map published to accompany Beltrami County, Minnesota land atlas and plat book, 1988

2707.   Roddis, L. H. (Louis Harry), 1886- . (1956). The Indian wars of Minnesota. Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 3512768

2708.   Roefer, F., & Bakker, W. (1969). The Cottonwood County petroglyphs . Jeffers? Minn.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 11584779

2709.   . (1973). F. Roefer, M. English, & G. A. Lothson, 1939-  (Minnesota Historical Society. Archaeology Dept.), The Jeffers Petroglyphs : a cultural-ecological study  . [Saint Paul, Minn.] : Minnesota Historical Society.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 4521077. "This report is published in a limited quantity for review purposes only and is not for sale." Includes bibliography.

2710.   Rogers, E. S. (1965). Leadership among the Indians of Eastern Subarctic Canada. Anthropologica (Ottawa), 7(2), 263-284.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XII (1968:102)

2711.   Rogers, E. S., & Black, M. B. (1980). Method for reconstructing patterns of change: surname adoption by the Weagamow Ojibwa, 1870-1950. Ethnohistory, 5(4), 319-345.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXVI (1983:130)

2712.   (1972). New York: Grossman Publishers.
Notes: ERIC NO: ED067208
Abstract: The Jackdaw packet contains historical documents dealing with Canadian Indians. The packet may be used for senior high school and college level students. Included are a reproduction of a birchbark scroll owned by an Ojibwa Medicine Society, showing membership symbols known only to the society; a speech (1743) by an Indian chief, as transcribed into a journal, at the opening of trading on the Hudson Bay; a Bill of lading (c. 1800) for a canoe of the North West Company as it left Montreal; an illustration of the Indian culture areas of Canada indicating groupings of Indians by similar life styles; a record, containing Indian songs and chants; a Jesuit map of the upper Great Lakes (1682) showing the location of Indians and missions between the Mississippi (Colbert) River and Lake Ontario; a map of new discoveries in North America published in London by Arrowsmith (1796); and a Manitoban, Winnipeg newspaper, 11 October 1873, report on Treaty No. 3 between the Cree and Ojibwa Indians and Lieutenant-Governor Morris and his party. Also, Indian unrest is reported: a long report of the uprising of 1869-70 at Red River, concerning the execution of Thomas Scott, an Ontario Orangemen, and clippings of reports and comments on the Alert Bay Potlatch raid (1922-23) and on the Indian protest at Kenora (November 1965) are taken from the British Columbia newspaper. Also contained in this packet are a list of Things to Think About, Things to Do, and a Bibliography for more reading. (FF)

2713.   Rogers, E. S. (1983). Cultural adaptations: the northern Ojibwa of the boreal forest 1670-1980. Boreal forest adaptations  (pp. 85-141). New York: Plenum Press.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2714.   Rogers, E. S. (1969). The Ojibwa. Beaver, outfit 300, 46-49.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2715.   Rogers, E. S. (1962). The Round Lake Ojibwa. Royal Ontario Museum Paper Vol. 5). Toronto: University of Toronto.
Notes: Source: bibliography in Ritzenthaler and Ritzenthaler (1970)

2716.   Rogers, E. S., & Rogers, M. B. (1982). Who were the cranes? Groups and group identity names in northern Ontario. Proceedings - Annual Conference of the Archaeological Association of the University of Calgary, (13), 147-188.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2717.   Rogers, E. S. (1977). Bishop, Charles A. The Northern Ojibwa and the fur trade: a historical and ecological study. [book review]. American Anthropologist, 79(3), 670-671.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXIII (1981:74)

2718.   Rogers, J. H. (1978). Differential focussing in Ojibwa conjunct verbs: on circumstances, participants or events. International Journal of American Linguistics, 44(3), 167-179.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXIV (1981:81)

2719.   Rogers, J. H. (1975). Non-TA verbs of Parry island Ojibwa. International Journal of American Linguistics, 41(1), 21-31, ill.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXII (1979:118)

2720.   Rogers, J. H. (1975). Prediction of transitive animate verbs in an Ojibwa dialect. International Journal of American Linguistics, 41(2), 114-139.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXII (1979:118)

2721.   Rogers, J. H. (1976). Coding of role information in Ojibwa. Papers of the Algonquian Conference. 1975. Ottawa. 7th,  257-271.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2722.   Rogers, J. H. (1975). Participant identification and role allocation in Ojibwa. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Toronto (Canada).

2723.   Rogers, J. (1974). Red world and white: memories of a Chippewa boyhood. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press.
Notes: Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)
Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

2724.   Rogers, M. (144). Chippewa families: A social study of white earth reservation, 1938. LIBR J .
Notes: Source: http://www.webofscience.com/CIW.cgi -- subject search on all indexes, Fall 1999

2725.   Rogers, V. (1989). Ah-Dick Songab genealogy.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

2726.   Rogers, V. (1989). Broken Tooth Genealogy.  deposited by Virginia Rogers at the Minnesota Historical Society.
Notes: cited by Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

2727.   Rogers, V. (1989). Flat Mouth Genealogy.  deposited by Virginia Rogers at the Minnesota Historical Society.
Notes: cited inWub-e-ke-niew (1995)

2728.   Rogers, V. (1976-1978). Historical Society genealogical cards.
Notes: r. 1. Across the Land-Lareau, Noel -- r. 2. Lareau, Simeon-May yah we gah bow -- r. 3. May yah we gah bow- Zozay. File of ca. 20,000 cards compiled by Virginia Rogers in 1976- 1978, containing English names, Indian names, and translations of Indian names for Indians and Métis in Minnesota. Microfilm.  [Minnesota? : s.n., 1979]. 3 microfilm reels : negative ; 16 mm.

2729.   Rogers, V. (1984). The taking of the White Earth Reservation.  [privately published].
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

2730.   Rohrl, V. (1972). Some observations on the drum society of Chippewa Indians. Ethnohistory, 19(3), 219-225.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XX (1976:153)

2731.   Rohrl, V. J. (1981). Change for continuity: the people of a Thousand Lakes. Washington, D.C.: University Press of America.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXVII (1985:159)
Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

2732.   Rohrl, V. J. (1967). A Chippewa funeral. Wisconsin Archaeologist, 48(2), 137-140.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2733.   Rohrl, V. J. (1968). The Drum societies in a southwestern Chippewa community. Wisconsin Archeologist, 49 (3), 131-137.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2734.   Rohrl, V. J. L. (1967). The people of Mille Lacs: a study of social organization and value orientations. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.

2735.   Rokala, D. A., & Polesky, H. F. (1973). Demographic and Genetic Structures of Reservation Populations. 1. The Greater Leech Lake (Ojibwa) Reservation. Social Biology, 20(4), 427-437.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Source: Family Studies database [University of Minnesota onlinedatabase], August 29, 1999 search

2736.   Rokala, D. A. (1972). The anthropological genetics and demography of the Southwestern Ojibwa in the greater Leech Lake--Chippewa National Forest area. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.

2737.   Rolater, F. S. (1993). The American Indian and the origin of the second American party system. Wisconsin Magazine of History, 76(3), 180.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)

2738.   Rolf, B., Meyer, E., Brinkmann, B., & De Knijff, P. (1998). Polymorphism at the Tetranucleotide Repeat Locus Dys389 in 10 Populations Reveals Strong Geographic Clustering. European Journal of Human Genetics, 6(6), 583-588.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: Several short tandem repeat polymorphism loci at the non-recombining part of the Y chromosome have been described recently and are now widely used for the investigation of the history and the diversity of man. The tetranucleotide repeat polymorphism at the DYS389 locus consists of two repetitive stretches with different numbers of (TCTG)n (TCTA)m repeat units. To study the overall variability of this locus, 768 alleles from males from 10 human populations (two sub-Saharan African, four Caucasoid and four Asian/Amerind populations) were investigated. The alleles found in the populations of different geographic origin exhibited remarkable differences in the number and arrangement of repeats in the two repetitive stretches and up to nine different sequence variants for a single fragment length have been detected. So far 53 different alleles, i.e. haplotypes, have been observed. Analysis of molecular variance (AMOVA) indicates that at least 24.5% of the total genetic variance was found between the populations and that these differences were significant in most pairwise comparisons. We propose a model, in which both founder effects and genetic drift together with single step replication slippage mutations explain the picture of haplotype diversity observed with this single locus.  (Abstract by: Author)

2739.   Roman Stateley. (1993). The Red Lake Nation [sic], a report to the people of the Red Lake Band of Chippewa Indians.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

2740.   Rommen, H. A. (1945). The state in Catholic thought, a treatise in political philosophy. London.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

2741.   Ronaghan, N. E. A. (1988). The Archibald admnistration in Manitoba--1870-1872. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Manitoba (Canada).
Abstract: The Red River Insurrection was not a rebellion against Canadian or British authority but rather a reaction against the actions and words of the 'Canadian' party and the failure of anyone in authority to consult with the Red River people as to their future. The Insurrection did not represent a victory for those who led it, nor did it secure the position of the Metis people in Manitoba. Rather it merely interrupted a constitutional revolution by which Manitoba entered Confederation with its public lands appropriated 'for purposes of the Dominion.' The uproar in Ontario concerning the execution of Scott served effectively to divert attention from this revolution. The Red River Expeditionary Force did not bring law and order to Manitoba. The Ontario Rifles at Fort Garry became an unruly army of occupation, providing protection for the 'Canadian' party and a 'reign of terror' for the Metis. This army of occupation prevented Lieutenant-Governor Archibald from succeeding in his policy of conciliation and from establishing responsible government in Manitoba. Archibald managed to hold the allegiance of the Metis during the confrontation at Riviere aux Ilets de Bois by giving them certain assurances concerning the way they wished to hold the land to be granted them under the terms of the Manitoba Act. The Canadian Cabinet refused to honor these undertakings. The attacks on Archibald begun by the Liberal and repeated in the Ontario press made his position untenable. After the so-called 'Fenian Raid' when Archibald accepted the Metis offer of support and shook hands with Riel, the outcry in the Ontario press forced Archibald to submit his resignation. With the passing of the British North America Act of 1871 by the British Parliament and the Dominion Lands Act of 1872 by the Canadian Parliament the constitutional revolution was complete and Manitoba, its people still not amnestied, was effectively a 'colony of a colony.'

2742.   Roosevelt, F. ("before World War II"). [Letter to Hitler, Adolf].
Notes: cited by Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
For example, the cable sent from Adolf Hitler to U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt in response to F.D.R.'s questions about Hitler's genocide.  Hitler responded, "Who are you to tell me what to do?  Clean up your own backyard."

2743.   Roosevelt, T. (1973). S. L. TylerA History of Indian Policy .
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

2744.   Rose, A. P., 1875-1970. (1911). An illustrated history of the counties of Rock and Pipestone, Minnesota. Luverne, Minn.  Northern History Publishing Company.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 10510893

2745.   Rose, R. (1952). Experiments in ESP and PK with aborignal subjects. Journal of Parapsychology, 16(3), 219-220, 1 tbl.
Notes: Source: Parapsychology Abstracts International, Jun 1986:11
Abstract: The author reports briefly on GESP and PK experiments conducted  by he and his wife from December, 1950, to February, 1951, with grops of natives in Central Australia, principally the detribalized Aranda (Arunta) people at Hermannesburg and the tribal members of the Pitjendadjara tribe at Areyonga.  A total of 25 natives participatged in 171 GESP runs with an insigificant positive total.  The mssionary natives scored close to mean chance expectation, but the tribal natives scored significantly positive.  A total of 1,128 PK runs with 12 dice per throw produced an insignificant deviation.  Aboriganal clever men showed no special psi ability in the experimental situation.
  A summary of the results of all the experiments conducted to date by he and his wife are reported to be as follows: 526 GESP runs yielded an average score of 5.57 and a CR of 6.60; 3,192 PK runs yielded an average score of 4.03, which is not significant. --R.A.W.

2746.   Rosen, M. (1994). Friend of the Earth. (Native American activist Winona LaDuke). People Weekly, 42(22), 165 (4).
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999 search
Abstract: LaDuke has been fighting for the reclamation of the lands and culture of the Anishinabe tribe. The Harvard-educated activist is the founder of the White Earth Land Recovery Project. Less than one-tenth of the tribe's reservation lands remains in their possession.

2747.   Rosenthal, B. G. (1974). Development of Self-Identification in Relation to Attitudes Towards the Self in the Chippewa Indians. Genetic Psychology Monographs, 90((1st Half)), 43-141.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search

2748.   . (1979). A. Ross, b. 1889, & H. T. HooverReminiscences of Alex Ross, Mdewakanton Community of Prior Lake, Minnesota .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23179983

2749.   Ross, J. (1994). Rebellion from the Roots: Indian Uprising in Chiapas.  Common Courage Press.
Notes: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

2750.   Ross, L. M. (1980). Results of thermoluminescence dating measurements on pottery sherds from the Knife River Indian Villages National Historic Site (North Dakota), Voyageurs National Park (Minnesota), and Ozark National Scenic Riverway (Missouri) . St. Louis, Mo.  Center for Archaeometry, Washington University.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 6857819. Cover title. Other: Sutton, S. R. United States. National Park Service. Washington University. Center for Archaeometry.

2751.   . (1979). R. Ross, 1918- , V. Ross, & H. T. HooverReminiscences of Rufus and Verna Ross, Mdewakanton Community of Prior Lake, Minnesota .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23179988

2752.   Rossow, M. D. (1995). The effect of community structure on newspapers' reporting of environmental issues involving high versus low intracommunity strife. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Wisconsin, Madison.
Abstract: Two  environment-related issues emerged in northern Wisconsin in the middle 1980s--one a dispute over the federal government's consideration of two granite batholiths in Wisconsin as potential sites for a nuclear-waste repository, the other a battle over spearfishing rights of six bands of Chippewa Indians. This dissertation examined press coverage of both issues by newspapers in communities in or near the affected areas. The project focused on the relationship between community pluralism and conflict coverage as influenced by the level of intracommunity discord over each issue. Seventeen communities were ranked on a pluralism (community structure) scale, and a content analysis was conducted of all stories about both issues in the newspapers that served those communities. The analysis examined a total of 683 newspaper articles. Specifically, it was hypothesized that newspapers in lower pluralism communities would cover the issues differently from their counterpart papers in  higher pluralism communities. It was expected that the lower  pluralism papers would be more cautious than the higher pluralism papers in covering the spearing controversy, an issue marked by intense intracommunity discord. Internal discord over the  nuclear-waste issue was much lower, with almost unanimous community rejection of the siting plan. The data generally supported the hypotheses, with lower pluralism papers providing proportionally much less coverage of spearing versus nuclear waste when compared with higher pluralism papers. Several of the lower pluralism papers totally ignored the spearing dispute, although all provided coverage of the nuclear-waste issue. The material gathered in the study followed a pattern seen in earlier pluralism research showing smaller newspapers reluctant to cover topics in a way that could threaten the community's social fabric. The material also suggested that the level of intensity of intracommunity conflict over an issue may be a factor in the amount and completeness of coverage of the issue.

2753.   Rotenberg, K. J., & Mayer, E. V. (1990). Delay of Gratification in Native and White Children a Cross-Cultural Comparison. International Journal of Behavioral Development , 13(1), 23-30.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: The study was designed to assess whether the development of the delay of gratification found in White children is evident in Native children from an isolated Ojibwa band in northern Ontario Canada.  Initially, the Native children's, reward values were assessed and from those an immediate small reward and a delayed larger reward were selected.  A group of White children were similarly tested and a subsample of White children were selected whose reward values matched those of the Natives.  In a second session, once the children's understanding of 'one day later' had been determined, they were posed with the conventional delay of gratification task.  It was found that both the Native and White children showed the acquisition of the delay of gratification with age and showed it at approximately the same rate.  However, the Native children tended to show less delay of gratification than did the White children.

2754.   Roufs, T. G. (1981). Bibliography of Chippewa Indians.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

2755.   Roufs, T. G. (1983). Index to the works listed in the working bibliography of Chippewa/Ojibwa/Anishinabe and selected works. Duluth, MN: University of Minnesota.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXX (1987:10)

2756.   Roufs, T. G., & Aitken, L. P. (1984). Information relating to the Chippewa peoples from the handbook of American Indians North of Mexico. Duluth, MN: University of Minnesota.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXX (1987:171)

2757.   Roufs, T. J., & James, B. J. (1974). Myth in method: more on Ojibwa culture. Current Anthropology, 15(3), 307-310.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XX (1976:139)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search, Comment by Bernard J. James p. 309-310

2758.   Rountree, H. C. (1998). Powhatan Indian women: The people Captain John Smith barely saw. Ethnohistory, 45(1), 1-29.
Notes: Source: http://www.webofscience.com/CIW.cgi -- subject search on all indexes, Fall 1999

2759.   Rowan, C. T. (1957). The plight of the upper midwest Indian. 'The first are last.'. Minneapolis: Minneapolis Star and Tribune Co.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 25450627. Reprinted from the Minneapolis tribune, Feb. 17 through Mar. 3, 1957.

2760.   (1998). R. A. Rozoff. St. Germain, WI : DeltaVision Entertainment.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October, 1999 search)
Abstract: This program examines Chippewa ricing methods and illustrates the growth cycle of the sacred grain called Mahnomin. Efforts by the 1854 Authority through the "Circle of Flight" program to improve and better manage wetland habitats are presented. VHS.

2761.   Rubenstein, B. a. (1974). Justice denied: an analysis of American Indian-White relations in Michigan, 1855-1899. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Michigan State University.

2762.   Ruffalovich, D. C. (1982). The myth between: a structural study of north American Indian mythology. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Texas at Austin.
Abstract: This study is a structural analysis of northern North American Indian mythology. Following a discussion of method and theory, it is demonstrated how, on the Great Lakes, a Winnebago myth of the origin of the menstrual customs is transformed into an Ojibwa myth of the origin of the male puberty fast. It is then demonstrated how these myths are transformed into the origin of the Big Dipper on the Plains and reconstructed on the Northwest Plateau and Coast. It is shown that a myth consists of all its variants, including ethnographic and ethnological ones. It is also shown that myth is a means and not an object of thought.

2763.   . (1989). J. F. RuhlWater resources of the Fond du Lac Indian Reservation, east-central Minnesota  . St. Paul, Minn. : Denver, Colo.  Dept. of the Interior, U.S. Geological Survey ; U.S. Geological Survey, Books and Open-File Reports Section [distributor].
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 20507172. Includes bibliographical references (p. 41- 42).

2764.   . (1991). J. F. RuhlWater resources of the Red Lake Indian Reservation, northwestern Minnesota  . St. Paul, Minn. : Denver, Colo.  U.S. Geological Survey ; Books and Open- File Reports Section [distributor].
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 25014815
Source: PALS online catalog (October 1999 search)

2765.   . (1989). J. F. RuhlWater resources of the White Earth Indian Reservation, northwestern Minnesota  . St. Paul, Minn. : Denver, Colo.  Dept. of the Interior, U.S. Geological Survey ; U.S. Geological Survey, Books and Open-File Reports Section [distributor].
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 21274622.  Includes bibliographical references (p. 72- 73).  Other: White Earth Indian Reservation (Minn.). Business Committee. Geological Survey (U.S.)

2766.   Ruhlen, M. (1995). Proto-Amerind Numerals. Anthropological Science, 103(3), 209-225.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: The Amerind language family includes all the aboriginal languages of North and South America, except for those belonging to the Eskimo-Aleut and Na-Dene families. Comparative linguistic evidence from extant (or attested) Amerind languages indicates that Proto-Amerind - the language from which all Amerind languages derive-used a system of counting in which an obligatory numeral prefix, *ne-, preceded the numeral root. The first three numerals in Proto-Amerind seem to have been *ne-k'(w)e '1,' *ne-pale '2,' and *ne-q(w)alas '3.' A fourth numeral, Proto-Amerind *ta-pale '4,' combined a reflexive prefix with the Proto-Amerind root for '2' in order to express the number '4.' [References: 47]

2767.   Ruiz-Linares, A., Ortiz-Barrientos, D., Figueroa, M., Mesa, N., Munera J. G., Bedoya, G., Velez I. D. , Garcia, L. F., Perez-Lezaun, A., Bertranpetit, J., Feldman, M. W., & Goldstein D. B. (1999). Microsatellites Provide Evidence for Y Chromosome Diversity Among the Founders of the New World. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 96(11), 6312-6317.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: Recently, Y chromosome markers have begun to be used to study Native American origins. Available data have been interpreted as indicating that the colonizers of the New World carried a single founder haplotype. However, these early studies have been based on a few, mostly complex polymorphisms of insufficient resolution to determine whether observed diversity stems from admixture or diversity among the colonizers. Because the interpretation of Y chromosomal variation in the New World depends on founding diversity, it is important to develop marker systems with finer resolution. Here we evaluate the hypothesis of a single-founder Y haplotype for Amerinds by using 11 Y-specific markers in five Colombian Amerind populations. Two of these markers (DYS271, DYS287) are reliable indicators of admixture and detected three non-Amerind chromosomes in our sample. Two other markers (DYS199, M19) are single-nucleotide polymorphisms mostly restricted to Native Americans. The relatedness of chromosomes defined by these two markers was evaluated by constructing haplotypes with seven microsatellite loci (DYS388 to 394). The microsatellite backgrounds found on the two haplogroups defined by marker DYS199 demonstrate the existence of at least two Amerind founder haplotypes, one of them (carrying allele DYS199 T) largely restricted to Native Americans. The estimated age and distribution of these haplogroups places them among the founders of the New World.  (Abstract by: Author)

2768.   Russell, A. J., b. 1807. (1870). The Red River country, Hudson's Bay and North-West Territories considered in relation to Canada with the last two reports of S.J. Dawson, Esquire, C.E., on the line of route between Lake Superior and the Red River settlement, illustrated with a map . Montreal: G.E. Desbarats.
Notes: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 10594878, 13557856. Other: Dawson, S. J. (Simon James), 1820- 1902. ... accession: 24083470.

2769.   . (1869). A. J. Russell, b. 1807, & Canada. Dept. of Public WorksThe Red River Country, Hudson's Bay & North-west territories, considered in relation to Canada with the last report of S.J. Dawson ... on the line of route between Lake Superior and the Red River Settlement ...   Ottawa : G.E. Desbarats.
Notes: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 15453380.  Original wrappers. Apparently a second issue. cf. "Second preface" tipped-in on page [vii].  Other: Canada. Dept. of Public Works.  ... accession: 18480765.  Other: Dawson, S. J. (Simon James), 1820-1902. Hudson's Bay Company. ... accession: 35647569.

2770.   Russell, G. (1998). Drawing The Line. Native Peoples : the Journal of the Heard Museum, 11(3), 70.
Notes: Source: UnCover
Abstract: George Russell (Saginaw Chippewa) got tired of getting stumped every time his non-indian co-workers asked him about Native America. So he did something about it, including writing this article.

2771.   . (1904). M. C. Russell, 1840- Uncle Dudley's odd hours western sketches, Indian trail echoes, straws of humor  . Lake City, Minn.  "The Home Printery".
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 15458729 ... accession: 5879698 ... accession: 4080730

2772.   Ryan, L. M. J., 1941- . (1975). Reasons for American Indian students dropping out of a Minnesota high school : a survey of teachers and the dropouts . Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Moorhead State College.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 10434075

2773.   Rynkiewich, M. A.Chippewa powwows. Anishinabe  (pp. 31-100, ill.). Tallahassee, FL: University Presses of Florida.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2774.   Sabathy-Judd, G. (1999). The diary of the Moravian Indian mission of Fairfield, Upper Canada, 1792-1813 (Ontario). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Western Ontario (Canada).
Abstract: This thesis is an annotated translation from the original German of the official diary of the Moravian Indian mission of Fairfield, Upper Canada. The translated text is preceded by a thematic, five-part Introduction, which places the Moravians in the proper historical, diplomatic and religious context. The diary commences with the foundation of the mission in April, 1792, and ends with the latter's destruction in the War of 1812. As an historical document of its time and place, it has no parallel. Part one of the Introduction deals briefly with the Moravians' European background and their world-wide mission program. It examines the Moravians as an extra-ecclesiastical institution, and as Evangelicals, and compares them to the Methodists. The conparison is deliberate. Methodists and Moravians have much in common but differ on a fundamental point in their theology, something the diary helps to demonstrate.  More importantly, the Methodists were the only other active Evangelicals on the Thames in Fairfield's time. Part two deals with why and how the Moravians came to Upper Canada and to what extent they made good loyal citizens of the newly formed province. It places them in the Ohio Valley during the American Revolution and traces their movements throughout Ohio and Michigan, and finally to Fairfield. This section centres on Moravian 'neutrality,' something that was of great consequence to their future as an Indian mission. While they practised non-involvement in all military conflicts, they did not espouse a Quaker-like pacifism. Neither did their non-combative position save them from harassment in times of war. Fairfield was the largest settlement on the lower Thames in the eighteenth century. Its physical description and function as a multi-cultural pioneer farming community is the theme of the third section while the fourth deals with the community as a religious institution. Like all Moravian missions, Fairfield followed a well-established pattern in its daily spiritual life whose rather complex system is explored in full. The fifth and last section places  the Fairfield diary in the larger context of extant Moravian archive material. Here a comparison to the Jesuit Relations is made. Style and format of the original document and methods of translation are discussed. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

2775.   Saewyc, E. M., Skay, C. L., Bearinger, L. H., Blum, R. W., & Resnick M. D. (1998). Demographics of Sexual Orientation Among American-Indian Adolescents. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 68(4), 590-600.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: Self-report of sexual orientation and sexual behavior was compared for 12,978 reservation-based American-Indian and 11,356 rural Anglo-American adolescents. Findings included a significantly higher prevalence of homosexual, bisexual, and unsure responses among American Indians. However, a larger nonresponse rate for American-Indian adolescents raises questions about the cultural relevance of the survey method, and underscores the need for development of more culturally sensitive research tools and methods.  (Abstract by: Author)

2776.   Saewyc, E. M., Skay, C. L., Bearinger, L. H., Blum, R. W., & Resnick, M. D. (1998). Sexual Orientation, Sexual Behaviors, and Pregnancy Among American Indian Adolescents. Journal of Adolescent Health, 23(4), 238-247.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: PURPOSE: A recent study found a disproportionate number of pregnancies among Euro-American lesbian and bisexual adolescents compared to heterosexual peers. American Indian adolescents have reported higher prevalence of gay/lesbian/bisexual orientations than Euro-Americans; do they also report higher prevalence of pregnancy? METHODS: The study assessed prevalence of teen pregnancy and related factors by sexual orientation among sexually experienced, reservation-based American Indian adolescent males (n = 2056) and females (n = 1693) who participated in a national school-based survey in 1991. Self-reported orientation was classified as heterosexual, gay/lesbian/bisexual, and 'unsure' of orientation. RESULTS: Gay/bisexual males were more likely than other males to report early heterosexual intercourse (<14 years), more consistent contraception, and a higher prevalence of abuse and running away (p < 0.05 to p < 0.0001). Likewise, lesbian/bisexual females were more likely to report early onset of heterosexual intercourse, more frequent intercourse, and running away. Sexual or physical abuse did not vary by orientation for females. Prevalence of pregnancy also did not vary by orientation (males, 18.6% gay/bisexual vs. 10.4% 'unsure' vs. 11.8% heterosexual; females, 25.0% lesbian/bisexual vs. 22.1% 'unsure' vs. 21.9% heterosexual). For lesbian/bisexual females, no variables were significantly associated with pregnancy history; for 'unsure' females, pregnancy was associated with contraceptive frequency and early onset of heterosexual activity. For heterosexual females, age, intercourse frequency, and physical abuse were associated. For gay/bisexual males, intercourse frequency, ineffective contraception, and physical abuse were associated with involvement in a pregnancy; for 'unsure' and heterosexual males, most items except ineffective contraception were related to pregnancy involvement history. CONCLUSIONS: Although prevalence of pregnancy is similar, findings show group differences in associated risk factors by sexual orientation. Interventions to reduce pregnancy among American Indian adolescents should include assessment of sexual orientation and behavioral risk factors.  (Abstract by: Author)

2777.   Saffouri, H. (1996). Comment - The Good Cause Exception to the Indian Child Welfare Act's Placement Preferences: The Minnesota Supreme Court Sets a Difficult (Impossible?) Standard - In re the Custody of S.E.G., 521 N.W.2d 357 (Minn. 1994). William Mitchell Law Review, 21(4), 1991.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)

2778.   Sagard-Theodat, G. (1969). Long Journey to the Country of the Hurons.  Greenwood Publishing Group, Incorporated.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)

2779.   Sagatoo, M. (1994). Thirty-Three Years among the Indians: The Story of Mary Sagatoo.  Bigwater Publishing.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

2780.   Sager, D. (1996). An Unusual Eastern Grasslands Ojibway Shirt Type. American Indian Art Magazine, 22(1), 36.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Abstract: Suggests that by the 1870s the Ojibway of southwest Manitoba and northeast North Dakota were making a unique shirt type, which shared some of the features found in earlier European models but which also shared some decorative techniques of the upper Missouri River region.

2781.   Sahlins, M. (1976). Culture and practical reason. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press.
Notes: Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)

2782.   Sale, K. (1990). The conquest of paradise, Christopher Columbus and the Columbian legacy.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

2783.   Salerno, N., & Vanderburgh, R. (1980). Shaman's Daughter. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Notes: Source: Women’s Resources International [University of Minnesota online database--Women, Race & Ethnicity Database], August 29, 1999 search
Abstract: According to critic Rayna Green, this story of an Ojibwa herbalist, basketmaker and community leader around the turn of the century is one of the best modern novels about American Indian women.

2784.   Sally Old Coyote. (1972). Indian Tales of the Northern Plains.  Council for Indian Education.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)

2785.   Salt, E. (1996). North Spirit - Travels Among the Cree and Ojibway Nations and Their Star Maps - Jiles,P. Library Journal.  121(18):98, 1996 Nov 1., 121(18), 98.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search

2786.   Salter, K. C. Friendship and assimilation of Indian children at an urban junior high school. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 19385319

2787.   Salzer, R. (1961). Central Algonkin Beadwork. American Indian Tradition, 7(5), 166-178.
Notes: Source: bibliography in Ritzenthaler and Ritzenthaler (1970)

2788.   Sammons, K. (1997). Making It Their Own - Severn Ojibwe Communicative Practices - Valentine, L. P. American Ethnologist, 24(2), 473-474.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Source: http://www.webofscience.com/CIW.cgi -- subject search on all indexes, Fall 1999

2789.   Samuelson, P. A. (1967). Economics, an Introductory Analysis.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

2790.   San Souci, R. D., & San Souci, D. Sootface: An Ojibwa Cinderella Story .
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999 search [review]
Abstract: In this Ojibwa tale, Sootface is a young woman who does all the cooking, mending, and fire tending for her father and her two mean and lazy older sisters. When the mysterious invisible warrior announces through his sister that he will take for his bride a woman with a kind and honest heart, only Sootface proves worthy. The tale has been told before, even in picture-book format, but the San Souci version reads aloud well, and the watercolor artwork illustrates the story with quiet grace. A satisfying picture book for reading aloud or alone, and a good choice for classes studying Native Americans or comparative folklore.
Full Text COPYRIGHT American Library Association 1994

2791.   Sanders, K. J. (1996). Healing narratives: negotiating cultural subjectivities in Louise Erdrich's magic realism (Louise Erdrich, Ojibwa). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The Pennsylvania State University.
Abstract: To explore the culture and history of the Ojibwa people, Louise Erdrich focuses on how her characters' identities are formed and reformed in relation to their families, religions, and community. Throughout this exploration, she employs an illness/healing metaphor to examine the importance of knowledge, understanding, and acceptance in forming a healthy individual and community. For many of the characters, a crisis of identity and cultural connection helps them reach a clearer sense of subjectivity. For Erdrich, health comes with knowledge and acceptance, and she uses the Magic Realist mode to demonstrate the primacy of magic in the culture depicted, to reveal part of Ojibwa belief system that has been nearly forgotten, to show the interconnectedness of the individual's power to the strength of the community, and to create a reality reflective of the Ojibwa world view. Erdrich's interest in the interconnectedness of language, subjectivity, family, and culture make her fiction particularly amenable to Kristeva's psychoanalytic theories. Kristeva's theories posit identity as a social and linguistic construct, revealing her methodology to be especially appropriate for an analysis of Erdrich's Magic Realism. Magic Realism's dissolution of boundaries, its give and take between the concrete and the abstract, between the psychological and the physical make Magic Realist narratives ripe for psychoanalytic criticism. This study also incorporates anthropology, religious and cultural studies to create a methodology suitable for this multi-ethnic writer and literary mode. In the healing metaphor, language and storytelling exhibit a clear relationship to communal and personal health. Erdrich suggests that identity comes through a knowledge of one's culture and a connection to one's community; identity formation is propelled by a search for a family and communal connection. Searching for this connection, sometimes consciously, but oftentimes unconsciously, leads these characters to uncover a personal and communal, familial and cultural, past. Differing mythologies present contradictory messages of power and place for Erdrich's characters and thus illustrate the shifting nature of truth and identity. Erdrich's fiction adopts the Ojibwa connection between magic and nature by showing magic to be powerful when the shaman works for others but ineffectual without that familial/communal connection.

2792.   Sangwine, J. (1987). Self-help at Serpent River. The voice of Missahba. Beaver, 67(1), 46-49, ill.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2793.   Santora, D., & Starkey, P. (1982). Research Studies in American Indian Suicides. Journal of Psychosocial Nursing & Mental Health Services, 20, 25-29.
Notes: Source: Biomed (Cinahl) electronic database, Fall 1999 search.

2794.   Satterlee, M. P. (1863). The Indian massacre in Brown County, in August 1862.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23681094. Caption title. ... accession: 7962393

2795.   Satterlee, M. P. (1863). The massacre at the Redwood Indian Agency, on Monday, August 18, 1862.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23684131 ... accession: 7921438

2796.   Satz, R. N. (1994). Chippewa Treaty Rights: The Reserved Rights of Wisconsin's Chippewa Indians in Historical Perspective.  Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts & Letters.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999 search [review]

2797.   Sawchuk, J. S. (1984). Metis politics and Metis politicians: a new political arena in Canada. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Toronto (Canada).
Abstract: Contemporary native political organizations in Canada, particularly Metis organizations, are almost totally nontraditional in their organizational structure. Their structure is very much determined by the day-to-day aspects of administration and operation in a modern bureaucratic setting, and is also imposed from the outside by government regulations and the fact that since the mid-1960's, the operations of these organizations have largely been sustained by funding from the federal and provincial governments. This dissertation is concerned with the way in which these organizations are structured by government regulations and how they in turn structure relations between native peoples and the federal and provincial governments in Canada. One particular Metis organization is examined in detail as a political arena in which interest groups and individuals compete for the control of organizational resources, such as money in the form of grants from government and private granting agencies; specific programs such as land claims or economic development; personnel such as section heads and special consultants; technical knowledge, such as that possessed by a lawyer or constitutional expert, and many others. Control of these resources allows individuals within the organizations to determine the goals and directions of the organizations, and to secure and enhance their own positions either as elected politicians or employees. According to this analysis, the goals of the organization are continually changing, and are determined by whatever group or individual is in power at the time. Further, because the organization is so dependent on outside funding for its operations, the structure as well as the goals of the organization will change as the source of funding changes. Thus it is the nature of Metis leadership and its resultant power struggles, as well as government regulations and government funding, which are seen as the variables which ultimately determine the actions of Metis political organizations in Western Canada. These same factors can also be used to illustrate the changing roles and goals which have been associated with these organizations from the late 1920's to the early 1980's.

2798.   Scalberg, D. A. (1990). Religious life in New France under the Laval and Saint-Vallier Bishophrics: 1659-1727 (Laval Bisophric, Quebec Saint-Vallier Bishopric). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Oregon.
Abstract: By the middle of the seventeenth century there existed three versions of religious culture in New France: those of the learned clergy, the ordinary settlers, and the Amerindians. The first two were transplanted from Europe, while the latter had already been a part of the American environment for centuries. The Christianity carried by the clergy to New France reflected the religious developments of metropolitan France. Characterized as devout and rigoristic, its foundation came from the Tridentine reforms of the previous century. But the settlers' Christianity, a rich mixture of the profane and the sacred, remained largely untouched by the post-Tridentine reforms. At best the settlers perceived clerical reform as a tolerable intrusion. Lay and learned culture at times conflicted and at times cooperated in the effort to establish French Catholicism in Canada.  Of course the conflict of cultures was common both to Old and New France; but a unique element was present in New France: the Canadian environment. Theoretically, it offered the clergy an opportunity to transplant Christianity in a land free from the religious conflicts of Europe. America also presented the French with an alien religious culture equally capable of challenging and enriching the peoples who encountered it. Influenced by the French annales and also by Canadian revisionist historians, this study considers religious behavior in the light of popular traditions and ecclesiastical policy and practice. The events in New France are properly understood in the context of a larger process unfolding throughout the whole of Catholic Europe. This dissertation devotes considerable attention to colonial lay piety and lay reactions to resurgent Catholicism, since this is necessary to any understanding of the priests' role as agents of change. Knowing which elements of Tridentine Catholicism attracted the laity in New France and which elements laymen resisted affords us a much firmer grasp on the relationship between priests and parishioners. All indications are that the colonists saw themselves as practicing Catholics. The limitations of the church in New France in the vast territory it administered prevented the priests and missionaries from forming a New Jerusalem in the New World.

2799.   Scantlebury, T., 1834-1864. (1867). Wanderings in Minnesota during the Indian troubles of 1862. Chicago: F.C.S. Calhoun.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 25277880. Title from cover. "Also reprinted in New Auburn herald for 1909 and 1910."  Cover-title. Manuscript corrections in the text. References: Storm, Catalogue of the Everett D. Graff Collection, no. 3690. References: Howes, U.S.IANA, no. S.138.

2800.   Scarfe, D. R. (1992). Student perceptions of elements of peer group support in the Saskatchewan Urban Native Teacher Education Program. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Regina (Canada).
Abstract: Senior students and graduates of the SUNTEP (Regina) program indicated the following categories of events contributed to the development of a supportive group: elements of program structure and delivery, opportunities for interaction, features that strengthen Indian/Metis identity, and components intended to build interpersonal and group skills. Elements intended to strengthen Indian/Metis identity (the cultural component of the program) and aspects of program structure and delivery received significantly higher ratings than the other categories. In the remaining sections, respondents attributed a strong influence to the cultural component and to personal friendship and support in building a supportive group. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

2801.   Schara, R. (1993 January). [interview with Indian DNR commissioner]. Star Tribune.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

2802.   Schenck, T. (1994). Identifying the Ojibwa. Papers, Algonquian Conference, 25, 395-405.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2803.   Schenck, T. M. (1997). The Voice of the Crane Echoes Afar: The Sociopolitical Organization of the Lake Superior Ojibwa.  Garland Publishing, Incorporated.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

2804.   Schenck, T. M. (1996). Continuity and change in the sociopolitcal organization of the Lake Superior Ojibwa (Native Americans). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Rutgers//The State University of New Jersey//New Brunswick.
Abstract: This study demonstrates that the sociopolitical organization of the Lake Superior Ojibwa remained essentially unchanged from the period of their earliest contact with Europeans until the establishment of reservations by the Treaty of 1854. The Ojibwa are identified as originally the Crane totem of the Upper Great Lakes Algonquians. Using linguistic and documentary sources as well as recorded oral traditions, the process by which numerous other patrilineal totemic groups or clans joined the Ojibwa is explained. The Ojibwa totem, long misinterpreted by some observers as a personal or guiding spirit, is shown to be nothing more than the village name or mark. The patrilineal totemic band remained the basic unit of Ojibwa society throughout the pre-reservation period. The sociopolitical organization of these bands is described and leadership within this organization is investigated. The myth of the existence of large multi-clan villages in prehistoric or early historic times is contradicted, as is the legend of a once-powerful chief of all the Ojibwa. The role of the fur trade in maintaining the traditional Ojibwa culture is also discussed.

2805.   Schlesier, K. H. (1990). Rethinking the Midewiwin and the Plains Ceremonial Called the Sun Dance. Plains Anthropologist, 35(127), 1.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)

2806.   Schlick, M. D. (1983). Ojibwa/Chippewa basketry: a search for basketmakers. American Indian Basketry Magazine, 3(3), 15-18, ill.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXIX (1986:101)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2807.   Schmalz, P. S. (1990). The Ojibwa of southern Ontario.  University of Toronto Press.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

2808.   Schmalz, P. S. (1986). The Ojibwa of southern Ontario. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Waterloo (Canada).
Abstract: This dissertation is intended to illustrate the rise and fall of the southern Ontario Ojibwa through three periods involving the French, English and Canadian governments, respectively. Because of the chronological scope of the topic, there is no claim to this monograph being a definitive work. Indeed, it is a starting point which will hopefully stimulate further scholarship in the field. Very little historical work has been dedicated to this ethnic group which forms the largest Indian tribe in the province. Much of what little there has been published on the topic is riddled with ethnocentric misconceptions of the role played by the Ojibwa in the broad colonial struggle for North America, as well as their relationships with the European soldiers, fur traders, missionaries and settlers. A conscientious attempt has been made in this treatise to expose the Ojibwa perspective through the liberal use of oral tradition. The introduction briefly examines the etymological labyrinth involved in the classification of those people who have been defined as 'Ojibwa' and gives a short explanation of their cultural and religious motivation. The first three chapters, involving 'The Conquest', 'The Golden Age' and 'The Beaver War', deal with the Ojibwas as successful warriors, fur traders and especially diplomats during their time of ascendancy. An attempt is made to prove that the Ojibwas were the first to defeat the Iroquois and had control over the great\Lakes Region during most of the eighteenth century. The fourth chapter, 'The Peaceful Conquest', explains how the Ojibwas lost their power as a result of accepting the United Empire Loyalists into the province. Disease, liquor and wars against the United States were related factors in their decline. The following three chapters, 'The Surrenders', 'Early Reserves' and 'Reserve Stagnation' demonstrate the government's gross mismanagement of their lands and reserves. The conclusions and summary briefly indicate the contemporary status of the Ojibwa reserves and point to areas of study that are necessary before a definitive work on the topic can be written. The appendix, 'Education', examines the weaknesses of the assimilationist policy established for the Ojibwa children and gives some hope for the future in an Ojibwa renaissance if they are treated as 'citizens plus' and are permitted to control their own education.

2809.   Schmickle, S., & Buoen, R. (1986 January). Indian Courts, islands of injustice. Star Tribune.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

2810.   Schneider, M. J. (1994). North Dakota Indians: An Introduction.  Kendall Hunt Publishing Company.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

2811.   Schoenfuhs, W. P. (1955). An Indian venture : the history of Missouri Synod Indian missions in Michigan and Minnesota, 1840-1868. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Concordia Seminary, St. Louis, St. Louis, Mo. 
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 16865398

2812.   Schoolcraft, H. R. R. (1848). The Indian in his Wigwam, or, Characteristics of the red race of America from original notes and manuscripts.  Buffalo//New York: Derby & Hewson//W.H. Graham.
Notes: cited by Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
Originally issued in eight numbers, with paper covers bearing title Oneota, or The red race of America ....The first four numbers were published in 1844, the last four in 1845. Reissued in one volume in 1845, under title: Oneota, or Characteristics of the red race of Americaa ...; in 1847, under title: The red race of America...; in 1848, under title: The Indian in his wigwam...; in 1850 and 1851, under title: The American Indians ...; in 1853, under title: Western scenes and reminiscences... cf. Sabin, Bibl. amer. Master microform held by: LrI. Microfiche. Chicago, Ill. : Library Resources, 1970. 1 microfiche ; 8 x 13 cm.  (Library of American civilization ; LAC 15091).

2813.   Schoolcraft, H. R., 1793-1864. (1834). Narrative of an expedition through the upper Mississippi to Itasca lake, the actual source of this river; embracing an exploratory trip through the St. Croix and Burntwood (or Broule) rivers: in 1832. New York: Harper.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 6806341

2814.   Schoor, G. (1958). The Jim Thorpe Story: America's Greatest Athlete. New YHork: Jullian Messner.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers (1967:92), "Annotated list of selected teaching materials"
Abstract: "The life story of Jim Thorpe, descendant of the famed Indian Chief, Black Hawk.  Thorpe was a famous all-American athlete.  Grades 5 and up."

2815.   Schotte, F. (1979). Native education in northwestern Ontario: the Ontario Northern Corps and formal schooling in isolated Ojibway communities. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Toronto (Canada).

2816.   Schuiling, W. J., 1953- . (1990). The Minnesota Chippewa : their fall and rise in self-determination . Bemidji, Minn.  Schuiling.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 25172899

2817.   Schultz, L. A. (1991). Fragments and Ojibwe Stories: Narrative Strategies in Louise Erdich's Love Medicine. College Literature, 18(3), 80.
Notes: Source: UnCover database (Aug 1999)

2818.   Schwandt, M., b. 1848. (1975). The captivity of Mary Schwandt . Fairfield, Wash.  Ye Galleon Press.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 1991123. Originally appeared in Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, v. 6, p. 461-474, St. Paul, 1894, under title: The story of Mary Schwandt. Three hundred copies printed. No. 56. Alt Title: Story of Mary Schwandt

2819.   Schwandt, M., b. 1848.  (1894). The story of Mary Schwandt. Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, 6, 461-474.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 1991123

2820.   . (1951). Science Museum, St. PaulThe Dakota bark house : pictured by Fr. Louis Hennepin, Seth Eastman, J. Dallas, Robert O. Sweeny . St. Paul : Science Museum.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 4425059. Other: Hennepin, Louis, 17th century. Eastman, Seth, 1808-1875. Dallas, J. Sweeny, Robert Ormsby, 1831-

2821.   . (1955). Science Museum, St. PaulPipes and pipestone . St. Paul : Science Museum.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 4425099. Bibliography: p.[4] of folder.

2822.   . (1957). Science Museum, St. PaulRise of civilizations . St. Paul : Science Museum.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 4425236

2823.   . (1953). Science Museum, St. PaulA Study of Indian beadwork of the north central plains . St. Paul : Science Museum.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 4425194

2824.   Scollon, R. (1979). 236 years of variability in Chipewyan consonants. International Journal of American Linguistics, 45(4), 332-342.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXV (1982:111)

2825.   Scollon, R., & Scollon, S. B. K. (1979). Linguistic convergence: an ethnography of speaking at Fort Chipewyan, Alberta. New York: Academic Press.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXV (1982:111)

2826.   Scott, E. M. (1991). 'Such diet as befitted his station as a clerk': the archaeology of subsistence and cultural diversity at Fort Michilimackinac, 1761-1781 (Michigan). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.
Abstract: This historical archaeological study examines a culturally and geographically unique community. The settlement at Fort Michilimackinac, centered on the fur trade during both French (1715-1761) and British (1761-1781) colonial regimes, was located on the frontier of North America in what is now northern Michigan. Its largest and most culturally diverse population resided there between 1761 and 1781, the time span examined here. Three factors combine to set Michilimackinac apart from the majority of North American colonial communities that have been studied: its geographic isolation, its cultural heterogeneity, and the fact that after 1761 the settlement there was not only colonial, but a conquered colonial community. This study focuses on the daily lives of men and women of different ethnic and socioeconomic groups at Michilimackinac, looking especially at the ways in which those lives were shaped by a distinctive subsistence system. Framed by historical materialist and feminist theories, the study analyzes both the archaeological and documentary records for this past community. I examine subsistence in its cultural context, hoping to illustrate how socio-economic position, ethnicity, and gender were related to subsistence practices and beliefs. Also central to this research is the degree to which the physical setting of the frontier and the cultural setting of conquest and colonization may have muted or accentuated ethnic and socioeconomic differences between groups in the community. Most ethnic variations in the material culture used by the French Canadian, metis, and British colonists at Michilimackinac are muted because of the predominance of British-manufactured goods imported to the community. Subsistence-related material culture was used to accentuate socio-economic differences, however. Food consumption varied within the community according to socio-economic position and ethnicity. The subsistence activities that took place differed also, by gender, socio-economic position, ethnicity, and race. Thus, the subsistence system both reflected and reinforced social and economic relations in the setting of secondary colonization at Michilimackinac.

2827.   Scozzari, R., Cruciani, F., Santolamazza, P., Sellitto, D., Cole, D. E. C., Rubin, L. A., Labuda, D., Marini, E., Succa, V., Vona, G., & Torroni, A. (1997). mtDNA and Y Chromosome-Specific Polymorphisms in Modern Ojibwa - Implications About the Origin of Their Gene Pool. American Journal of Human Genetics, 60(1), 241-244.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Source: http://www.webofscience.com/CIW.cgi -- subject search on all indexes, Fall 1999

2828.   Seargeant, L. E., Chudley, A. E., Dilling, L. A., Mallory, C. J., & Haworth, J. C. (1992). Carrier Detection in Glutaric Aciduria Type I Using Interleukin-2-Dependent Cultured Lymphocytes. Journal of Inherited Metabolic Disease, 15(5), 733-737.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: Cultured interleukin 2 (IL-2)-dependent leukocytes from 13 patients with glutaric aciduria type I, 12 obligate carriers, 105 family members and 31 normal controls were assayed for glutaryl-CoA dehydrogenase activity.  Of the 13 affected patients, 10 (all Ojibway Indian) had residual enzyme activity (2-13% of control) and 3 patients (all non-Indian) had undetectable enzyme activity.  There was partial overlap between the distribution of enzyme activity in obligate heterozygotes and in normal controls (mean values.+-.  SD: 6.29.+-.  0.94 and 10.75.+-.  2.58 nmol/h per mg protein respectively).  Using an arbitrary cutoff level of < 7 nmol/h per mg protein as presumptive evidence of carrier status, the observed frequency of carriers did not differ significantly from that expected from their a priori risk of carrier status.  Thirteen per cent of the family members had inconclusive status (activity between 7 and 8.5 nmol/h per mg proten).  The method appears suitable for carrier detection, although definitive carrier assignment awaits identification of the mutation(s) responsible for glutaric aciduria type I.

2829.   Searles, I. S. (1900). Legend of the moccasin flower : an old Indian legend .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 12391242

2830.   Searls, A. W. (1949). Indian village. St. Paul?
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 25450719.  Title from caption.

2831.   Sedgwick, D. (1998). Ford pushes minority supplier to go global. (Ford Motor Co. urges Cyntelle Tool to supply plants overseas). Automotive News, (5751), 121 (1).
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999 search
Abstract: Cyntelle Tool, a manufacturer of de-burring machines, is expanding its operations overseas at the urging of Ford Motor Co. The company, which is owned by Kenneth Jones, a Chippewa Indian, has been asked by Ford to supply its plants in countries such as Portugal, Brazil and Mexico. Ford's transmission plant in Livonia, Mi, is Cytnelle's largest customer. Ford is in the process of finding a European partner for Cyntelle in Europe.

2832.   Seidel, S. (1997). Silent witness. (campaign finance investigation of Interior Secretary Bruce Babbitt). Washington Monthly, 29(12), 8 (2).
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999 search
Abstract: A decision by the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) to deny three Chippewa tribes land to build a casino is considered the most blatant example of influence peddling to come out of the campaign finance investigations. How the inquiry was mishandled by congress is examined.

2833.   Sergi, J. L. (1994). Narrativity and representation in Louise Erdrich's fiction (Erdrich Louise, Indians). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Rhode Island.
Abstract: This is a study of Louise Erdrich's cycle of novels, which includes Love Medicine, The Beet Queen, and Tracks, the first three in a planned quartet. The narrative architecture of the trilogy mingles history and contemporary events in the communal and Native act of storytelling. Erdrich draws on Chippewa tradition, the repetition and doubling back, the cyclical (rather than sequential) nature of the events, the strength of oral storytelling, the incidents, images, and characters that are repeated to reflect the repetition characteristic of oral tradition. Ties to landscape, community, and storytelling inform Erdrich's vision of identity. This is made clear to readers because of recurring images that cross over all three novels; these images allow readers to make community connections and establish patterns of relationships. The intertextual relationship of the three novels also forces readers to make connections between story fragments and the idiosyncratic nature of narrative point of view; readers must fill in gaps, connect people to events and to each other. As readers we are made to experience 'truth' as a pluralistic narrative, a product of histories and cultures and personalities so interwoven that 'the story' of one always contains 'the story' of another. This underscores the notion that any organized narrative is false. Because there is no absolute authority nor authorial attachment, there is no pretension of knowing truths. There exist different concepts of truth at different places and moments in Erdrich's trilogy (as well as in history). She makes historical interventions by dealing with contemporary problems of American Indians as well as record historical information important to a living tradition. For Erdrich, her readers, and her characters, the integration of memory, history, culture, story--sets up all kinds of creative possibilities, including challenging the relationship between the writing and readers. The circularity and fragmentation of Erdrich's narrative structure parallels the indirect, piecemeal remembering of the characters and also of readers trying to piece together the events, the relationships, and the chronology of the three novels. Erdrich's narrative strategy forces readers to see family and community narrative and history from multiple perspectives and to recognize that each version depends as much on the needs of the narrator and the listener(s) as on the historical 'facts'. The lack of a single definitive account challenges readers to examine their own responses to the drama and the circumstances surrounding the landscape of the North Dakota borderland.

2834.   Serrano, L. M. (1992). A study of post secondary enrollment options for Saint Paul high school students with emphasis on minority students' participation (postsecondary, Minnesota). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.
Abstract: This study investigated the student participation in Saint Paul Public School District #625 in the Post Secondary Enrollment Options Program (PSEO). The PSEO is provided by law by the state of Minnesota for high school juniors and seniors since 1985. Although five subproblems were investigated in this study, the focus was on the following: To identify the factors related to minority students' participation in the Post Secondary Enrollment Options Program and explore how those factors relate to minority students' engagement with the schooling process. Part I of this study consists of an overall survey administered to 94 of the 365 PSEO participants identified by the high school counselors in Saint Paul Public School district #625 during the Spring of 1991. The survey data serve primarily as a contextual framework for the second part of this study. Part II is the major focus of this study which addresses subproblem 2 dealing with minority student participation in PSEO in Saint Paul Public School District #625 during the Spring of 1991. Twenty-six minority students opted to participate in the interview part of this study. Two American Indian, 5 Hispanic-American, 6 African-American, and 13 Asian-American students were interviewed. This study found that PSEO participants (both majority and minority) in Saint Paul Schools are most likely to be females. The minority PSEO participants are students who experienced academic success early in their schooling process. Parental and teacher support early in the schooling process played a major role in these students' adjustment to school life. Most of these students are academically above average as evidenced by a GPA of 3.00+. These students have been rewarded for their academic and extra-curricular achievements in the form of recognition and awards provided by the school and the community. Minority PSEO participants are future oriented students who have formulated educational goals and career orientations. Since all the interviewed minority PSEO students participated in college preparatory and/or advanced courses, this study recommends that these types of courses be made available to a greater number of minority students in order to increase minority PSEO participation.

2835.   Severance, C. A., Mrs.  (1893). Indian legends of Minnesota . New York ; St. Paul : D. D. Merrill Co.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 6044463

2836.   Sexton, J. L., & Henson, H. (1994). Interpretation of Seismic Reflection and Gravity Profile Data in Western Lake Superior. Canadian Journal of Earth Sciences, 31(4), 652-660.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: The interpretation of 1047 km of seismic reflection data collected in western Lake Superior is presented along with reflection traveltime contour maps and gravity models to understand the overall geometry of the Midcontinent Rift System beneath the lake. The Douglas, Isle Royale, and Keweenaw fault zones, clearly imaged on the seismic profiles, are interpreted to be large offset detachment faults associated with initial rifting. These faults have been reactivated as reverse faults with 3-5 km of throw. The Douglas Fault Zone is not directly connected with the Isle Royale Fault Zone. The seismic data has imaged two large basins filled with more than 22 km of middle Keweenawan pre-Portage Lake and Portage Lake volcanic rocks and up to 8 km of upper Keweenawan Oronto and Bayfield sedimentary rocks. These basins persisted throughout Keweenawan time and are separated by a ridge of Archean rocks and a narrow trough bounded by die Keweenaw Fault Zone to the south. Another fault zone, herein named the Ojibwa fault zone, previously interpreted as the northeastern extension of the Douglas Fault Zone, has been reinterpreted as a reverse fault that closely follows the ridge of Archean rocks. Previous researchers have stated that neighboring segments of the rift display alternating polarity of basins associated with large detachment faults. Accommodation zones have been previously interpreted to exist between rift segments; however, the seismic data do not image a clearly identifiable accommodation zone separating the two basins in western Lake Superior. Thus, the seismic profile may lie directly above the pivot of a scissors-type accommodation fault zone, there is no vertical offset associated with the zone, or the zone does not exist. Seismic data interpretations indicate that application of a simple alternating polarity basin - accommodation zone model is an oversimplification of the complex geological structures associated with the Midcontinent Rift System. [References: 21]

2837.   Seymour, C., Grossman, Z., & Gershon, L. (1996). Independent Monitoring in El Salvador: Chippewa Block Acid Shipments: Anarchist Books for Prisoners: Prison Pictures; Kill Rock Stars: Down and Radioactive in Idaho. The Progressive, 60(10), 13.
Notes: Source: UnCover

2838.   Shaffer, S. C. (1997). Thematic research on prehistoric and historic Native American occupation of lands within and surrounding Janesville, Wisconsin . Salem, Ohio : Shaffer Archeological and Historical Consulting.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October, 1999 search).  Cover title. "SAHC #15" State Historical Society of Wisconsin project no. 55-96-11114- 21

2839.   Sharp, H. S. (1975). Introducting the sororatge to a northern Saskatchewan Chipewyan village. Ethnology, 14(1), 71-82, illustrations, bibliography.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXI (1978:208)

2840.   Sharp, H. S. (1975). Trapping and welfare: the economics of trapping in a northern Saskatchewan Chipewyan village. Anthropologica, 17(1), 29-44, illustrations, bibliography.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXI (1978:162)

2841.   Sharrock, F., & Sharrock, S. R. (1974). History of the Cree Indian Territorial Expansion from the Hudson Bay Area to the Interior Saskatchewan and Missouri Plains. in American Indian Ethnohistory: North Central And Northeastern Indians   (p. 307).
Notes: Source: cited by Cosens, Barbara A.  (Winter 1998:footnote 71)

2842.   Shea, J. D. G., 1824-1892. (1800). Caughnawaga and the Rev. Joseph Marcoux,  its late missionary.  s.n.
Notes: WorldCat database (Fall 1999 search), Caption title. Reproduction of original in: Public Archives of Canada.  Library. Microfiche. Ottawa : Canadian Institute for Historical  Microreproductions, 1984. 1 microfiche (7 fr.) ; 11 x 15 cm.  (CIHM/ICMH Microfiche series = CIHM/ICMH collection de  microfiches ; no. 47540)

2843.   . (1969). D. Sheldon, 1923- Selective bibliography of American Indian literature  . Minneapolis : University of Minnesota, General College.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 5658862
Abstract: "Approximately 160 books pubished between 1825 and 1967, dealing with American Indian literature, history and culture."

2844.   Sherman, M. (1962). A geographic study of the Red Lake Chippewa Indian band of Minnesota. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 19386875

2845.   Shifferd, P. A. (1976). A study in economic change: the Chippewa of Northern Wisconsin, 1854-1900. Western Canadian Journal of Anthropology, 6(4), 16-41, ill.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXIII (1981:155)

2846.   Shilling. (1985). Ojibway, Michigan, a Forgotten Village.  Clarence J. Monette.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

2847.   Shilling, A. (1986). The Ojibway Dream.  Tundra Books of Northern New York.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

2848.   Shillinger, S. R. (1996). 'They never told us they wanted to help us:' an oral history of Saint Joseph's Indian Industrial School (Native-Americans, boarding schools, Catholic). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Pennsylvania.
Abstract: The absorption of diverse groups into American society was one of the major concerns of the 19th century. A little known aspect of this concern was the formation of the American Indian boarding school movement. Boarding schools were established around the nation to aid the absorption of American Indian youth into mainstream American society. To achieve this aim the federal Indian Office contracted with various organizations, including the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions, to operate these schools. One of these schools was Saint Joseph's Indian Industrial School located in Keshena, Wisconsin on the Menominee Reservation. Saint Joseph's was in many ways a microcosm of 19th century American society. The contradictions inherent in both the movement and Saint Joseph's were evident at the school. The school was staffed by members of immigrant groups, many of whom were European born, attempting to ensure the assimilation of American Indian youth. By understanding the successes and failures of Saint Joseph's attempts to assimilate American Indians, it is possible to gain a greater understanding of the absorption of immigrant groups into American society.

2849.   Shin, B. J. S. (1989). A study to describe fair schooling in relation to student achievement for a culturally diverse population. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.

2850.   Shipman, V. B. (1925). The Apostle Islands Indian pageant. Art and Archaeology, XX, 89-91, 3 illus.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2851.   Shkilnyk, A. M., 1945-. (1981). Government Indian policy and its impact on community life : a case study of the relocation of the Grassy Narrows Band . Toronto: A.M. Shkilnyk.
Notes: Includes bibliographical references.

2852.   Shkilnyk, A. M., 1945-. (1985). A poison stronger than love: the destruction of an Ojibwa community. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
Includes index. Bibliography: p. 243-265
Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXX (1987:252)
Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999 search [review]

2853.   Shkilnyk, A. M. (1981). Pathogenesis in a social order : a case study of social breakdown in a Canadian Indian community. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Notes: Bibliography: leaves 419-428.
Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning. Thesis. 1982. Ph.D.

2854.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1989 November). [Letter to Patton, Michael Q.].
Abstract: Dear Michael Q. Patton,
You requested information regarding our application to the Northwest Minnesota Initiative Fund.  You say that this information will be used to “improve the operations of the Initiative Fund.”
Our request for funding was not approved; however we have been paying attention to the types of program which have been funded by the NWMIF.  Despite the high-sounding rhetoric in the literature of the NWMIF, the general orientation of the funding granted by the NWMIF has been toward maintaining the societal structures which inherently generate the problems which the NWMIF professes to address at the root causes.  In the main, the funded programs seem to function as “band-aids,” to alleviate the symptoms of societal dysfunction without curing the underlying problems; as such they in fact perpetuate both the need for such programs and the human misery which these programs alleviate only on a temporary basis.
The Red Lake Peoples Council has spent two years unsuccessfully seeking mainstream Foundation funding for a grassroots, Indian-community owned economic development program on the Red Lake Indian Reservation.  We conclude that although the quite openly stated agenda of the dominant society is to assimilate Indian people into its structure, Traditional Indian people and organizations do not have, and have never had, access to the European-American money system.  Probably this is because we are supposed to assimilate at the bottom of the social hierarchy, to quote Tony Bouza, as a “blasted and destroyed” people.  We realize quite well that the United States monetary system is based on Ojibway and other Indian peoples’ land and resources.  However, with only token exceptions which confirm the predominant pattern, the U.S. monetary system remains controlled by European-Americans, and we consider it quite doubtful that Traditional Indian people will be able to gain access to this system, even on the insignificant level of our subsistence-agriculture/permaculture proposal, through Foundations which are funded by corporations which took our sustainable permacultural subsistence base and turned it into the European-American owned dollars which underlie their racist hierarchical social system.
From the time of their forbearers the slave-states of Greece and Rome, the perspectives and world-views professed by the European-Americans have been extremely narrow and limited—and not particularly well connected with reality as we see it.  The reason why the dominant European-American society cannot possibly be an honest and fair society is because it is founded on stolen Indian resources and remains on stolen Indian land.  Lies and deceit are interwoven throughout their structure, including their religion and their government—because the entire system is based on lies about Indian people and about history, as well as about reality.  The European-American-English language is almost impossible to communicate clearly with, because of its narrow point of view, and because of the embedded racism, lies and forked-tongue speaking.  The entire system is distorted and bound up by the tangled mass of lies, lies to cover up the lies, et cetera, et cetera, ad nauseam.
One example of the way in which the European-American monetary system is used against Indian people is the “buying” of our hunting and fishing rights—our resources back up the money which is used to “pay” us, so we are really paying two or three times over and getting nothing back.  The same thing has happened with the Treaties, 400 of which have been broken.  You are told in school that an economic system is supposed to be based on trade, but the European-American system is, from our perspective, based on dishonesty, exploitation, environmental destruction, and theft.  Indians have never been “given” anything worth having by the European-Americans: these two entire continents, with what were once their harmonious permacultural subsistence bases and pristine and abundant resources, are and have always been Indian peoples’ continents.  For all the good the European-American economic system has done us, we would have been better off using Monopoly money.  Most of the European-Americans who are in middle-level decision-making positions are too lost in abstractions, too misled by pervasive distortions of history, to see what’s really happening.  Standard “social programs” merely reinforce the system which is destroying the environment as well as the spirit and humanity of the people caught up in it.
I talked with Ruth Edewold of the NWMIF, and she said I was “getting political” by briefly raising some of the underlying issues which operate to prevent Traditional Indian people from getting any kind of funding for community-owned economic development.  (The decision had already been made when I talked to her, not to fund our program.)  What makes me particularly angry is the European-American system of legislation to take away our resources and given them to the European-Americans, who “develop” them, “make money” by wasting, polluting, and destroying them beyond regeneration for generations yet to come.  Indian people are then penalized for not having any money.  Everybody is deeply concerned about Jacob Wetterling being kidnapped, but over the years hundreds of thousands of Indian children have been kidnapped away from their families because although Traditional Indian people once had abundant resources, we did not have paper money, and don’t have access to the money system.  We were told because we do not have paper dollars (how could we, it always has been a crooked European-American system), that our children would be taken away from us and given to European-American people who had paper money because it was a part of their system.  This crooked scheme still destroys many Traditional families.  We never designed this system, we have no say in the operation of this system—our only input into this system is the underlying value to U.S. paper money.  This has been the case ever since the European-Americans brought heir system here.  Traditional Indian people are angry about this: European-Americans will be hearing a lot more about it from Indian people across our continents.
We wrote to Robert Beech who was high in the hierarchy of McKnight and NWMIF Foundations, expressing some of our concerns about both the application process and about the structural difficulties of getting funding for a subsistence-oriented economic development program run and owned by Traditional Indian people.  Although Mr. Back told us through a third party that he would respond to our concerns and was willing to meet with members of the Red Lake Peoples Council, he never did so and resigned instead.  We would still be interested in meeting with him; however avoidance of dialogue is another one of the standard tactics of Europeans and European-Americans.
Crime, prisons, poverty, taxes, acculturated dishonest people pretending to be Indian, and many of the other “social ills” which plague the imported European-American society (and which nourish charitable social programs) are alien to Indian culture and Indian society.  We never had any of these problems before the European-Americans brought them from their homelands.  These causes of human suffering are necessary for the maintenance of the social hierarchies of the Indo-Europeans and their colonies including the U.S.A.  They are not indigenous to Indian Tradition, social organization, nor values.
I—and many of our people—stand behind what is written here.  We speak the truth as we see it, and are not afraid to back up our word.  Anonymity is not necessary.
Francis Blake, Jr.
Chairman, Economic Development Committe

2855.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1990 February). [Letter to Chomsky, Noam].
Abstract: Dear Noam Chomsky,
Thank you for your book, which we enjoyed reading ... [personal correspondence] ... We hope that you are fully recovered from your illness—the world needs you awhile longer!
We have been digging through historical documents as a part of the book that I’m writing.  What you’ve so carefully documented with the media, applies to almost everything that’s written, particularly history.
We’ve been looking at the cycles of war, the cycles of economic systems, and the general structure of European-derived society.  We also read the language that the rules of war, Nuremberg Principles, etc., are written in; if you read it really critically it’s obvious that Indigenous peoples are excluded from the protection of International law.  Whatever rules of peace they have, are included in the rules of war—how can you have peace this way?  There has to be dialogue, a drawing up of rules of peace.  An example of the way the present “peace process” works is what’s happened recently in Panama.
International Law must include and protect Indigenous peoples; they way it is now, it’s only drawn up for European peoples, because they wrote it.  In the B.I.A. Commissioner’s report, it states that the U.S. was going to bring in churches to teach us honesty and morality.  But, how can you even pretend to teach morality when they themselves are on stolen Indian land?  They have to come to terms with why they are stealing our property.  The United States has written up volumes and volumes of laws “for Indians,” and the only appropriate thing to do with these laws is to throw them all away: they are all crooked, written with the intent to steal and to destroy our society.  The Churches aren’t any better—it doesn’t make any sense to build a church inside of our Church, on stolen Indian property, and then preach, “thou shalt not steal.”
We are enclosing a letter that we wrote to the United Nations.  We see it as urgent that the United Nations include the Indigenous peoples of the world.  There are enormous numbers of people whose talent is being wasted—Indigenous peoples see the world from a different perspective and the world urgently needs what Traditional Indigenous peoples can contribute.  If you compare how it was in Europe in 1492 to how it was here, and also look at what has been done to our continents in the past few hundred years, that is the proof.  We had a peaceful society, all the way across both continents, that’s why everything was kept the way it was, beautiful and in harmony.  We were Civilized peoples; one of the things that the Europeans need to learn is that “civilization” is not plundering, polluting, exploiting and enslaving.  William Buckley says that we had “a lousy culture,” but he’s sure enjoying our land, all of the resources that we kept.  In a truly civilized world, there is no rationale for stealing.  Whether you call it “discovery” or bring in hordes of missionaries, there is no excuse.  The European elite operates in a state of anarchy; there have to be International Laws written to hold them accountable, to govern them—and not written by the elite, either, you can see where they’ve gotten us.  You can’t even drink the water now, and the Europeans call that “civilization.”
All the best.
Francis Blake, Jr.

2856.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Allotment of Indian lands. Ojibwe News, 1(6).
Abstract: T
he following is an excerpt taken from A History of Indian Policy,  by S. Lyman Tyler, published in 1973 by the United States Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs.

Senator Pendleton of Ohio had very dramatically stated the position of the Indian during the debate on allotment of Indian lands as early as 1881:
“Now, Mr. President, I do not believe, and I say it frankly, that any bill can be framed on this subject of Indian control which is entirely consistent, and entirely satisfactory; and the reason is a very simple one.  There are difficulties surrounding this subject which are inherent and artificial, and in both aspects they are very great.  They arise from the fact that our constitutions and our laws were passed for the control and the government of the white citizens of the country and not for these Indian tribes; they arise from the fact that when those constitutions and laws were passed these Indians were treated as quasi-foreign nations; that treaties were made with them; that a vast territory was set apart for them in which they could indulge in their natural habits; habits entailed upon them by centuries of practice, indulge in the chase, in fishing, and in war among themselves [sic].  We had no connection with them except by passage of the non-intercourse law, to prevent the intrusion of our own citizens among them.  As long as they confined themselves to their reservation—I mean the vast expanse of territory which was known under the name of Indian Territory, or a few years ago as the unorganized territory of the United States—they might pursue the chase, they might purse fishing, they might make war among themselves, they might commit barbarities and wrongs among themselves and we take no notice; and it was only here and there by a sporadic and ineffectual attempt at teaching them the arts of civilized life that we had any connection with them except when they intruded upon our territory and marauded upon our citizens.  It was easy enough comparatively to deal with a class of men whom we recognized as nations, with whom we made treaties, whom we segregated from our citizens, and to whom we assigned that vast expanse of western territory.  But that condition of things has entirely changed; the times have passed; the conditions of this government and those governments (if I may call the Indian tribes such) have entirely changed.  Our villages now dot their prairies; our cities are built upon their plains; our miners climb their mountains and seek the recesses of their gulches; our telegraphs and railroads and post offices penetrate their country in every direction; their forests are cleared and their prairies are plowed and their wildernesses are opened up.  The Indians cannot hunt or fish.  They must either change their mode of life or they must die.  That is the alternative presented.  There is none other.  We may regret it, we may wish it were otherwise, our sentiments of humanity may be shocked by the alternative, but we cannot shut our eyes to the fact that is the alternative, and that these Indians must either change their modes of life or they will be exterminated.  I say, Mr. President, in order that they may change their modes of life, we must change our policy; we must give them, and we must stimulate within them to the very largest degree, the idea of home, of family, and of property.  These are the very anchorages of civilization; the commencement of the dawning of these ideas in the mind is the commencement of the civilization of any race, and these Indians are no exception  It must be our part to seek to foster and to encourage within them this trinity upon which all civilization depends—family, home, property.”
D’Arcy McNickle’s comment on Senator Pendleton’s remarks is a classic:
“In the heat of such a discussion, it would not have occurred to any of the debaters to inquire of the Indians what ideas they had of home, of family, and of property.  It would have been assumed, in any case, that the ideas, whatever they were, were without merit since they were Indian.”
In Theodore Roosevelt’s message to Congress, December 8, 1901, we find the same urgency as expressed by Senator Pendleton in 1881:
“In my judgement the time has arrived when we should definitely make up our minds to recognize the Indian as an individual and not as a member of a tribe.  The General Allotment Act is a mighty pulverizing engine to break up the tribal mass.  It acts directly upon the family and the individual.  Under its provisions some sixty thousand Indians have already become citizens of the United States. We should not break up the tribal funds, doing for them what allotment does for the tribal lands; that is, they should be divided into individual holdings.”
In 1906 the Burke Act was passed by the Congress to amend some of the features of the General Allotment Act.  Although the trust period was continued as 25 years, broad discretionary powers were given to the Secretary of the Interior to release particular Indian allottees from Federal supervision ahead of schedule by a declaration of competence, but when the “new declaration of policy” was promulgated by Commissioner Sells such caution was no longer practiced.
The Clapp Amendment which related to the White Earth Chippewa [sic] of Minnesota, passed by Congress in 1906, in effect allowed any mixed-blood White Earth Chippewa [sic] to transform his trust patent into a patent in fee and freed him from Government supervision.  The Individual Indians could then dispose of their allotments as they saw fit.  As a result, most of the valuable white pine timber lands held by these Indians were sold to lumber interests at unfair and inadequate prices.
This action, referred to as the “White Earth Scandal,” is one of the few cases where the Congress intervened in the activities of the Department of the Interior and took supervision of Indian property, with the result that Indian title was too soon lost.  The loss of this valuable property which followed this Congressional action is one of the back spots in the administration of Indian affairs.
Under the administration of Theodore Roosevelt form 1905 to 1909, there was an attempt to secure title to certain forest lands held by various ... tribes in the name of conservation.  Eight Executive Orders were signed two days before the end of his term of office that sought to have two and a half million acres of Indian reservation forest land included in respective national forests.  It was later determined that the action taken by President roosevelt was beyond the power of the Executive.  The lands were, therefore, returned to their former status.  [Our Indian forests were stolen by the U.S. and the State of Minnesota anyway.  Part of this stolen land is the land that the White Earth Settlement Act “gives” to White Earth Indians.]
Francis Blake, Jr.

2857.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Analysis: There is a tradition in Feudal Europe about the “King’s Preserves.” ... Ojibwe News.
Abstract: There is a tradition in Feudal Europe about the “King’s Preserves.”  The King held vast acreages of land, on which he and his cronies could hunt, fish and party while the peasants were taxed beyond their means, and went hungry.
The same Feudal European systems of land tenure have been brought by European immigrants to our Indian land.
The map which accompanies this article shows in sold black the land which is held “by the State of Minnesota” and “by the Federal Government.”  (The land which is shaded shows what remains of our Indian land.  On some “reservations,” for example Leech Lake, the title to over 90% of this land is in White hands.)
The so-called “Government-held” land mapped on the map is, in large part, taken from Indians through the unilateral encroachment legislation of the State of Minnesota after the Supreme Court ruled that the United States could not take Indian land for “forest reserves.”  This pattern of “State forests” next to diminished Indian reservations exists all across the United States.
This land is called “publicly held land.”  The White man’s title to this land is made out to the Government, so it is not taxed.  Timber companies, mining companies, etc., lease this land for token payments.  What amount to the Royalty of North America are the people who hunt, fish and party on this land: the owners and board members of big corporations, the hereditary rich, and their cronies.  [That’s why George Yant went to jail—the people he ran off “his” land were upper-class “royalty.”]
None of the land colored black on the map is taxable.  The working-class people of Northern Minnesota are subsidizing the Corporations’ use of “State land” by paying disproportionate taxes.  This is European Feudalism all over again.  The Corporations do not pay fair taxes, because they control the legislature that writes the tax laws, and because they control the paper money system.
One of the tactics of Feudalism is “divide and conquer,” and it has been one of their favored tactics since long before Machiavelli, or even Caesar.  Every election, the corporate-controlled media are full of articles about the “welfare state,” with not-so-subtle insinuations that Indians are responsible for the tax burden of the working class.  This is nonsense.  Indians are a convenient scapegoat for the Corporations which are skimming the cream off of the economy of Northern Minnesota.
The Ojibway Indian people did not ask Feudal Corporations to come to Northern Minnesota with their paper money and their welfare system.  Our land was taken at gunpoint (for example at the 1853 and 1863 Treaties), and then taken by fraud (examples: the 1889 “treaty,” the White Earth “experiment”), and is still being taken by unilateral encroachment legislation written by the State of Minnesota and the United States Government (which is a violation of our human and civil rights, as well as of International law).
The welfare system is a White concept.  More money goes into the White economy—through administration, enforcement, salaries of “social workers,” etc., than ends up in the pockets of welfare recipients.  Welfare is a scapegoat system of social control, blaming the recipients; creating jobs for welfare professionals—and slave-labor through workfare; and entrenching the class system and racism.  The Corporations, and the governments which they control are the people who created the welfare system.  They put an enormous tax burden on the middle and lower classes.  A small fraction of these taxes go to support the welfare recipients.  The Corporations blame racial minorities or other convenient scapegoats for the system which the Corporations have created.  Traditional Indian people have never had anything to do with any of these laws—we haven’t had any input into ANY of them ... yet, we are blamed.  As far as we are concerned, the Corporations can go back to Europe with their paper money, their Feudal system of land tenure, their class system, and every one of the laws that they have had written and had their “elected” representatives pass.
The technical term for land exploited by the Feudal Corporations and the cities that sustain them is “Hinterland.”  In the eyes of the White man, Northern Minnesota is a Hinterland.  This affects every skilled worker who only earns a third or a quarter of what they are worth, because they live in the Hinterland, as well as the Indians.
The White Earth Settlement Act is another example of the Feudal system’s strategy of divide and conquer.  Theodore Roosevelt’s plan of “pulverizing ... the tribal mass” is still being used.  Instead of addressing the legitimate question of National Boundaries—does the land in question belong to the White Earth Nation, which signed a Treaty guaranteeing domain, or does it belong to the United States of America, which wrote unilateral encroachment legislation which could not, under International Law, affect the internal affairs of another Nation?  Instead, Feudal puppets are pitting individual farmers against Indians (and pitting Indians against each other) in a red-herring issue of individual land titles.  The farmers do not really “own” their land—ask any farmer who can’t pay his taxes because the seven corporations which have a hegemony over food have kept commodity prices below cost.  (Read the United States Constitution carefully, and you will see who it’s written for.  It’s not written for the farmers, and it’s not written for the upper-class Indians being created, either.  These Indians are being used, and when they are no longer useful to the corporations which have created them, they will be discarded.  Ask Machiavelli.)  Under International Law, the legal solution to the present White Earth situation would be to recognize the eminent domain of the White Earth Nation over their own land.
In violation of Treaties and International Law, Indians pay more taxes than White people do.  Elections are coming up again, and we expect to see blame-the-Indian articles in the Corporate-controlled media, just like the last election: Warnings about arsonists, sensational articles about the Crime Capitol, the standard blame-the-victim welfare articles, and all the rest.  Instead of believing propaganda, look at what’s going on around you: who controls the land, who controls the media, and who’s paying for the campaigns of political candidates.
Mee Gwitch.
Francis Blake, Jr.
Redlake, MN

2858.   Sho-ne-ah-wub =, a. k. a. F. B. Jr. (1988). “Colonialism” is a dirty word in the lexicon of our democracy.  It has always been so ... Native American Press/Ojibwe News.
Abstract: “Colonialism” is a dirty word in the lexicon of our democracy.  It has always been so, as would be expected in a country that began as a former colony in revolution against colonialism.  The Declaration of Independence is the classic document of a colonial people’s desire for self-determination.  [All of the grievances written in this “long time ago” Declaration are the very things that the U.S. Congress is doing to Indian people in 1988, right now.  Congress writes the laws/decides to keep old laws on the Statue books; Congress created the B.I.A. and continues to fund it.  The responsibility for the present-day oppression and even genocide of Indian people belongs to Congress, and to the people who elect Congress.]
“... Understandably, the country has recoiled from the thought and sight of colonies within its own borders.  It may be this that has rendered the Indian invisible to the conscience of the country.  The accusation of the new Indian leaders that the government had in fact subjected the American Indians to a policy of colonialism, and that it continued to do so, came as a shock without recognition.
“The government has always denied the existence of native colonialism.  So sensitive had it been to the mere hint that the Commissioner of Indian affairs, Robert Bennett, was moved to indignantly deny the charge—which appeared in a letter from Africa in the New York Times—that likened the government’s treatment of Indians to that country’s apartheid discrimination against its native people.
“Yet a tour of the Indian reservations and a study of the methods by which they have been governed ... reveals disturbing clues of a ‘hidden colonialism.’  ‘Hidden colonialism’ was precisely the term used by the Cherokee anthropologist Robert Thomas in his  Colonialism: Classic and Internal (New University Thought, Winter 1966-7) to describe the labyrinth of legality that concealed ‘this kind of colonialism’ that has not been ‘obvious structurally to the observer.’  Thomas wrote: ‘You could see the British administrators in an African colony, or the agents of the Bureau of Indian Affairs on the Indian Reservation.’  The ‘hidden colonialism’ was ‘less observable’ but has to a large degree the same kind of effect.’  Classic colonialism was thereby ‘Americanized,’ Thomas wrote.
“In seeking to show how this ‘hidden colonialism’ works, Thomas spoke of a familiar reservation situation.  He wrote:
I’ll take an Indian reservation, partly because I am more familiar with them, and partly because it’s the most complete colonial system in the world that I know about.  One of the things you find on an Indian reservation is exploitation of natural resources.  Now, I don’t want to give the impression that the U.S. goes out with big imperialistic designs on Indian reservations.  Were it that simple, were there nice clean-cut villains, you could just shoot them or something.  But it isn’t that simple.
[If Congress quit playing games; honored the Treaties they made with Indian Nations; returned our property they have stolen from us; and stopped funding their colonial agencies, Indian people would have decent communities again.]
“Let’s say the U.S. Government is in charge of the resources on an Indian reservation and cuts the timber.  You have a ‘tribal sawmill,’ which is tribal only in the sense that it is located on the reservation, but the people in the government [White] actually run it.  They are legally told to do that [by Congress] and they have no choice.  They aren’t being ‘mean’ to the Indians, they’re just supposed to run the sawmill ...
“So the people who tend to get the jobs in the sawmill are the ‘responsible’ Indians.  Now you can imagine who the [so-called] responsible Indians are.  They are the people who are most like Whites in many ways, and hence, most ‘cooperative,’ that is, they keep their mouths shut and their noses clean.  This makes for bitter factionalism on many reservations and is another outcome of this classic colonial structure ...
“When the resources are sold and the returns go into the tribal treasury, the people who have control of it—insofar as anybody on the Indian reservation has control of anything—these are marginal people.  [These “marginal people” were packed onto the reservations to divide and control the Indian community.  Most of them are not descendants of the original Indians of the tribe whose reservation it is, and depend on the B.I.A. for their position.  They do not socialize with the Indians who really own the reservation, and they cannot speak up to defend them.  This adds to the bitter factionalism that the B.I.A. uses—the old Feudal trick of divide and conquer.]  ... The raw materials from this reservation are, of course, sold outside the reservation area.  The U.S. Government deducts from the sales of these resources the costs of providing social services to the reservation ...
“... Mel Thom, in his testimony before the Senate hearings on urban poverty, offered some statistics on the discrepancy between monies spent and services supplied.  [According to Thom, the amount that the U.S. Government spends on the so-called “Indian” (really White) bureaucracy—per Indian—is three times the total per-capita income of the average Indian]  The portrait of ‘hidden colonialism’ was complete.  Where did the money go?  It hardly mattered.
“If the philosophy underlying the governing of the Indians is colonialism, whether hidden or open then paternalism is the method by which it is enforced ... it is not of benevolent design.  It is simply a tool that is peculiar to [the United States] for historical and geographical reasons.   That is, it works better ... With a candor that was marked, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs Robert Bennett pointed to this: ‘Under the circumstances, and by the relationship that exists between the federal government and the Indian people, it is very difficult to get away from complete paternalism.  This is a relationship based on a trustee and a ward.  So you get into this kind of situation, and it is very easy for the paternalistic attitudes to develop.’  ... The Bureau of Indian Affairs is, after all, the oldest, most deeply entrenched, continuous system of bureaucracy in the federal government—established in 1824.  In a historical sense the paternalism toward the Indians was the political laboratory for the philosophy and methods that were to typify the big brother concept of the twentieth century.  The Indians had been guinea pigs for methods of governing to be widely applied—albeit more subtly.  ... The fatherly tone of big brotherism was a mask for the ‘cultural genocide condoned by the Department of the Interior,’ said Bruce Wilike, of the Makah Tribe.
“In the very first Congress, of 1778, one of the very first pieces of legislation concerned the Indians.  Ever since that time the rulings have been piling high until there are now more than five thousand federal statutes and two thousand federal court decisions relating to the status, control, and welfare of the Indians. ... Colonialism is too ingrained n the minds and methods of those who govern the tribes to be changed by an administrative reshuffling.  It is not a matter of men, but of laws.  The legislation governing Indians has always been tied in one way or another to the phrase, ‘the Secretary of the Interior may authorize, at his discretion.’ ... Even the tribal elections have had to be governed by ‘the Secretary of Interior under such rules and regulations as he may prescribe ...’ So has gone, unto this day. ...  The Indian can easily see who is boss.  Everything he does must first have the approval of the Secretary of the Interior, or someone under him.  Granting of citizenship does not give the Indian the right of self-determination.  As a matter of practice, the Indian has been, and is, almost wholly governed by directives issued by the Secretary of the Interior under the broad discretionary powers granted to him by congress ... ‘To the Indian the Indian Bureau is the absolute dictator if Indian Affairs,’ Belindo [of the N.C.A.I.] said.  [The Bureau is blamed, but the responsibility goes right back to the United States Congress, which enacted the genocide legislation and funds the organizations they created year after year.]
“There is but one thing the Indian can do without anyone’s permission.  He can leave his reservation.  Going to the city to be integrated or assimilated requires no governmental approval.  If he forgets his tribal way of life, his religion, his Indianness, there is no law that stands in his way.  ... He may even sell, or mortgage, or foreclose his trust lands without the permission of ‘the Secretary at his discretion,’ according to the Omnibus Bill.
“... The legislation of paternalism has been aimed at the integration of the Indian into the melting pot so that he would be acculturated into the American way of non-Indian life.  For the anomaly of the tribal communities ...’this alien culture’ (U.S. Commission on Civil Rights)—has been a living reminder of the theft of a continent.
“... Cato Valandra [former Tribal Chairman, Rosebud Lakota] was reminded of a story, he said. ... Once there was an old Indian who went on a delegation to Washington to see his Congressman.  The old Indian told his Congressman he had a bill to propose that would solve ‘the Indian problem.’
‘What’s that?’ the Congressman asked.
‘It’s called,’ the old Indian said, ‘the Leave Us Alone Bill.’
-Stan Steiner
            The New Indians, 1968
[comments in brackets by Sho-ne-ah-wub]

Note to the reader: This is an election year.  Ask the Senate and House candidates in your district about their specific Indian policies and detailed agenda.  (If possible, get it in writing!)  The citizens of Nazi Germany claimed that they “weren’t responsible for the Holocaust.”  Citizens of the United States elect the United States Congress.

2859.   Sho-ne-ah-wub =(a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Commentary: Animals in their proper place. Ojibwe News .
Abstract: “Animals in their proper place,” the August 23 Bemidji Pioneer captions a picture of a Japanese sika deer at the zoo.  The picture shows a prisoner in an alien land.  The deer is confined, “under control,” “owned” (bought and paid for with paper dollars).  Proper place?  In a zoo?  In the White man’s way of thinking, maybe the proper place for wildlife is behind bars.  To the Indian, the proper place for deer and other wildlife is in the forest, what little forest we still have.
In the public-relations interview with the D.N.R. published on August 23, the D.N.R. wildlife “specialist” advises people to leave baby animals alone.  She does not talk about the many thousands of animals hit by cars and left to die by the roadside.  She does not talk about the enormous numbers of animals that are killed or injured by fee-paying D.N.R.-licensed hunters, trappers, and scientists every year.  She also does not talk about the effect that cutting the forests, chemicals, and surface/groundwater pollution have on animals.  At the rate that our environment is being destroyed, in just a few years, there won’t be any wildlife, no matter what kind of “endangered species legislation,” state programs, and public relations there are.  Blaming people who keep bears in the spare bedroom is nonsense.  [People who keep bare in the bedroom and create overpopulation is another matter.]  The dominant society should look at “Grizzly Adams” and the other wildlife fantasies funded by the Feudal corporate structure that is plundering the land, if people are so alienated from the natural world that gives all of us life.  Who else would keep a deer in a garage, or in a zoo?
In Feudal Europe, deer and other game are kept in “parks” where only the nobility are allowed to hunt.  The Game-Keeper is a part of the Feudal social structure; he/she protects the wildlife for the exclusive use of the upper classes.  When the Europeans emigrated to Indian land, they brought their European Feudal thinking patterns and ways of organizing society with them.  In Minnesota, the GameKeeper And guides) are a large number of civil servants; they are called the D.N.R.
Northern Minnesota’s forests have been stripped, clear-cut.  This Indian land was majestic forests abundant with wildlife fifty years ago.  Now, moose-hunting is only by lottery.  In a few more years, deer and duck hunting will also be by lottery.  In Feudal Europe, the Nobility and Corporate Magnates who succeeded the Feudal Lords openly acknowledge their identity.  The U.S.A. depends on myths of “democracy” and “the working man”; but even now only the nobility and their henches the corporate executives and politicians can go moose-hunting when they want to—along with the GameKeepers they own.
The Grygla Elk experienced typical White-man management of Indian resources.  After the D.N.R. made money selling elk hunting licenses, we never hear any more about the elk.  We never hear any more from the farmers in Grygla (which is unceded and not paid for, and still belongs to Red Lake people).  Maybe the D.N.R. made them honorary Game-Keepers, Guides and Fire Wardens.  The Red Lake Tribal Council, whatever they did regarding the elk, is sitting in the White man’s camp: they are an organization created by the U.S.A.’s 1934 Indian Reorganization Act; are subordinate to the White man’s government—bought and paid for—and are not to be confused with the traditional Chiefs council of the Red Lake Ojibway Nation, who signed the 1863 Treaty.
All of the wildlife, water, and land that the D.N.R. claims belongs to the White man is not theirs, it belongs to the Indian people.  We have always been the care-takers; we have never had Feudal Grounds-keepers or Game-keepers.  Indian people kept these entire continents so that everyone had an abundance: of food as well as beauty.  The reason that the D.N.R. made Oscar the otter go to the zoo had very little to do with Oscar’s welfare—and the State of Minnesota and the corporations were enforcing their Feudal claim to “own” the wildlife of the Indian nations.  The otter was caught in a trap: who was allowed to set out-of-season traps?  Is “protecting” wildlife allowing trapping, but taking pets away from children?  The otter was a free creature and should have been allowed to stay voluntarily in the home she chose, with the family that saved her life.
Manifest Destiny was in full force when major encroachment legislation was passed by the U.S. Congress and set the stage for our present situation.  These nineteenth-century encroachment and genocide laws are still on the books of the United States Government, and they are still violating Indian civil and human rights.  In the White man’s arrogance, he never thought that Indian people would understand his language and study his Feudal culture.  The White colonizers have given themselves some beautiful labels: the State of Minnesota has taken the Indian Moccasin-flower and in a racist way calls it the Lady Slipper.  They have taken the sacred Eagle of the Indian people, and made it the national emblem,.  More than half of what the average White eats in a day is Indian food—but we don’t get any credit.  The White man has taken so much, and has never given anything of value back to the Indian people.  But, the Ojibway people will still give the White man a gift—providing he takes good care of it.  We give the Blue Jay as the emblem of the State of Minnesota and the United States Government.  Minnesota used to claim the loon, but after actions like tying to “buy” Indian hunting and fishing rights, the Blue Jay is more appropriate.  He calls it like it is, and to the aliens who are stealing our resources and destroying our permaculture, he says, “thief, thief.”
Francis Blake, Jr.

2860.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs. Ojibwe News.
Abstract: By Francis Blake
NEWS Correspondent

The United States Government has at least eighteen (18) bureaucrats governing every Indian.  This includes an enormous bureaucracy in several branches of the executive department, as well as committees and committee staffs in both the Senate and House of Representatives.  Some of the government agencies are listed in the directory below.
The House of Representatives Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs claims jurisdiction over “(6) Measures relating to the care and management of Indians, including the care and allotment of Indian lands and general and special measures relating to claims which are paid out of the Indian (Trust) funds ...” and (6) clause 3(e) with respect to all programs affecting Indians and nonmilitary nuclear energy and research and development, including the disposal of nuclear waste.”  This Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs does not have any subcommittee which mentions Indian people as a jurisdiction; we are included unmentioned in the Committee for Insular and International Affairs.  The U.S. Supreme Court rules in a group of cases, including De Lima v. Bidwell, Downes v. Bidwell, Hawaii v. Mankichi, and Dorr v. United States, that insular territory is territory in which only the fundamental guarantees of the Constitution are binding on Congress; but not those, like equality in taxation or indictment and trial by jury, which are “procedural, remedial, or formal.”
These are the colonizers that run tribal government.  This is why everything that’s passed by the Tribal Council has to be approved by the Secretary of the Interior or his “duly authorized” agent.  This is colonialism.  Don’t be fooled that the Tribal Council has any authority.  It’s time that we found out who is really running the show.
Listed below is a directory of some of the Federal bureaucracies which are responsible for the “exercise of special guardianship over the economic, educational, and moral welfare of Indians, ... which acts as a trustee for Indian property, ... and which assists the Indian when he seeks to leave tribal ways and become assimilated to American culture outside the reservation...”  The acts of Congress which established these and all the other bureaucratic agencies which control our lives, and which direct the colonial red-man puppet governments “recognized” by the United States subject to the approval of the Secretary of the Interior, are all violations of Traditional Indian civil, human and natural rights, as well as of International law and the U.S. Constitutions.  However, a copy of these names, addresses and telephone numbers may be useful.  We encourage you to keep this page for future reference, and to find out how to write a Freedom of Information Act request letter if you don’t already know.
It is said that “secrecy begets tyranny,” and it is also known that colonial dictatorships must hide what they are doing behind a smokescreen of public relations, secrecy, and lies.  In the 99 years that the United States government has occupied the Red Lake Indian Nation in force, the U.S.A. has tried to hide what they are doing.  Records that should be public are kept away from the Indian community either through the “privacy act,” or are concealed in a tangle of bureaucratic “White tape.”  The 1934 Indian Reorganization Act Tribal Council holds secret meetings, and their minutes are not made public.  Deals are made in the backrooms—although in the Indian way, issues are supposed to be discussed publicly and the entire Indian community has a say in the decisions that are reached.
The United States Government’s tactics of secrecy in Indian Affairs have gone unchallenged for too long; but they will not work any longer.  The Ojibwe News is publishing a political forum for the people of the Ojibwe Indian Nations.  The goals of these pages are to discuss important political issues, to make public information which should never have been secret, and to provide a forum for the community discussion which is a part of our Indian traditions.
Since the beginning of European occupation of Indian nations, Indian people have been denied access to the media.  The Ojibwe News is dedicated to bringing truth to the Anishinabe Ojibwe people.  We expect that continuing publication of this newspaper will create a howl of protest in some places, including among acculturated Indians under the control of the Bureau of Indian Affairs.
1324 Longworth House Office Building, Washington, D.C. 20515 (202) 225-2761
Jurisdiction: (1) Forest reserves and national parts created from the public domain; (2) Forfeiture of land grants and alien ownership, including alien ownership of mineral lands; (3) Geological Survey; (4) Interstate compacts relating to apportionment of waters for irrigation purposes; (5) Irrigation and reclamation, including water supply for reclamation projects, and easements of public lands for irrigation projects, and acquisition of private lands when necessary to complete irrigation projects; (6) Measures relating to the care and management of Indians, including the care and allotment of Indian lands and general and special measures relating to claims which are paid out of Indian funds; (7) Measures relating generally to the insular possessions of the United States, except those affecting the revenue and appropriations; (8) Military parks and battlefields; national cemeteries administered by the Secretary of the Interior, and parks within the District of Columbia; (9) Mineral land laws and claims and entries thereunder; (10) Mineral resources of the public lands; (11) Mining interests generally; (12) Mining schools and experimental stations; (13) Petroleum conservation on the public lands and conservation of the radium supply in the United States; (14) Preservation of prehistoric ruins and objects of interest on the public domain; (15) Public lands generally, including entry, easements, and grazing thereon; (16) Relations of the United States with the Indians and the Indian tribes; (17) Regulation of the domestic nuclear energy industry, including regulation of research and development reactors and nuclear regulatory research.  In addition to its legislative jurisdiction under the preceding provision of this paragraph (and its general oversight function under claus 2(b) (1) of House rule X), the committee shall have the special oversight functions provided for in clause 3(3) with respect to all programs affecting Indians and nonmilitary nuclear energy research and development, including the disposal of nuclear waste.

Key Staff Aides — Majority
Staff Director/Counsel. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Stanley Scoville
 Associate Staff Director/Council . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Roy Jones
General Counsel Lee McElvain
                Environment, Energy & Public Lands. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  Mark Trautwein
                Mines, Minerals & Public Lands. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . William L. Shafer
                Water and Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Michael D. Jackson
Science Adviser . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  Henry R. Myers
Budget Officer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .William M. Anderson III
Public Affairs Director . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Ken Burton
Indian Affairs (522 HOB Anx. 1, 226-7393)
                Counsel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  Frank Ducheneaux*
                Assistant Counsel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Alexander Skibine*
                Staff Assistant . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Debbie Broken Rope*
Calendar Clerk. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Mary Stowe Boyd
Finance Clerk . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .James W. Henson
Records Manger. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sandra M. Metcalf
Staff Assistants. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mary Ann Denning
  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Marie J. Howard
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Linda Gordon Stevens
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Miriam L. Waddell
Printer. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ralph Hollingshead
     Documents Clerk. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . John Peterson
These are just a few examples.  All of these laws were legislated over our sovereign Indian people without our consent, and in most cases, without the U.S. even telling us about it.  Secretary of the Interior Douglas McKay explained the U.S. Government’s attitude about “consent” in 1955, “In short, it seems to me that the principle of Indian ‘consent’ ... has most serious Constitutional implications ... I believe that it would be extremely dangerous.”
The Tribal Councils gave up their sovereignty when they adopted 1934 I.R.A. Constitutions.  (They became colonial governments under the control of the U.S.A.)  But, when Indian people signed the I.R.A. Constitutions at that time, they did not understand the shyster English that the B.I.A. used.  They had no access to the news media.  There was little communication between different Indian Nations.
Indian Nations and Traditional Indian people, however, have not given up our sovereignty.  Applying Title 25 and the other White laws to acculturated Indian people who have chosen to follow the White man is legal.  These people have given up their sovereignty, and with it their right to Indian property.  Many of these people took the settlements that were offered them by the U.S.A., sold their land, and then came back onto the reservations.  If they had come back willing to follow traditional Indian values, there wouldn’t be any problem.  But, the U.S. Government encourages them and pays them to destroy our traditional values—and uses them in an illegal colonial government over Indian nations.  These people have no right to make decisions which affect Indian land or Indian rights, and no jurisdiction in legitimate traditional Indian government.
Under International Law, Uncle Sam’s actions are criminal.  Nobody but a criminal would occupy somebody else’s land and make all of these laws.  Con games and bamboozling (except in “Indian Affairs”) are also against the law.  So is genocide.
By Francis Blake
NEWS Correspondent

2861.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Elections: The tribal elections in Red Lake this year were very quiet ... Ojibwe News.
Abstract: The tribal elections in Red Lake this year were very quiet.  Not only was campaigning subdued, but also there weren’t any of the large ads in the Pioneer, “WARNING,” “ARSONISTS,” etc., that the B.I.A. and their puppets usually pay hundreds of dollars of our money for.
The Red Lake Tribal Chairman was quoted in the Bemidji Pioneer the day after the referendum as saying that Indians were the first conservationists.  But, when the Indian Reorganization Act was fraudulently brought onto Red Lake Reservation, the moratorium on cutting was lifted.  The jackpine have almost all been cut down, oak and aspen are being clear-cut, and many square miles of good timber have been wasted by the Government—either burned or piled and left to rot.  If the concern of the referendum was conserving wildlife, there should have been a prohibition on clear-cutting, on destroying wildlife habitat; not a blank check for the B.I.A., through their puppets the Tribal Council, to abrogate Treaty hunting and fishing rights.
In interviewing one unsuccessful candidate for councilman, we asked by the hunting and fishing rights referendum was not a part of his campaign literature.  He stated that he did not know that the referendum was on the ballot until he went to vote.  The issue of the Treaty Rights Referendum was never discussed, nor even made public,  prior to the election.
We feel that the issue goes much deeper than “protecting nursing fawns and keeping people from killing bears for their claws only,”  which is how the Bureau explained the referendum on election day.  No Traditional Indian would ever do either of these things.  No Traditional Indian would clearcut the forests, or deliberately plant sheephead in the lake, either.
In 1959, another orchestrated “Referendum” was held on Red Lake Reservation: the B.I.A. wrote in one internal memorandum that it was not advisable to create factions, quite yet, and then later in a second memorandum advised the Red Lake Agency Office not to inform the Red Lake Indian people that the proposed constitution was a 1934 I.R.A. boilerplate constitution, because if that became knowledge it would not pass.  Indian people were told that the Constitution of the old Chiefs Council was being revised, when in reality the Bureau was playing a sleight of hand trick, using the members of the “Constitution Committee” as pawns, and entrenching their power by slipping a 1934 I.R.A. Constitution onto Red Lake.  The B.I.A.’s “federally recognized” colonial “chief” was among the very few people who knew what was really happening.  When an Indian complains to the Bureau about something, we are told “you voted for it.”
Also, the acculturated Indians and almost-whites that the B.I.A. has packed onto the tribal Rolls (and thus also onto the voter registrations) and onto the Reservation as a part of their colonial administration are the ones who have been killing more deer than they needed and taking them to the dump, wasting bears, fishing with 50 nets, and clear-cutting.  These people do not have traditional Indian values, and because of the colonial government, the traditional Indian community is powerless to make them abide by Traditional Indian values.  Maybe the people who do not belong here don’t care if they destroy what isn’t theirs.
Francis Blake, Jr.

2862.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). History: the farewell address of President Andrew Jackson, Marcy 4, 1837. Ojibwe News, 1(5).
Abstract: Editor’s Note:
Inaugurated in 1829, Andrew Jackson attempted to root out corruption in the b
ureaucracy by dismissing over 2,000 government employees.  Jackson also paid off the National Debt in 1835 [with Indian money from the sale of the Cherokee Nation’s land] and helped halt land speculation.  We do not agree with what he did to our ancestors—he was a commander in the U.S. Army against the Seminole Nation; and went over the head of the Supreme Court to steal the homeland of the Cherokee and create the Trail of Tears (relocation).  Jackson stated, “the States which had so long been retarded in their improvement by Indian tribes living in their midst are at length relieved from this evil.”  This U.S. President, however, understood his own culture clearly.
Francis Blake, Jr.

... There is, perhaps, no one of the powers conferred on the Federal Government so liable to abuse as the taxing power.  The most productive and convenient sources of revenue were, necessarily given to it, that it might be able to perform the important duties imposed in it; and the taxes which it lays upon commerce being concealed from the real payer in the price of the article, they do not so readily attract the attention of the people as smaller sums demanded from them directly by the tax gatherer.  But the tax imposed on goods enhances by so much the price of the commodity to the consumer, and as many of these duties are imposed on articles of necessity which are daily used by the great body of the people, the money raised by these imposts is drawn from their pockets.  Congress has no right under the Constitution to take money from the people unless it is required to execute some one of the specific powers entrusted to the Government; and if they raise more than is necessary for such purposes, it is an abuse of the power of taxation, and unjust and oppressive.  It may indeed happen that the revenue will sometimes exceed the amount anticipated when the taxes were laid.  When, however, this is ascertained, it is easy to reduce them, and in such case it is unquestionably the duty of the Government to reduce them for no circumstances can justify it in assuming a power not given it by the Constitution nor in taking away the money of the people when it is not needed for the legitimate wants  of the Government.
Plain as these principles appear to be, you will yet find that there is a constant effort to induce the General Government to go beyond the limits of its taxing power and impose unnecessary burdens upon the people.  Many powerful interests are continually at work to procure heavy duties ... and to swell the revenue beyond the real necessities of the public service, and the country has already felt the injurious effects of their combined influence.  They succeeded in obtaining a tariff of duties bearing most oppressively on the agricultural and laboring classes of society and producing a revenue that could not be usefully employed within the range of the powers conferred upon Congress, and in order to fasten upon the people this unjust and unequal system of taxation extravagant schemes of ... were got up in various quarters to squander the money and to purchase support...  But, rely upon it, the design to collect an extravagant revenue and to burden you with taxes beyond the economical wants of the Government is not yet abandoned.
The corporations and wealthy individuals who are engaged in large manufacturing establishments desire a high tariff to increase their gains.  Designing politicians will support it to conciliate their favor and to obtain the means of profuse expenditure for the purpose of purchasing influence in other quarters...  Do not allow yourselves ... to be misled on this subject.  The Federal Government can not collect a surplus for such purposes without violating the principles of the Constitution and assuming powers which have not been granted.  It is, moreover, a system of injustice, and if persisted in will inevitably lead to corruption, and must end in ruin.  The surplus revenue will be drawn from the pockets of the people—from the farmer, the mechanic, and the laboring classes of society; but who will receive it when distributed among the States, where it is to be disposed of by leading State politicians, who have friends to favor and political partisans to gratify?  It will certainly not be returned to those who have paid it and who have the most need of it and are honestly entitled to it.
Some of the evils which arise form this system of paper [money and centralized banking] press with peculiar hardship upon the class least able to bear it ... The result of this ill-advised legislation was to concentrate the moneyed power of the [United States], with its boundless means of corruption and its numerous dependents ... as one body, and securing to it ... concert of actions throughout the United States, and enabling it to bring forward upon any occasion its entire and undivided strength to support or defeat any measure of the Government.  In the hands of this formidable power, thus perfectly organized, was also placed unlimited dominion over the amount of the circulating [money], giving it the power to regulate the value of property and the fruits of labor in every quarter of the Union, and to bestow prosperity or bring ruin upon any ... as might best comport with its own interest or policy.
We are not left to conjecture how the moneyed power, thus organized and with such a weapon in its hands, would be likely to use it.  The distress and alarm which pervaded and agitated the whole country when the Bank of the United States waged war upon the people in order to compel them to submit to its demands can not yet be forgotten.  ... If such was its power in time of peace, what would it have been in a season of war? ... No nation but the freemen of the United States could have come out victorious from such a contest yet if you had not conquered, the government would have passed from the hands of the many to the hands of the few, and this organized money power from its secret enclave would have dictated the choice of your highest officers and compelled you to make peace or war, as best suited their own wishes.  The forms of our Government might for a time have remained, but its living spirit would have departed from it.
... You must remember, my fellow citizens, that eternal vigilance is the price of liberty, and that you must pay the price if you wish to secure the blessing.  It behooves you therefore, to be watchful in your States as well as in the Federal Government.  The power which the moneyed interest can exercise, when concentrated ... and with our present system of currency, was sufficiently demonstrated in the struggle made by the Bank of the United States. Defeated in the Central Government, the same class of intriguers and politicians will now resort to the States and endeavor to obtain there the same organization which they failed to perpetuate in the Union; and with specious and deceitful plans of public advantages and State interests and State prides they will endeavor to establish in the different States one moneyed institution with overgrown capital an exclusive privileges sufficient to enable it to control the operations of the other banks ... and the money power will be able to embody its whole strength and to move together with undivided force to accomplish any object it may wish to obtain.  You have already had abundant evidence of its power to inflict injury on the agricultural, mechanical, and laboring classes of society, and over those whose engagements in trade or speculation render them depending on bank facilities ...  It is one of the serious evils of our present system of banking that it enabled one class of society—and that by no means a numerous one—by its control over the currency, to act injuriously upon the interests of all the others and to exercise more than its just portion of influence in political affairs. The agricultural, the mechanical, and the laboring classes have little or no share in the direction of the great moneyed corporations, and from their habits and the nature of their pursuits they are incapable of forming extensive combinations to act together with united force ... They have but little patronage to give to the press, and exercise but a small share of influence over it; they have no crowd of dependents about them who hope to grow rich without labor by their countenance and favor, and who are therefore always ready to execute their wishes.  The planter, the farmer, the mechanic, and the laborer all know that their success depends upon their own industry and economy, and that they must not expect to become rich by the fruits of their toil.  Yet these classes of society form the great body of the people of the United States ...  But, they are in constant danger of losing their fair influence on the Government, and with difficulty maintain their just rights against the incessant efforts daily made to encroach upon them.  The mischief springs from the power which the moneyed interest derives from a paper currency which they are able to control, from the multitude of corporations which exclusive privileges which they have succeeded in obtaining in the different States, and which are employed altogether for their benefit; and unless you become more watchful in your States and check this spirit of monopoly and thirst for exclusive privileges you will in the end find that the most important powers of Government have been given or bartered away, and the control over your dearest interests has passed into the hands of these corporations.
The paper-money system and its natural associations—monopoly and exclusive privileges—have already struck their roots too deep in the soil, and it will require all your efforts to check its further growth and to eradicate the evil.  The men who profit by the abuses and desire to perpetuate them will continue to besiege the halls  of legislation in the General Government as well as n the States, and will seek by every artifice to mislead and deceive the public servants.  It is to yourselves that you must look for safety and the means of guarding and perpetuating your free institutions. ... But it will require steady and persevering exertions on your part to rid yourselves of the inequities and mischiefs of the paper system and to check the spirit of monopoly and other abuses which have sprung up with it, and of which it is the main support.  So  many interests are united to resist all reform on this subject that you must not hope the conflict will be a short one nor success easy. ... Enough yet remains to require all your energy and perseverance.  The power however, is in your hands and the remedy must and will be applied if you determine upon it.
Knowing that the path of freedom is continually beset by enemies who often assume the disguise of friends, I have devoted the last hours of my public life to warn you of the dangers. ... It is from within, among yourselves—from cupidity, from corruption from disappointed ambition and inordinate thirst for power—that factions will be formed and liberty endangered.  It is against such designs, whatever disguise the actors may assume, that you have especially to guard yourselves.
My own race is nearly run; advanced age and failing health warn me that before long I must pass beyond the reach of human events ... I bid you a last and affectionate farewell.

[From the book, The Compilation of Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Volume IV.  James D. Richardson, 1897.]

2863.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Housing vote typical of system. Ojibwe News.
Abstract: To the Editor:
The racist class system strikes again in Bemidji.  The City Council has made decisions “for” the poor people.  The don’t want housing for poor people in Bemidji, although this housing is sorely needed.
As we look at the structure of the dominant society, the infrastructure of the towns that you build, there is always a rich section and always a poor section of town.  Poor people come from the “other side of the tracks,” and poor people are a necessary part of the infrastructure of your society.  The class system is an integral part of the infrastructure, just as much as roads and jails are.  In the same way as roads and jails are maintained using your money system—including poor peoples’ untenable position—is maintained and reinforced by the monetary structure.  This is even justified by the Christian establishment; the Nuns taught us that, “the poor will always be with us.”  But then, if you look at reality, the class systems are all man-made.  How do you make this class system?  You use the money system.  And who runs this money system?  The upper-class white man.  He decides which groups are going to have access to his man-made money system and which groups are going to be poor.  Certain groups of immigrants were imported specifically to fill the lower ranks of the social hierarchy.  The poor victims are blamed; told that they are poor because they have no initiative, are weak-willed, or whatever.  But, poor people are manipulated into taking their place in a structure that has always included them, using the money system.
Bemidji has already allocated millions of dollars for “housing for the poor,” the fancy new jail.  The people who will be housed there are people who are excluded from the political and money systems (how many rich people have ever spent even a night in jail, no matter what their crime)?  There’s more money going through the economic system from a person in jail than from a person living peaceably in their own house.  Crime is also a part of the infrastructure of the dominant society.  Crime creates jobs and crime reinforces and entrenches the white man’s class system.
Maybe I see things a little differently than whites do.  Indian people never had a class system (until the BIA tried to create one).  Poverty, crime, a centralized market economy are all institutions that white immigrants brought with them, a necessary part of their imported European neo-feudal social organization.  Poverty is a man-made problem.  Poor people are created and then victimized by your political and economic systems.  (Welfare and other “social service” programs give more benefit to the providers than they do to the poor people they are supposed to serve.)  Your society has created this human suffering and profits from it.  Why don’t you take responsibility for your actions?  White racism has kept all but a few Indian people from taking a place inside the white structure.  So, we are not looking at you from inside your structure, but looking at you from the outside, and analyzing your society and how you govern.  We see you for who and what you are.  We also see your monetary system as one big crooked con game.
Francis Blake, Jr.

2864.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1990). I say what I can to make this a better world. Ojibwe News.
Abstract: To the Editor:
Charles Murphey of Fort Yates wrote an open letter against H.R. 4033, which would establish a Federal “Office of Indian Treaty Conflict Resolution.”  Mr. Murphey’s letter was reprinted in the Lakota Times.
We agree with Mr. Murphey that this unilateral and racist encroachment legislation on the part of the U.S. Congress is just one more step by the Judeo-Christian Church and the United States to abolish Indians, and our Traditional, aboriginal sovereignty.  When we study the United States Congress and the laws that they pass unilaterally, such as the 1889 Chippewa Commission agreement—we see that once a piece of legislation is on the U.S. books, they can pass amendments, riders and bureaucratic regulations forever.  In 1889, the U.S. Congress passed the Agreement that the U.S. Government used to steal eleven million acres from the Red Lake Anishinabe Ojibway people.  The United States Government forgot to steal some of our land with this “Act for the relief of the Chippewa Indians” [we were “relieved” of our property].  “By the way, we forgot to steal the western part of their reservation,” that is what they said, and then they wrote an amendment.  The 1902 delegation that went to Washington to sign over more of our land were what the B.I.A. called “proper Indians”; many of them were descendants of non-Indians packed onto the Red Lake rolls to replace Red Lake Indian people who were victims of the Holocaust.
Once any legislation is passed, then the bureaucrats take over.  The bureaucrats start interpreting the legislation in their own way; writing bureaucratic mumbo-jumbo and collecting “fringe benefits” for their family and friends.  The way it looks to us, any time that the United States Congress unilaterally passes a piece of racist “Indian legislation,” Indians lose and the Indo-Europeans steal something else from us.
The United States Congress doesn’t have any business passing laws that apply to Sovereign Indian people anyway.  It’s a human rights violation and a violation of International law for the U.S. to pass these laws.  What REAL Indian leaders should be doing, is going to the United Nations about Treaty problems, not to the United States.  The Charter of the United Nations begins,
“We the people of the United Nations determined
to save our succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind, and
to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, and in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small, and
to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained, ...
Even though the United States wrote themselves a veto over all other nations in the World in the United Nations, the United Nations building is built on Indian land, using Indian resources.
I am not a “malcontent,” I am not a “dissident,” I am not a “protester,” but I do have a Clan and a Dodem, and this is my land.  This has to be a better place for Indian people, for our children and our grandchildren.  I can speak out because I have Traditional sovereignty, so I say what I can to make this a better world.
Francis Blake, Jr.

2865.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1990). Indian's rights supported. Ojibwe News.
Abstract: To the Editor:
The Thursday, December 21 edition of the Bemidji Pioneer ran only a part of an Associated Press story about Ester Nahgahnub (see page 2 [of the January 3, 1990 Ojibwe News] for the full AP version of that story), who was rudely harassed by Federal Official Dave Duncan.  The Bemidji Pioneer’s editors did not want to print the last part of the story, beginning with: “As a Chippewa [sic], Nahgahnub said, she believes she has the right to gather and sell items in northeastern Minnesota, an area covered by the 1854 treaty.”  She not only “believes,” she does have this right—maybe that’s why the Pioneer didn’t print it.
Northeastern Minnesota, as well as the rest of the American Indian continents, is Indian land, even though the United States and other European-generated governments occupy our land by force and by Treaties written with the intent to steal.  Treaty or no treaty, it is still our land—a Treaty (as forced on Indian Nations) is one of many European tactics designed to steal.  European-Americans have written many volumes of racist legislation which names themselves as the “keepers of the wildlife” (when these people are still terrified of the woods and get lost even with a map and a compass).  However, looking at the way the European-American immigrants have kept our resources since the beginning of their forcible occupation of Northern Minnesota, it doesn’t seem like it will be very long until our land looks like the barren rocks of Europe that these European immigrants came from.  The Europeans left stone huts that they shared with their cattle (to keep warm, they had cut down all the trees) in their homeland; already we can see big rock-piles in the farmers’ fields.  They must be getting ready for Robin HUD’s new housing projects.
Under this imported European system, all of our land and resources have been taken away from Indian people and used as capital and collateral to underwrite the European-styled greed-culture $$ money system of the U.S.A.; $$ Dollars, Euro-dollars and other European currencies are all part of the same interlocking system.  This crooked system is owned and controlled by the so-called “elite” upper-class Europeans and hyphenated Europeans.  Under this scrip scheme, the United States Government has had the audacity to print $$ money based on stolen Indian land and resources (and stolen Indian gold)—and then try to “buy” Indian land, forests and hunting and fishing rights for a tiny fraction of their value, when it is our land and resources which back up their crooked $$ money system to start with.  So, what it comes down to, is that European immigrants haven’t had to pay for anything, just the printing presses that they brought with them from Europe.
According to the European—American $$ money scheme, a person is “no good” when they don’t have any $$ money.  European—Americans value themselves according to their paper-$$ money “net worth.”  The upper class controls the $$ money system, Indian people had no part in its design and, as intended, have no access to it.  Every continent, everywhere the European has gone, he has designed the same kind of $$ money system, to entrench his class system and to steal from the people that the land and resources belong to.  Indian people are criticized for “living in poverty,” for not having any $$ money, but why would the Europeans want to discredit an entire race of people?  Maybe they are using a blame-the-victim strategy to hide the fact that they are using stolen resources on stolen land; this is what their printed $$ money is based on.
Upper-class Europeans have always been too lazy to do their own work; they brought slaves and indentured servants with them when they came from Europe.  They use the class system to make other people do their “dirty work.”  They try to discredit Indian people by saying we’re “too lazy to work,” but what they’re really doing is trying to get slave-labor under the minimum wage (or less, on most reservations for doing work that the upper-class Europeans are too lazy to do for themselves.
The European-Americans have set up their racist $$ money system, with their encroachment legislation and human rights violations, so that Indians cannot have any $$ money.  According to common sense, there should be nothing wrong with using road-kill feathers to support a family.  If Red-tailed Hawks are endangered, it is not because of Indians, it is because heir homes have been destroyed and their food poisoned by European-American greed. What Esther Nahgahnub has come up against is that Indian people are not supposed to use the Dollar $$ money system which is based on Indian land and resources.  This is part of the European colonial strategy.  Another part of the U.S. colonial system is to force Indian people onto welfare and A.F.D.C. after everything has been stolen from us, to silence and discredit us; so that European-Americans can complain about how much they are “giving” us. Every few months, certain racist writers of the Bemidji Pioneer get self-righteous and write about welfare.  But, these smug writers live on and benefit from stolen Indian property.
Bullying people around and using terrorist tactics are a part of the European-American heritage.  The Pilgrims at Plymouth Rock gratefully received Indian gifts—and we didn’t attach any stigma of “welfare.”  It wasn’t until hordes of immigrants were imported to serve in the U.S. Army and outnumbered Indian people 5,000 to 1, that the European-Americans got “brave” enough to be bullies.  Bullying, ripping off, and stealing are still U.S. international policy from Panama and Nicaragua to Libya and Palestine.  Bullying is just one part of the terrorist tactics that the U.S.A. has used against Indians and other peoples since its colonial beginnings.
Another part of the devious European-American $$ money system is the Indo-European idea of kidnapping people and holding them for ransom.  Ever since the Treaties were signed (and sometimes before), the United States Government has been kidnapping Indian children, holding our young people hostage in Government schools, in foster care, and for adoption.  Indian children are taken away from their parents because, as planned, their parents do not have any $$ money.  The ransom that our children are held for (and that many of our children have been killed for) is our Indian land and resources that back up the U.S. $$ Dollar.  Indo-European people are held for $$ money-ransom.  Our children are held for land and resources ransom, and then brainwashed so they don’t know who they are, so they become non-people who are neither Indian nor White.
This genocide is much worse than Hitler’s, worse than 500 million Indian people destroyed over 500 years to steal two continents.  A lot of European-Americans will say, “I had nothing to do with it,” but there is such a word as “complacency,” and they continue to benefit from our stolen Indian property—and these people are not lobbying their European-American Congress to repeal the racist and genocide legislation that is still on their law-books, that continues to give them European-style title to Indian land and resources that they get personal benefit form.  Christian people talk about “honesty,” but the Christian churches unilaterally gave God’s stamp of approval to both the Nazi German and the U.S. Government.
“Sacred Trusteeship” is supported by European-Americans and “Indian” bureaucrats who have lost their values.  Former B.I.A. Commissioner John Collier called these people “friendly Indians with a white-plus psychology,” and this is the kind of “Indian leader” that European-Americans choose for us and put on their $$ Dollar-payroll.  According to European law, what Trusteeship means is taking property and $$ money away from people because they are incompetent.”  What kind of Fascist-thinking is this, to call an entire race of people “incompetent,” when under Indian people’s care and management, both of these Indian continents were a beautiful and abundant paradise.  The European-American word “incompetent” seems like forked-tongue speaking; under European-American management, everything has been wrecked, destroyed, polluted and turns into trillions of $$ Dollars of printed paper $$ money, used to entrench the imported European class system.
European-American “experts” who have no harmony with the land, have updated an old scam.  After most of our Indian continent’s resources have been plundered, stripped and raped, then converted into $$ money, we are told that $$ money can fix the problem.  It was European $$ money-greed that devastated our land in the first place.  Putting back a tiny fraction of what was taken out—in $$ money and according to the European way of looking at the world, isn’t going to fix anything except maybe public relations.  The $4 money-fix is just another crooked shell game.  How can people who came with nothing, from a land that had already been ravaged to the bedrock, say that they know anything about managing wildlife and resources?  Their “land-grant” Universities are build on stolen Indian land, and their professors’ research is subsidized by corporations whose purpose is to steal Indian resources.
One more example of appointed leadership: the European-American logging industry has always been a thieving enterprise.  Certain lumber companies paid their Congressmen to take the property that was stolen from Indians on Red Lake.  Indian people never had—and never needed—police and jails under our Traditional values and government.  So, the European-Americans used our Trust $$ money to build a jail, and to pay a policeman backed up by the U.S. Army.  This “law enforcement” was to protect the thieves, the lumber companies who were stealing the homes of our wildlife, plundering our timber.  When a Red Lake Indian complained, they drummed up charges against him and threw him in jail, and let the thieves go right on stealing.  This is the kind of backwards system that the European-Americans brought with them from Feudal Europe.  This is the kind of system that Ester Nahgahnub us up against, a crooked system that has no place for truth or honest.  If European-Americans were truthful and honest, they would not be on stolen land.  But, their very culture is based on lies and treachery.
The time has come for Indian people to join together and once again accept our responsibility as caretakers of this land.  We also need to teach the European invaders how to be civilized human beings.
            Thank you.
            Francis Blake, Jr.

2866.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Interview with new Fond du Lac chairman. Ojibwe News.
Abstract: by Francis Blake
Ojibwe News Correspondent

Duluth, MN—Bob Peacock replaces Bill Houle as Fond du Lac Tribal Chairman.  We spoke with Chairman-elect Peacock at the June Minnesota Chippewa Tribe meeting in Duluth.
Ojibwe News: You know I’m interviewing you for the Ojibwe News.  Our concerns include Tribal Government.  The issues that affect us now, there has to be ...
Bob Peacock: Yeah, I’m familiar with it.
Ojibwe News: The Tribal Government, the State, and the Federal—we need an organizational chart, to see just how Tribal Government functions.
Bob Peacock: I would like to see that myself.
Ojibwe News: Now, they’re going to have a Constitutional Convention.  What is the full organization on that now?
Bob Peacock: I don’t even know if they’ve decided on how they’re going to chose delegates.  I can tell you this much about it.  Back in 1978 or so, when this whole thing was done before, it came from the top, down, and it never worked.  And so, if they try and do it from the top down again, I don’t think it will work either.  Somehow or another, they are going to have to pull the delegates that represent people, from the people.   If the people are going to have to make those decisions on a constitutional convention ... Uh, if you do it from the top end, this is where the problem lies, as far as I’m concerned.  If you continue to try and put a Constitution Convention from the top, down, then it means that the elected people are telling the people what to do for them, and that’s backwards.  The people are supposed to be telling us what we’re supposed to be doing, so it has to continue that way.  We still have to get directives from the people, telling us what they want to do.  If you do it the other way around, it’s not the premise of what we’re supposed to be involved in.
Ojibwe News: They don’t have an organizational chart, for the organization that we have functioning now, do we?
Bob Peacock: The organization that we have is, the people themselves, and now ...
Ojibwe News: But it’s not.
Bob Peacock: It’s not cold list, because we don’t ...
Ojibwe News:  How is it structured?
Bob Peacock: How do other governments structure their institutional organization?  How do they choose delegates?  How is it done?  We should review that, and take the good from what they have, and utilize that in our own methods.  That is .. We may have to go into districts in each district of each reservation, and in themselves, select votes on, select a delegate, um ...  How about the equality on delegation?  Should each reservation have, say X amount equally, and the rest based on area and population?  Somehow or another, if the two larger reservations overcome the smaller reservations, it becomes a two-reservation constitution.  And the small reservations’ voice is going to be drowned out.  If it’s coming from the top, down, by the elected government telling the people what they’re going to do, then the people are drowned out.  So there’s a lot of problem here, and I think we’re just going to have to try to see what is best, for the best of all.  I haven’t researched it out, and I don’t know where to go with it, and I’m looking for as much information and assistance as anybody.
Ojibwe News: OK ...
Bob Peacock: So, what I do, is say, ‘OK, tell me, what direction do you want me to take?’  A lot of my people told me what they wanted, and my position on this is, that’s fine.  We don’t see it.  We’re fighting against having to take it.  We may lose, but that’s the direction that we’ve been directed to do, or told to take.  What do the people want in delegates, I don’t know.  I’d be as interested to find out what’s happening with that as anybody else.  I don’t think I’m in a position to make any kind of decision, because I don’t have any input from anyone.  I think that it’s either going to make or break us.
Ojibwe News:  Thank you.

2867.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1989). Is the Star Tribune into propaganda? Ojibwe News.
Abstract: To the Editor:
In the last month, the Star and Tribune has referred to tribal people as “vindictive,” published a large picture of a cigar-store Indian [would they have done that with a statue caricaturing a Black man?], and erroneously reported that Sanguinaria canadensis was used by Indians for “war paint” among other things.  Use of the media to mold public opinion into racist stereotypes is probably almost as old as Western “civilization”—these are just a few examples of this ongoing White tradition.
On Saturday, May 13, the Star Tribune chose to print an emotionally-loaded, one-sided piece of anti-Indian propaganda on the front page, “Resort owners high and dry in spearfish fight.”  It is unfortunate that innocent Whites were misled about the potential for pursuing the white value system of “making money” in Wisconsin’s so-called ceded—stolen—Indian land.  However, the story did not report fairly about the Indians to whom the land still legitimately belongs.
One of the justifications that Whites used for taking Indian land was that Indians were “nomadic.”  The Ojibway people to whom the Wisconsin land belongs have been right there for hundreds of thousands of years.  (The Whites called Indians’ ecologically balanced permaculture “wilderness” because they didn’t understand it.)  Whether Indian peoples’ land and subsistence base is taken by legislation, by fraudulently-intended Treaty, by bureaucratic regulation, or by misleading immigrant “pioneers” [there is more than one meaning in the dictionary] of the White middle and lower classes and then writing newspaper articles to mould racist public opinion toward sympathy for the Whites’ orchestrated plight, this Indian land and resource base remains stolen property.
If the Star Tribune wanted to print news instead of propaganda, they would have also given front page headlines to the Indian side of that particular story.  Simplistically, they could have written about how many Indian people the speared and netted walleyes would feed—and about the imported European economic system, which is a scheme designed to create hardship in occupied indigenous Nations and facilitate the theft of our resources (Communism comes from the same roots and is structurally indistinguishable).  Under the White-planned economy of corporate-lobbied, Congressionally-mandated bureaucracies, 90 percent unemployment on Indian Reservations is normal and economic opportunities for Traditional Indian people are near-zero.  Indian people are “red-lined” by the White-controlled dollar money system.  United States dollars are underwritten by stolen Indian land, resources and gold; but Indian people are forced to participate in this rigged system at the bottom of the imported Indo-European hierarchy, on blame-the-victim welfare, in below minimum-wage labor, through regressive and sometimes openly fraudulent taxation (e.g., White Earth).
Like Communism, Democracy is run by the hereditary White so-called “upper-class.”  The “Tribal Councils” which forcibly displaced our Traditional governments are run from Washington, D.C., and as long as they continue to follow the exploitive and oppressive mandates set in Washington, they receive a crooked stamp of approval from the U.S.A.  The current situation in Panama is part of the same colonial pattern.  The Treaty to return the Canal Zone to the Panamanian people is coming up—if the United States successfully ousts General Noriega it will be to put in a puppet whose strings are pulled in Washington, just like the “Federally recognized leaders” of Indian country.
If the Star Tribune truly aspires toward the quality of reportage which they claim, Pat Doyle could have dug deeper into the story.  Admittedly, many of the Indian owners of this Wisconsin land would have been difficult to interview—their ancestors were killed in the unmentioned Holocaust, the genocide of American Indians which continues into the twentieth century.  However, there are surviving Traditional Ojibway Indians around.  Many of the Indian people to whom the land belongs were “relocated” by the United States to urban ghettos (including Chicago and Minneapolis-St. Paul) in the 1950’s.  Some Indians have managed to hold onto their roots; many live in poverty on the Indian side of the tracks in Wisconsin “resort towns.”  Fair reportage would have discussed the economic and personal consequences of 150 years of White occupation and resource exploitation in Wisconsin to the Indian people; it would have explored White-caused pollution, environmental degradation and deterioration of fish populations due to White (mis-)management.  From an Indian perspective, the White establishment’s “management” of Indian resources includes the scorched-earth slaughter of millions of buffalo and billions of passenger pigeons; it also includes depriving Indian children of the right to eat their own fish so that upper-class “sportsmen” can aggrandize their own egos with stuffed fish on their walls and so that White-owned resorts can make money with fish-tormenting contests, “catch-and-release.”
Sooner or later, European immigrants to these Indian continents are going to have to stop living lies, and face up to the truth.  No matter how much the dominant society and religions lie about reality, reality is still right here.  An honest story in the Minneapolis Star Tribune would not have merely been a one-sided bit of propaganda about nomadic Whites whose ancestors migrated over great bodies of water to these Indian continents, a sob-story about unfortunate White victims of Indo-European colonization strategies.  We don’t really blame the writer of the story—that’s the way the news is almost always reported.
Francis Blake, Jr

2868.   Sho-ne-ah-wub =, a. k. a. F. B. Jr. (1988). Letter to the Editor: More than two years ago, in May of 1986, the Red Lake Independent published an article about the epidemic of diabetes on the Red Lake Reservation.  The response of the Indian Health Service ... Native American Press/Ojibwe News.
Abstract: More than two years ago, in May of 1986, the Red Lake Independent published an article about the epidemic of diabetes on the Red Lake Reservation.  The response of the Indian Health Service was to start a public-relations newsletter in Red Lake, and to launch a seat belt campaign.
In the same issue of the Red Lake Independent, excerpts from the 1979 backroom deals between the Bureau of Indian Affairs and Beltrami County were published: unilateral White decisions to continue denying Red Lake Indian people Food Stamps.  The United States Government admits that they are “studying” Indian diabetes.  “The Congressional response to the diabetic epidemic among American Indians” is to appropriate money for record-keeping computers for use in their study, and to subsidize pharmaceutical corporations for equipment, supplies, and experimental drug testing.  What the I.H.S. won’t say publicly is that they are doing medical experiments on Indian people.  Red Lake has the “controlled conditions” that such experiments need: White encroachment legislation has provided us with a government-controlled hospital with sealed records, a population that the United States Government has thoroughly studied and keeps track of through “payments,” and a diet mandated by the United States Government (commodities and no food stamps).  Food stamps would allow Red Lake Indian people to choose healthy foods, and would thereby abort the diabetes experiments.  Want more proof?  Why else would tuberculosis epidemics rage in Ponemah, at a rate one thousand times higher than that of the homeless people in New York City slums?  Germ warfare was one of the original tactics of genocide against Indian people, and it hasn’t stopped.
Friday, August 26, the Bemidji Pioneer printed an interview with Dr. Steve Rith-Najarian about Indian diabetes.  Rith-Najarian claims that the Indian Health Service provides, “the best, most up-to-date health care in the world,” and blames Indian people for having diabetes.  He is covering up solid documentation of on-going genocide of Indian people: Indian people have an average life expectancy of less than 43 years.  Indian people are sent out of the Indian Health Service system to die—so that a criminally high Indian death rate doesn’t show up in their statistics.  No matter what kind of equipment the I.H.S. hospitals might have, they also have less than half the number of doctors required by the Geneva Convention.  Almost all of these doctors don’t have any experience at all; they are literally “practicing” on Indian people.  The doctors are not Indian, although there are plenty of Indian people who would make good doctors.  Legitimate Indian medicine men under whose care our average life expectancy was over 85 years (and nobody got diabetes, cancer, lice or missionaries) are still being discredited and harassed.  Indian people do not have the choice of medical care and access to second opinions that all non-Indian citizens of the U.S. have [civil rights do not apply to Indian people].  Dr. Kill-me-quick at the Indian Health Service is well-known throughout the Indian community.  This writer stays away from the I.H.S. hospital (that’s why I’m healthy), and would not send my dog there.  There is a reason that there is a law saying that the I.H.S. is immune from lawsuit.
On the surface, Rith-Najarian sounds academic and educated, even concerned.  But, he is blaming the Indian victims of White genocide legislation and United States occupation: he calls Indians “weighs twice what he should,” and lazy “(wouldn’t) walk half an hour,” people who “willfully destroy themselves.”  By claiming the problem is, “how do we convince people to make significant lifestyle changes,” he is focusing attention away from the real problems.
What are the real causes of the epidemic rates of diabetes [according to a non-government diabetes expert, much higher than the 35% the I.H.S. admits to].  The real cause of Indian diabetes is the multi-national corporations which lobby for, and the United States Congress which passes, the encroachment, racist, genocide legislation specifically designed to exterminate Indian people and steal Indian property.
Stress is the triggering factor of Type II diabetes.  The conditions on the reservations created by the United States Government, and the corporations behind it, cause an enormous amount of stress.  The power and authority that should belong to the Indian community was fraudulently taken away by the 1934 Indian Reorganization Act (in 1958 in Red Lake).  Powerlessness, and the community conditions created by dictatorial outside control and colonial government, cause intense stress and further disrupt the community.  Indian land and resources are still being stolen, and consequently most Indian people live far below the poverty level, which is stressful.  Our religion and our sacred philosophy of life are called “the work of the devil” by institutions that they say are “Christian Churches”—this U.S. created and supported religious persecution is stressful.  Stress is put on Indian children at an early age by lying sell-out Indian politicians, by racist mass media and by the White teachers in the White-run educational system.  In the schools, our Indian children are fed a diet of racist lies about our identity and origin; a diet of hostility and abuse just for being Indian; and a nutritionally-deficient diet of commodities in the school lunch program.  The writer speaks from experience, and could write a lot more.  The citizens of occupied Nations are always under stress.
Rith-Najarian blames Indian diabetes for not eating moose and wild rice.  Most of us would rather eat moose, buffalo, venison, elk, and passenger pigeon than store-bought or commodity meat from imprisoned animals that have been force-fed chemicals to make them fat.  We prefer maple sugar [which does not raise blood-glucose] and other Indian foods to the White man’s cheap imitations.  But, or Indian Nations’ permacultural systems were systematically destroyed as a part of the starvation-into-submission agenda of the United States Government.  Most of our maple sugar trees were cut by order of the U.s. Government and left to rot.  Almost all Indian “wild” rice beds have been taken away from their rightful owners by racist encroachment legislation—which is a civil and human rights violation.  To harvest our own rice where we planted it, where we maintained it for thousands of years, an Indian must pay the White man for a “license”—and most of our rice beds have been destroyed by Whites whose idea of power is to plunder and try to “conquer” nature.  Our hunting and fishing rights are being sold by illegal colonial governments, and our permacultural system which provided environment for the wildlife is being clearcut and polluted.  [Koochiching County’s proposed toxic waste dump will leach mercury and other poisons directly into Red Lake.  As planned?]
Chronic malnutrition can cause Type II diabetes: vitamin (particularly B-complex) and mineral deficiencies limit insulin production, unbalance the body, and damage the pancreas.  Ironically, chronic malnutrition also makes people fat (craving the nutrition they need, people eat more of what is available).  The conditions legislated by the U.S. Government on the Reservations to force Indian people to eat the U.S. agricultural subsidy programs’ garbage: commodities (rations), which do not provide good nutrition.  Commodities are inadequate in many ways, including B-vitamin deficiencies.  Hence, the experimental material for unethical researchers.
Rith-Najarian quotes a theory that Indians are diabetic because we had “times of hardship.”  This is absolute nonsense.  We were much better off before the white man brought his trading posts, racist paper money controlled by Feudal corporations, deforestation and pollution, 1924 forced citizenship act, welfare systems, minimum wage slave-labor, rations, prisons and churches, food stamps, and supermarkets.  Scarcity and famine were brought to these continents by the White people, whose overpopulation of our land exceeds the capacity of our environment to sustain them.  Indian people were agricultural people who lived in harmony with nature.  Our gardens and our forests provided more than enough for everybody—with less than eight ours of work per week [the reason trade beads “sold” so well in Manhattan was that traditional Indian people had lots of time for arts and crafts].  The starvation that the White man saw among Indians, was what he had intentionally created.  Even the White man’s distorted history books describe an “abundance of game, passenger pigeons that darkened the sky with their number,” and Indian people who were robustly healthy, had good teeth, and were almost all over six feet tall.
Just recently, the United States Congress passed legislation to repay Japanese people for damages.  But, the damages to Indian people go on.  Adolf Hitler of the Third Reich said to his Cabinet that his ideas for the Holocaust came from the “extermination of Indians” by the United States Government of Amerika.
Francis Blake, Jr.

2869.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1987). Lincoln, a.k.a. "Honest Abe's" Birthday: ... “English First” is one of the amply funded organizations behind the “English as the ‘official language’” movement ... Bemidji Pioneer.
Abstract: The Bemidji Pioneer
Bemidji, MN 56601

To the Editor:
In today’s Bemidji Pioneer, Brad Swenson wrote an opinion about making English the “official language” of the State of Minnesota.
“English First” is one of the amply funded organizations behind the “English as the ‘official language’” movement.  Many of the early backers of “English First” are Texans, where legislators hope to accomplish by law what they could not do otherwise—to intensify discrimination against Spanish-speaking Texans (who were there before English-speakers even knew there was such a place).
“English first” opens even deeper questions, also.  However improved the “English” language might have been by the addition of Native American words and concepts it is (along with French, Spanish, Portuguese, Latin, Greek, etc.) foreign to this continent.  Not “first.”  Foreign.  If you want to legislate “English first,” you are going to have to re-name virtually every city, county, town and state on the continent.  (What about potatoes?  What about canoes?  What are you going to name the city of Bemidji? Just “Crime Capitol?”)
If English is virtually the only language spoken here now, it is because it was forced on speakers of other, beautiful and expressive, languages like Ojibway.  Not (as so many liberal “Americans” excuse themselves) “a hundred years ago, so it’s not my fault,” but up until 1945 on the Red Lake Indian Reservation, Ojibway people were physically beaten by employees for speaking our native language.  (In some places, this still goes on.)
Red Lake Indian people fought, and some of our people died, in World War I, World War II, in Korea, in Vietnam.  For “freedom.”
The U.S.A. (Union of South Africa) has an official language (Afrikaans) which is forcibly “first” over the Black African languages which belong to that land.  Perhaps legislating “English first” in this U.S.A. (United States of America) is a good thing, and would be even better if the law had “teeth”—90 days or $500 for speaking any other language; with rewards for anybody who turns in violators.  You could even have an 800 number called “forked-tongue speaking” where people could call in and anonymously accuse their neighbors and enemies of speaking “foreign” languages—like Ojibway.  (And when you write up the laws, double the fine if a person is caught speaking their own native language, be it Norwegian, Swedish, Ojibway or Vietnamese.)
To the Red Lake Indian people, English is also a “boat peoples’ language.”  Our old chiefs who signed the treaties told us that English is a language of lies.  ... [text missing] ... (“friend” of the Indians) used English to tell lies in the name of the United States Government, and they spoke English when they swore on the Bible to uphold the treaties (a premeditated lie).  The White man has been using his imported language to tell lies ever since.
I wholeheartedly and enthusiastically approve of “English first.”  At least your racism and intolerance is right out in the open where the whole world can see it.
Mee gwitch,
Francis Blake
Member, Red Lake Anishinabe Ojibway People

2870.   Sho-ne-ah-wub =(a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). An open letter to Ross Swimmer. Ojibwe News.
Abstract: Assistant Secretary for Indian Affairs
Ross O. Swimmer

Dear Mr. Swimmer:
We thank you for taking the time to talk with the press, and to meet with us while you were in Minneapolis on July 12th.  We also appreciate that, whatever you personal feelings might be, in your present position as Assistant Secretary you are relatively powerless to influence procedural processes which the United States Government has established—for the specific purpose of disenfranchising Traditional Indian people.
We are also quite aware that the Cherokee Nation made a serious attempt to adapt to mainstream United States political/social organization—and that the Cherokee Holocaust which followed was a consequence of the United States Government needing money to pay for the Louisiana Purchase, as well as of back-room negotiations between the Federal Government and the State of Georgia.  You talk about “law”—and it seems that you are talking about “laws” passed by the same institutions that passed the Cherokee removal Act, rather than about Traditional Indian Law.
We are also aware that your apparent decision, as evidenced by your biography, to look for “success” in the context of the dominant society is probably the consequence of your ancestors’ decision to turn away from the Pipe and from their identity as Traditional Indian people.  If the “Swimmer manuscripts” are from your family, we do not need to say any more about “selling out.”  We cannot condemn people for making whatever decision they have made; we cannot know how they perceived the circumstances.  Our reason for bringing this up is to note that you may not understand Traditional Indian people, and thus not fully understand the issues which we were trying to discuss with you on Tuesday.
The “mess” in Red Lake is not Red Lake’s fault.  You should know that.  The United States Government unilaterally abolished our Traditional Council of Chiefs.  We did not need to vote for our Chiefs: they were chosen by the consensus of the people, and our government was more democratic [from the Greek words meaning “government of the people”] than the United States Government can ever hope to be.  The Indian Reorganization Act council and constitution that we have now is an alien European structure forced on us without our informed consent by the United States Government.  To “disavow” this, does not change the consequences of what has already happened, nor the fact that Red Lake present “government” [trust ultimately managed by the United States] is the one put into place by the BIA/United States Government.  The 90% unemployment rate in Red Lake, and all of the accompanying social problems, are a direct consequence of United States Government management of our resources, the White political/economic structure, the tax structure, and deals involving our economic resources made between the United States Government and certain corporations.  Stropping our people of the power to do anything about the problems which are destroying our community (as planned), and then blaming us for those problems may hold some narrow kind of academic “logic,” but it defies common sense.
The United States Government created the Tribal Courts, and wrote the ordinances and rules of that court.  The United States Government created the Red Lake I.R.A. Council, and the Red Lake I.R.A. Constitution, and the laws/regulations under which that I.R.A. Council (with no separation of powers) can appoint whomever it pleases to the court.  Telling us, the Red Lake Indian people, that we are “responsible for [this] mess,” and that the only way that you will provide out of it is to give up more of our sovereignty through the Justice Department—how can we conclude anything but that the Bureau is out to destroy us?
We realize that you cannot, probably, do much of anything in your official capacity to help us.  We also understand that your term as Assistant Secretary is nearly up, and that you are not in good health—we send our condolences.  We also understand that some of what you said on Tuesday was rather narrowly constructed: when you said “I” it meant “myself personally in the capacities of my office,” rather than “the Bureau of Indian Affairs.”  You used the White man’s slippery English (for example, when you talked about the “tribe”), and you were evasive.  Also, it seems that you lied a few times—and we thought White men were the ones who lied.
You claim Chieftainship.
A legitimate Traditional Indian Chief would not eat when his people are hungry.  Yet, you ate steak with fifty Bureaucrats; you should have gone to Franklin Avenue (the Minneapolis Indian ghetto), and seen our people in the soup lines that thousands of well-paid “Indian” bureaucrats in the Federal government have created with their policies.  A legitimate Traditional Indian Chief is not afraid to be among his people.
You said that you “cannot help” us.  But, what you could do is provide us with information.  If we know more precisely what was happening within the Bureau, and the structure that the Bureau has created, we would have a better chance of creating the decent community in Red Lake that our people deserve.  We can use: organizational charts of the Bureau; flow-diagrams of the decision-making process; names and addresses of the lobbyists and insiders with two hats who influence Indian policy; audits of Red Lake Indian trust accounts (which you may not have but which the Bureau certainly does); copies of all information (including psychological, sociological, anthropological, and medical studies) which the Bureau has on Red Lake, and any other information which you feel may be helpful.
We are also reminding you of your agreement to try to set up a meeting between the grassroots Ojibway Indian people and Secretary Hodel.  We would like to meet with the persons who formulate Indian policy as well.  Your policy of calling us “dissidents” and “poor losers [of elections],” and hoping that we will go away, is in its fourth generation of twilight zone thinking; reminiscent of “Death Valley Days.”  Traditional Indian people are here, and will remain here.  If the U.S. Government’s policy-makers will not meet with us, we will know that they have something to hide, and are probably afraid of discussing their policies with the grassroots rank-and-file Indians who those policies are designed to destroy.
Thank you again for your time.  We look forward to hearing from you.
Francis Blake, Jr.

2871.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). A political forum: A Right to Know. Ojibwe News.
Abstract: Brad Swenson, in his Sunday June 12 Bemidji Pioneer article, labelled the Ojibway People for Justice, “protestors.”  He says, “30 to 50 protestors don’t represent the MCT’s (Minnesota Chippewa Tribe’s) 36,000 enrollees.”  These “protestors” are standing up for the fundamental rights that were given to them by the Creator, and which Indian people have exercised responsibly for hundreds of thousands of years.  Under the 1934 Indian Reorganization Act (every Indian Reservation has the same I.R.A. boilerplate Constitution written by Whites to steal from Indians), the United States is using five men to sell rights.  Only an acculturated Indian would listen to a crooked White man, and try to sell another Indian’s rights, and only an acculturated Indian would believe that he had the authority to sell another Indian’s rights.  Five Indians, part of the 1934 I.R.A. colonial government, are trying to sell everybody’s rights.  Fifty people are protesting that they don’t want to sell any Ojibway Indian’s hunting and fishing rights.  In the Indian way, every person is Sovereign, and no person can speak for another.  Nobody can sell anything that belongs to other people.
As Chief Joseph of the Nez Perces tribe explained, “Suppose a white man should come to be and say, ‘Joseph, I like your horses, and I want to buy them.’  Then, he goes to my neighbor, and says to him: ‘Joseph has some good horses.  I want to buy them, but he refuses to sell.’  My neighbor answers, ‘Pay me the money, and I will sell you Joseph’s horses.’  The white man returns to me and says, ‘Joseph, I have bought your horses, and you must let me have them.’  If we sold our lands to the government, this is the way they were bought.”  This is the way that the State of Minnesota is trying to “buy” Indian rights.
According to the U.S. Constitution, the State of Minnesota cannot make Treaties to buy rights from Indians, only a National government can make Treaties.  If the United States Government, the Canadian Government, or some other Government wants to buy rights, they can buy them by Treaty from the Traditional Indian Governments of the Ojibway Nations. For these Traditional Governments to sell these rights, they would have to have the consensus of EVERY Indian.  Any individual Indian, no matter what position the United States Government “recognizes” him as holding, can sell only those rights which belong to him personally.  If five Indians sold their rights for five million dollars, then these rights, according to the State of Minnesota, are worth one million dollars per Indian.
If five Indians sold their rights, then there are five Indian millionaires.  But, the White legislatures made several billions of dollars out of the deal (not counting the underlying minerals that they aren’t taking about).  Also, whether on or off of the Reservation, Indian people are paying the Minnesota taxes that subsidize buying our rights.  We are also paying more than 99.9% of our Trust property and trust funds back to the U.S. Government, which takes it and spends it without our consent.  Once again, the Whites are cheating the Indians, even if there are five Indian millionaires.  In the old days, just Whites came out of Indian country as millionaires from stolen Indian property.  Times must be changing—now acculturated indians also can be millionaires stealing from their Traditional brothers and selling out to their greedy White friends.
There is a White law on the books of the State of Minnesota about buying and receiving stolen property.  The five Indians sold stolen property, and the State of Minnesota legislature bought it.  So both sides are guilty of committing a felony under Minnesota law.  There is also a law against Fencing”—that’s what the shyster lawyers for the Tribal Council are doing.  The referendum doesn’t give Indian consent, because it’s a “heads I win, tails you lose” proposition.  (As former Secretary McKay said, Indian consent sets a “dangerous precedent.”)
 Francis Blake, Jr.

2872.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Political pollution contaminating process of siting toxic waste dump, says reader. Ojibwe News.
Abstract: To the  Editor:
We need to clean up the political pollution contaminating the process of siting both toxic and atomic waste dumps in the Northwoods.  Before negotiations go any further, we need to know exactly who these people are, who want to put concentrated poisons in the headwaters of our watershed.
This irrevocable decision which is being made not only for the present but for thousands of generations into the future needs to be fully documented.  The faceless anonymity of corporations, bureaucrats and political hacks needs to be stripped away.  The individual people who play a part in the siting and dumping process need to be held to full personal accountability.  Their names, pictures, and cities of residence need to be published, accompanied by a description of the part they have taken, as well as a line-item accounting of the money, favors and other gifts they’ve received to do it.  We need a permanent and detailed record for posterity.
The toxic waste site, which the Red Lake Tribal Council publicly opposes, is being openly discussed.  Negotiations for the atomic waste dump site are being held behind closed doors; the forked-tongue implication by certain self-serving politicians is that it is no longer under consideration.  However, last year’s audit shows payments for atomic waste dump siting (Ridge) are still being received by the Tribal Council.
Neither the toxic nor the atomic waste will be contained permanently, and both will eventually contaminate the ground and surface water.  This is literally a brilliant idea.  Hunters won’t have to shine because the deer will glow in the dark.  The deer may be deformed because of the radioactivity and we may be weakened because of radiation-induced cancer and thyroid problems, but if there are deer left we’ll be able to see them at night with ease.  We won’t even have to pay light bills because we’ll glow in the dark also.  Pow-wows and bingo games will be so bright from the glowing crowd that we’ll have to wear sunglasses at midnight.
The atomic and toxic waste siting process needs to be fully illuminated.  We, the people who are a part of this land don’t need decisions made someplace else to destroy our land forever.  We hope you can see the light at the end of the tunnel—and that it’s not toxic or radioactive and glowing. Let’s preserve this land in its natural beauty.
Francis Blake, Jr.

2873.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1989). Rabbi Meir Kahane writes in the Friday, April 14 newspaper about the Jewish claim to Israel ...
Abstract: Minneapolis Star and Tribune
To the Editor:
Rabbi Meir Kahane writes in the Friday, April 14 newspaper about the Jewish claim to Israel, that the Jewish God gave them Israel 3,000 years ago and therefor the Palestinian State has no right to exist.  Apparently, the United States Government supports this concept of divine gift of land title—at least as far as Israel is concerned.
As Indians, we are not in a position to judge whether Mohammed or Moses more clearly interpreted the will of the God that Jews, Christians and Muslims share.  However, if the European colonists who call themselves the United States Government want to recognize ancient rights to the land given by the Creator, we urge them to do so uniformly.  That is, the American Indian Nations on these two continents were given this land by the Great Creator, Gitchi Manitou in the Ojibway language.  Our Indian religion is much older than Islam, Christianity and Judaism put together.  No matter what laws the colonial government (on the Indian land that you call Washington, D.C.) writes, the Great Creator gave Indian people this land over 100,000 years ago.  No amount of laws, no Christian God or any other God, can ever give Europeans clear title to this Indian land.
European colonists brought their concept of “war” with them to these Indian continents.  They use this scheme of “war” to steal other peoples’ land, to plunder other peoples’ resources for their non-sustainable and environmentally bankrupt economic systems.  (Karl Marx came out of the same mold.)  After they have over-run and devastated entire continents, the pole locked into these Feudal European thought patterns continue to use violence to hold our stolen Indian property by force.  This violence permeates their entire culture, and their own people as deeply as it hurts us.
All of the volumes of White European laws passed by the United States Congress, all of the encroachment legislation, all of the B.I.A. bureaucratic regulations, all of the Indian people imprisoned—these are all human rights violations.  And, using these genocidal tactics only proves neither the United States Government nor any other transplanted European government on these two Indian continents holds valid title to our Indian land.
Francis Blake, Jr.

2874.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1989). Recommend Europeans return to Europe. Ojibwe News.
Abstract: To the Editor:
The following letter appeared in the editorial pages of the Minneapolis Star Tribune of May 21st.
P.C. Frederick writes that, “if the Indians insist on this treaty, they should be required to fish with methods used when the treaty was agreed on.”
As Indians, we never did “insist” on the Treaty, it was a crooked European tactic, and the United States Government used treachery to force us to be at the forgeries of our signatures—at gunpoint.  It would be fine with us if the European immigrants, who are the “party of the second part” to the Treaty, restored everything to the way it was before the Treaty, annulled the Treaty and left.  You can get off our stolen land, you can put back the virgin forests and our permaculture, replace all the fish Whites have taken out, and put back the buffalo, passenger pigeons, eagles and everything else that has been plundered and destroyed by European immigrants.  Put the ore, all the gold and copper and petroleum and everything else, back in the ground the way it was kept by Indian people.  Dig up your dead, take your pollution and your diseases, and go back to Europe where you came from—and take your crooked government, paper money system, and religion with you.  Don’t forget all of the criminals emptied from Europe’s prisons and brought here as indentured White slaves because the upper class was too lazy to do their own work.  Go back to living in a stone hut with cows in the basement to keep your hovel warm-—and remember not to eat potatoes, corn, and all of the other good foods that Indians had here.  See if Europe wants all of her impoverished peasants back!
European immigrants have fattened themselves on Indian resources in Minnesota and Wisconsin for 150 years; we’ve been hospitable, and what we’ve gotten in return is greed, racism, and boorish bad manners.  After seeing what you foreigners have done to us, I don’t know an Indian who wouldn’t be delighted to have things back the way they were 150 years ago.  Personally, there aren’t many things I’d like to do better than spear by torchlight using a copper spear—in the clear pristine waters that we could drink from anywhere.
We didn’t ask European refugees and immigrants to come to this Indian continent, you forced yourselves on us, and have been acting arrogant and pushy ever since.  Indian people have been polite long enough, and the White man has taken our good manners for weakness.  No longer will we sit back and listen to you distort the truth and malign us.  Your crooked culture, government, religion, and value system will be challenged.
Francis Blake, Jr.

2875.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Red Lake sawmill court case. Ojibwe News.
Abstract: by Francis Blake
NEWS correspondent

UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE EIGHTH CIRCUIT, Dockets Number 85-5272 and 97-5188.  (Red Lake Band of Chippewa Indians, Red Lake, Minnesota, and Roger A. Jourdain, Chairman, Red Lake, Minnesota, v. Earl J. Barlow, Area Director, Minneapolis Area Office and Rex Mayotte, Superintendent, Red Lake Agency, Bureau of Indian Affairs, United States Department of the Interior, Donald Hodel, Secretary of Interior, U.S. Department of Interior.)
            Filed on May 2, 1988, the United States Court of Appeals ruled on the Red Lake Tribal Council’s complaint of August 3, 1983 to transfer $800,000 from the “Sawmill Account” [U.S. Trust Account No. 14X7285] to the operating budget of the Red Lake Tribal Council.  The Court rules to “require the Secretary [of the Interior] to determine the viability of a forest products business on the Red Lake Reservation,” in “an informal decision-making process.”  If the Secretary of the Interior feels that this $800,000 can be spent on forestry on Red Lake Reservation, then this money will stay under the control of the United States Government, in the “sawmill account.”
Approximately 11.9 trillion dollars ($11,900,000,000,000.00) worth of timber has been taken off of the Red Lake Indian land which the Red Lake Indian Nation kept under the 1863 Treaty (see map).  The United States Government has, under White European law, claimed Trusteeship over Indian people since 1824, explaining, “But now take a community that is not free ... a prison, an orphan asylum, a regiment of soldiers.  That is not self-governing; that is under control; that is a ward of the people. ... That is precisely the position which we are in with reference to the Indians.  They are under control.  They are our wards.  They are not free, not self-governing.”  Under this trusteeship, the $11.9 trillion which should be in the Red Lake Indian forest account has shrunk to $800,000.  According to the original complaint filed by the “Red Lake Band of Chippewa Indians, Red Lake, Minnesota, and Roger A. Jourdain, Chairman, Red Lake, Minnesota,” this $800,000 trust account includes “tribal income derived from the sale and operation of tribal resources.”
This suit was filed by “Tribal Attorneys” Edwards, Edwards and Bodin of Duluth.  Tribal Attorneys are “duly appointed” and approved by the Secretary of the Interior.  Under White United States law, nobody can be sued twice for the same thing.  This suit, along with all the cases heard by the United States Court of Indian Claims, is orchestrated, by the United States Government and the attorneys which the U.S. approves “for” Indian tribes, to protect the United States from future lawsuits over the liabilities which the U.S. Government owes Indian people: reparations, payment for land and resources stolen, damages, compensation for genocide and forced acculturation.  The present case is also a red herring to divert public attention from the legitimate claims of Indian people.
The Act of May 18, 1916 (39 Stat. 123, 137-8), amended on August 3, 1956 and again on August 28, 1958, used White law to “create a forest reserve” out of a forest which had already existed for hundreds of thousands of years on sovereign Red Lake Indian land.  This Act, as amended, gives the Secretary of the Interior a blank check to administer our forest and operate the Red Lake Sawmill.  Section 9 of this Act reads, “... The Red Lake Indian Forest shall be administered by the Secretary of the Interior in accordance with principles of scientific forestry that will encourage the production of successive timber crops for the benefit of the Indians of the Red Lake Band, and he is hereby authorized to harvest, sell and manufacture such marketable timber from any tribal lands within the Red lake Indian Reservation as he may deem to be advisable and, if the timber is the growth of Red Lake Indian Forest, in keeping with foregoing principles, ... (b) to establish nurseries and otherwise provide for the reforestation of said lands, and to construct sawmills and other facilities for the manufacture into marketable products of the timber harvested from said lands ... and (e) to employ such persons and use such means as he may find necessary to carry out the provisions of the foregoing provisions.  Any proceeds derived from sales of timber or timber products under this paragraph may be expended in payment of the expenses of any of the activities authorized by this paragraph, including construction expenses.”
According to the Solicitor’s opinion (July 31, 1951), “Under a provision in an annual appropriation act which states, without limitation or exception, that tribal funds may be advanced to Indian tribes for ‘such purposes as may be designated by the governing body of the particular tribe involved and approved by the Secretary,’ it is legally permissible for the tribe, with the concurrence of the Secretary of the Interior, to use the net proceeds from  the operation of a tribal sawmill for the purpose of meeting supervisory and scaling costs incurred in the sale of reservation timber ... in connection with the sale of cordwood and cedar from Little Pine Island.”  [The money from the Little Pine Island timber has disappeared.]
In 1958, the Bureau of Indian Affairs refused to recognize the Red Lake Tribal Council, and the 1958 Amendment to the Forestry Act read that the Secretary of the Interior could do whatever he wanted to Red Lake Indian Forests, “without Tribal Consent,” “because there was no Tribal Council.”  Under these White laws, the United States Government can do whatever they want to do what they haven’t already destroyed of the Red Lake Indian Nation’s forests, without our consent.  Secretary of the Interior Douglas McKay explained the U.S. Government’s attitude about “consent” in 1955, “In short, it seems to me that the principle of Indian ‘consent’ ... has most serious Constitutional implications... I believe it would be extremely dangerous.”  The Forestry Act openly violates Indian human and civil rights, as well as International Law.  Instead of talking about this, the Tribal Council has disenfranchised ourselves and our future generations, and participated in an orchestrated suit about $800,000 which is already spent.
The 1916 Act as amended required the Secretary of the Interior to administer the Red Lake Indian forests “for the benefit of the Indians of the Red Lake Band.”  According to Tribal Council Resolution 236-82, during the six months between October 1,1 979 and March 31, 180, the operating loss of the Red Lake Mill under the administration of the Secretary of the Interior was $314,752.62.  [According to the Department of the Interior, which published an account for Congress on June 24, 1958, the balance of the Account on January 31, 1958 was $1,455,440.29.]  The Tribal Council requested a full audit of U.S. Trust Account No. 14X7285, the “sawmill account,” but the U.S. Government would not provide it.  Using the Freedom of Information Act, this reporter and other members of the Red Lake Indian community have also requested accounting of the four “U.S. Trust Accounts” [including a second sawmill account, No. 14X7785] of Red Lake Indian peoples’ money held by the U.S. Treasury under White law.  The Bureau of Indian Affairs Trust Office would not provide accounts of these trust funds to enrolled members of the Red Lake Band and descendants of the signers of the Treaty (who the money belongs to), claiming that “it would take too many man-hours,” [the B.I.A. has all the Trust Accounts computerized], and then claiming that the Privacy Act prevented release of the information.  Whose privacy does hiding how $11.9 trillion disappeared protect?
On May 30, 1985, Judge Miles Lord found in favor of the “Red Lake Band of Chippewa Indians,” ruling that $127,788.61 should be transferred to the control of the Tribal Council.  The Tribal Council accepted this $127,788.61 payment instead of the $800,000 they sued for—and instead of the actual $11.9 trillion owned, and spent the money.  The United States Government Department of the Interior appealed the decision.  Among their assertions was that the “Doctrine of Sovereign Immunity prevents the Red Lake Indians from suing the United States Government.”  The Sovereignty of the Red Lake Indian Nation was not considered.  According to the defense, release of Red Lake Indian Money from the Sawmill Trust Fund “would expend itself on the public treasury,” although [they write two pages later], “the United States merely holds the money for the beneficial owners, here, the Red Lake Indians.”  The U.S. Government also said that the only way that they would even consider releasing the Sawmill Trust funds would be as a per-capita payment [about $106 per person].  The Tribal Council requested transfer of the funds to Account No. 14X7284, which “is the general fund which the Tribal Council uses for administrative purposes.  Although the Bureau of Indian Affairs must approve the release of funds from this account, this approval is essentially pro forma ... and pursuant to the Tribal Council’s annual budget.  The money is paid to the Tribal Council directly ...”
If this court case was legitimately in the interests of the Red Lake Indian people, the case would be well-publicized on Red Lake Indian Reservation, ad the Tribal Council would be calling on the Red Lake Indian people to back them up n court.  The copy of the court proceedings which the Ojibwe News  obtained had fourteen pages of the Tribal Council’s exhibits missing.

2876.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1990). Reflections from Indian Country: In the last column, I wrote about identities.  Wherever the Indo-European people have gone and stolen other peoples’ land, their elite has been giving people identities ... Ojibwe News.
Abstract: In the last column, I wrote about identities.  Wherever the Indo-European people have gone and stolen other peoples’ land, their elite has been giving people identities which are created by Indo-Europeans.  These identities are designed to restructure the society of colonized and occupied people, and put them under control.  By control, they mean total slavery—owned by the Indo-European upper class.  It’s pretty well hidden now by “land of the free, democracy” propaganda, but an 1891 civics textbook explains that human beings are the personal property of the Sovereign Monarch.  What it does not explain is that the European monarchies are still theocracies.  Protestant people are the personal property of the Queen of England, through the Church of England; Catholic people are the personal property of the Holy Roman Empire and the Pope.  Once a person accepts an Indo-European man-made hierarchical identity as their own, they are no longer free, and they no longer own either themselves nor any land.
Aboriginal Indigenous people hold our own personal Sovereignty and our religious sovereignty as individual human beings.  We are free people.  Sovereign Aboriginal Indigenous people do not need a broker to talk to the Creator (as Christians do); there is nobody between us and the Creator.  We are free, and the beauty of all Creation is our Sacred Cathedral.
One of the things that European Monarchs did is promote intense racism in order to keep their slave-subjects from fraternizing with Sovereign Aboriginal Indigenous people, in order to keep their subjects from finding out what Sovereignty is.  If European immigrants had been “allowed” to associate with Aboriginal Indigenous people as human beings, particularly when our traditional language and culture were still intact, the entire Indo-European slave-system would have fallen apart as subject European slave-people woke up and reclaimed their personal Sovereignty, their Sovereign Traditional religions, and their European land.  (A few people woke up anyway, but the revolutions, civil wars and Great Depression were turned into restructuring back under hierarchical European control.  Subject people can’t run away, because their slavery is built into their language.  They don’t know what freedom is, nor how to be Sovereign.)  “Chippewa,” “Sioux,” “Eskimo,” etc. are insults, a part of this racism, derogatory labelling and stereotyping.  This racist categorization is part of what was used to keep the Europeans and the Aboriginal Indigenous people polarized and keep the Europeans from learning what Aboriginal Indigenous people can teach them.  This racism is still promoted, even against mixed-blood people who have been trapped into the identity of “Indian,” because of the Indo-European elite’s need to maintain the privilege that comes from owning slave-people and to perpetuate their parasitic man-made value system.
When the Indo-Europeans came to these two continents that belong to the Aboriginal Indigenous people, they found Sovereign and Free people.  The Indo-Europeans were not free and they were not Sovereign; they were under the control of the Pope and the European Royalty.  They had to answer to a series of higher-ranking subordinates all the way to the Pope; they were and still are slaves.  When Columbus and those who followed him “claimed” our land, they did not claim it for themselves, they claimed it for the Kings and Queens, for the Pope.  The Indo-Europeans had been slaves for centuries, and did not know about freedom.  If they did question their slave rank, it was called anarchy or heresy and they would be tortured and thrown in prison.  There are still laws against “anarchy” on the statute books, but they are not enforced against the elite (who wrote the law).
Columbus called the people on these continents “Indians,” because he thought he was in Indian.
Another one of the schemes that the Indo-Europeans used to steal and plunder was Treaty-making.  Under the Traditional Aboriginal Indigenous economic system, money was useless, and the land was held jointly by the Clans through the Midewiwin and couldn’t be sold, anyway.  The Europeans followed the same strategies which had been used against hem by the Roman Empire, and by the Greeks and other colonizers before them, and created mixed-blood people who were owned by them and under their control.  The mixed-blood people’s Sovereignty was held by the Europeans because they had European fathers, and under Indo-European law they were automatically low-ranking subjects owned by the Indo-European empires.  They did not have high-ranking status.  (They were given the identities of “minorities” and “ethnics.”  The Aboriginal Indigenous people are neither minorities nor ethnics, but instead are the Sovereign owners of this land.)  The mixed-bloods did not own any land—but because these mixed-blood “Indians” were owned by the Europeans under Indo-European patriarchal slave-thinking, they could be forced to act as scouts against their mothers’ people—and to sign “Treaties.”  Mixed-blood people have been absolutely necessary in the expansion of the Indo-European Empires throughout recorded history, but because they do not own their own sovereignty they have not benefitted from this.  One of the strategies that Indo-European hierarchies use is psychological control: the mixed-blood people were pressured and manipulated in ways that made them desperate to be accepted by their white fathers.  These are the people who are called “Indians,” that’s why there is a Bureau of Indian Affairs.  There isn’t any Bureau of Anishinabe Ojibway Affairs, nor Lakota Affairs, nor Inuit Affairs—but Indian people were genetically engineered (this is genocide) by the Indo-Europeans and are not Sovereign.  This is not Indian land and never has been, and never will be.  Indians are from India, or they are people who accepted the stereotyped, hierarchically-controlled identity given to them by a lost Indo-European pirate and the Queen who hired him.
Indian children are not placed in foster care nor adopted out; it’s the Anishinabe Ojibway children who are taken away from their community by the Indians—the Indo-Europeans who hire Indians to do their dirty work, to break up the Anishinabe Ojibway Nation.  To be blunt about it, I think that some of these United States Indian Citizens are guilty of complacency in genocide, when they keep on “doing their job” of fostering out and adopting out Anishinabe Ojibway and other Aboriginal Indigenous children.  Indians do not adopt out their own children; that’s what the Indian Child Welfare Act is about.
According to the Red Lake Chippewa “Tribal” Code, when a white person comes onto the reservation, he is not subject to Indian law, and he does not recognize the legitimacy of Traditional Aboriginal Indigenous law.  But, when an Indian goes off the reservation, he is subject to the Indo-European colonial laws under the United States, the state, the county, the European mother/fatherland, and the church.  Most of the people walking around with “Indian” identity cards have mostly Indo-European ancestry; maybe that’s why the Indian Tribal Code is written like that.  Crooked English.
I am not an Indian.  I am not a Chippewa.  I am not a Red Laker, and I am not an American.  I am Sovereign of the Anishinabe Ojibway Nations and of the Bear clan.  I was born into the Midewiwin, and the Midewiwin religion is Sovereign, and it is through the Clans of the Midewiwin that this land is owned, jointly.
United States citizens are told that democracy is “of the people, by the people, and for the people.”  This is crooked English, because “the people” means just for the privileged.

2877.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1990). Reflections from Indian Country: Stealing personal Sovereignty and abolishing personal identity of Indigenous people is a necessary part of Indo-European colonization ... Ojibwe News.
Abstract: Stealing personal Sovereignty and abolishing personal identity of Indigenous people is a necessary part of Indo-European colonization and Indo-European democracy.  These genocidal tactics are not included in the United Nations Convention against Genocide.  The people who wrote the Genocide Convention were from the privileged class of Indo-Europeans (or the people they had trained).  Indigenous people had no input into the Genocide Convention and the Indigenous people are the ones against whom the most heinous crimes of genocide have been committed over the last 500 years.  The Genocide Convention, the way it was written and very belatedly ratified by the United States, is partly public relations and partially protection for ethnic peoples who are already part of the Indo-European empires.
How did the Indo-Europeans steal Anishinabe Ojibway peoples’ identity?  By the 1850’s, more than 90 percent of us had already been killed by genocidal tactics including germ and chemical warfare.  Smallpox and forcing Indian children to drink milk from tubercular cattle were among the germ warfare tactics.  After most of the surviving Sovereign Indigenous people had been forced into the prison camps called reservations, the U.S. used warfare-occupation tactics to, as President Roosevelt said, pulverize the Tribal mass.
The US’s establishment of the court of Indian offenses was a part of their long-range tactics of total annihilation of Sovereign Indigenous people.  As the commissioner of Indian affairs explained in his 1889 annual report, “It was found that the longer continuance of certain old heathen and barbarous customs [sic] ... were operating as a serious hindrance to the efforts of the government for the civilization [sic] of the Indians.  It was believed that in all of the tribes many Indians [sic—he meant halfbreeds] would be found who could be relied upon to aid the government in its efforts to abolish rites and customs. ... There is no special law authorizing the establishment of such a court ... The policy of the government for many years past has been to destroy the tribal relations as fast as possible, and to use every endeavor to bring the Indians under the influence of law [steal Indigenous Sovereignty].  To do this the agents have been accustomed to punish for minor offenses, by imprisonment in the guard-house and by withholding rations; but by the present system the Indians [halfbreeds appointed by the government] ... pass judgment [as directed by the Agency superintendent].”
The US brought in foreign courts and they used a foreign currency, the Indo-European dollar money system, for court-imposed fines.  Where were Sovereign Indigenous people going to get US dollars?  It was a completely alien system, not part of our Traditional economy, and people had to serve time.  This one-sided promotion of the dollar-money system broke up a lot of families—as planned.  The whole court system was foreign: the Roman Empire’s law, the money system, forcible confinement, even the language.  Most people didn’t even know why they were in jail, except for being a Sovereign Indigenous person—the Indo-Europeans were jealous of our sovereignty and our land and resources, and we were jailed because of Indo-European greed.  The Tribal Court in Red Lake is a direct descendent of these Courts of Indian Offenses established by the Secretary of the Interior (order of April 10, 1883).
The Tribal Courts and the people who the US government hired for both these courts and the police are not and never have been Sovereign people of the Red lake Anishinabe Ojibway Nation.  The “courts” and the people hired by the US to administer them have no business being on Sovereign Anishinabe Ojibway land.
Almost all of the Indian people employed by the US in the Tribal Court and law enforcement system have been mixed-blood people whose Sovereignty was already held by the US government, people brought in from other places under the Nelson Act, or Indo-European Indians given Indian identity by the government.  This group of people is the same group as the government used in the treaty-making process—and it is quite clear that the US considered these people to be their citizens.  They were enumerated in the Minnesota Territorial and first state census: “in the summer of 1849, John Morgan, sheriff of St. Croix County, was directed to take a census of the population of the territory, as provided in the Organic Act. ... it was very desirable that a full count should be made, and no pains were spared to enumerate all the white and mixed-blood [half-breed quarter-breed, and French] inhabitants.”  Full-blooded, Sovereign Indian people, the people of the Clans, were not counted, because they were not citizens and not under the jurisdiction of the US nor of the State of Minnesota because they were Sovereign.  Many sovereign Indian people are still not counted in the census; we are not citizens of the US and this is our land.
Many of the same families who were enumerated in the 1849 census, and who were citizens of the US, also signed the 1863 Old Crossing Treaty, and received payment for selling land that wasn’t theirs.  These same people were then drafted—not volunteers—into the US Army during the Civil War, because they were citizens of the US.  A citizen of the US cannot sign a treaty for another nation with the US.  There were no Sovereign lawyers representing Sovereign Indigenous people at the treaties, just crooked priests and politicians, and halfbreed “interpreters” who were getting their cut of what was being stolen.  There were a few honest Europeans who got caught up in the treaty-making process.  They said, “These treaties are going to come back to haunt us.”
It is an old colonial strategy to create halfbreeds whose Sovereignty is held by the colonizing power.  The halfbreeds were created by the government intentionally, and they have served the government well as Century 19 real estate agents.  Some of these same families who were paid for Red Lake land on the few annuity payments actually made for the Old Crossing Treaty, received halfbreed scrip out of both the treaty with the Mississippi band and the Red lake Treaty, and sold that.  They were given Mahnomen Township and sold that, along with most of the rest of White Earth,  Under the 1889 Nelson Act, some of them signed three or four different times on different reservations to sell much of what remained of Red Lake.  Now, some of these same families are back in Red Lake, trying to sell what little we people of the Clans have left.  After the Confederacy lost the Civil War, the Union sent hordes of carpetbaggers into the South to destroy the Confederate infrastructure, occupy the South, and sell off the Old Plantations.  After they finished in the Old South, the government bought covered wagons out of the crooked Sacred Trust Funds, and sent the carpetbaggers West.  They were called “settlers” but they were carpetbagging both Indigenous peoples’ land, and the Spaniards who had colonized them.  Many of the government’s “card-carrying Indians” still fill the same role of carpetbagger in occupied Indigenous Nations including Red Lake.
Orchestrating conditions which create an owned and controlled class of “mixed bloods” is an ancient Indo-European colonial practice designed for destroying Indigenous people—that’s why it’s not in the Genocide Convention Act.  It needs to be there.  The way the Indo-European laws are written, Indo-European men have the tacit right to father illegitimate children with as many Indigenous women as they can.  But when an Sovereign Indigenous man marries an Indo-European woman, it’s called miscegenation.  When a Sovereign Indigenous man marries any woman, he takes her into his patrilineal Clan and gives her Sovereignty; that’s what the US didn’t want.  When Indo-European men had children with a Sovereign woman, their children were not Sovereign, but they were useful to the Indo-European colonial government and it was encouraged.  Half-breeds were created for specific purposes: to sell and; to infiltrate the community; to act as interpreters, clerks and intermediaries.  Even though Indo-European society is also patrilineal, and even though the fathers of some of these mixed-blood children had high hierarchial rank including European titles of nobility, the mixed-blood children did not inherit from their fathers.  These mixed-blood people played a vital role in treaty-making (even though they had no business there because the Indo-Europeans had already taken away their birthright) and other Indo-European colonization tactics—but where are the mixed-blood bankers, the mixed-blood Senators, the mixed-bloods in the upper class?  The colonizing power is trying to disown responsibility for the mixed-blood children they created: by telling lies, saying that Indian society is matrilineal—but Anishinabe Ojibway Clans are patrilineal.  Some of these mixed-bloods have legitimate claims to estate land, castles, noble titles, and other valuable (although stolen) property in Europe through the patrilineal—primogeniture—line.  Although they have no claim to Sovereign Indigenous peoples’ land, who knows, some of the people who call themselves Red Lakers might own a vineyard in France ... they could wreck their livers with vintage French champagne.
[continued next time]

2878.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1990). Reflections from Indian Country: The original game plan of the government, as outlined in the Lake Mohonk Conference of “Friends of the Indians” and other places ... Ojibwe News.
Abstract: [Started last time]
The original game plan of the government, as outlined in the Lake Mohonk Conference of “Friends of the Indians” and other places, was to used the Mixed-bloods to destroy Sovereign Indigenous people, and then assimilate them into the melting pot of the Indo-European population—although near the bottom of the hierarchy (because of racism).  This strategy continued until Hitler’s genocide against Slavic, Gypsy, Jewish and other people aroused world outrage.  The US had almost succeeded in wiping out Sovereign Indigenous people, and they needed Indians, quick, to show the world that they weren’t the role model that Hitler claimed they were.  So the plan changed, and the U.S. government had to create Indians.  Some of these created Indians on tribal rolls all over the US have nothing  but European ancestors, but they have a little laminated card that they carry around showing that they are a federally recognized Indian.  (In working on a genealogy of Red Lake, I found that several families of these people didn’t have any Ojibway relatives, but that most of them were closely related on the European side.)  These people’s identity is defined and controlled by the US government; they are blackmailed into following orders by being told, “with one stroke of the pen, you will no longer exist.”  (Real Anishinabe Ojibwe people don’t need a laminated card to know why they are.  We obviously have ancestors who were Native Indigenous people.  We don’t need to be federally recognized or federally defined, and “one stroke of the pen” and we will exist, regardless.)  The card-carrying Indians are sentenced to being Indian by the U.S. government to cover up the genocide; many of them hate being “Indian” but that’s how the colonial system works.  Their identity is controlled by the government; they don’t know why the are.  They act out the roles given to them in cowboy-and-Indian movies, they are living caricatures of the Indo-European stereotypes of Indians.  These victimized people are the real Indians (Indians is a category invented by a lost European pirate who thought he was in one of the far corners of the Earth—he didn’t now the world was round); we few Sovereign Indigenous people of the Anishinabe Ojibway Nations who survive are not Indians, and have nothing to do with this Indo-European created identity.
The Indo-Europeans tried to destroy everything Indigenous on these two continents, and mutate what was left into something that fit with their way of looking at the world; to take our peaceful, harmonious and balanced society and make it over into a clone of Indo-European violent and brutal slave-states.
One of the places where intense attacks on Sovereign individuals—and thus our culture and values—was carried out was in both the government and [Trust Fund subsidized] church boarding schools.  Language is an essential part of any culture; it is a pattern carried inside of each person for understanding the world.   The Anishinabe Ojibway language is a powerful language.  During the fur trade and colonization it existed along with the mixed-blood’s language, Chippewa, which is a different language mutated into an Indo-European world-view.  The Sovereign Indigenous children who spoke Ojibway were beaten every time we spoke a single word of our language; for a period of fifty years, three generations of Indigenous children were isolated from their parents and held prisoner in boarding schools to change their identity, to program and brainwash us.  Mixed-blood children, however, often lived at home with their parents and were allowed to speak Chippewa.  Ojibway music, dancing, pow-wows, and other parts of our Indigenous culture were only permitted by the US when they were mutated into Chippewa by mixed-bloods.  Most of what is presented as “Indian” is a deformed parody, patterned after Indo-European ideas of what “Indian” should be.  They are insulting and making fun of Traditional Sovereign Indigenous people.  Having men dance in jingle dresses is an example.
Another attack on our peaceful, egalitarian society was also at the boarding schools.  Every Ojibway child was scared to go to bed at night because, when they shut the lights out at night, we knew that the prefect would come and turn the lights back on in about ten minutes.  Some of us would get beaten by a strap while we laid in our beds.  The prefect kept a roster of all of our names, and he put check marks on it during the day.  If we did something, he would wait until the night-time, and walk through the dormitory with his list.  We never knew as he walked by our bed, whether he would stop and beat us or not.  Sometimes, when the lights were turned out after the beatings and some of the children were crying from being beaten, a few minutes passed and the lights would be turned on again.  The prefect would go through the dormitory again.  This was to give us our new identity, so that we would become violent like them; some of the children used to say, “when I grow up, I will come back and knock the hell out of that son-of-a-bitch.”  When that child said that, he had already been changed, and he was already made violent.  He was civilized the way the Indo-Europeans define it.  Those people who grew up in the boarding schools know what I am writing about.  They almost took my own identity; I had to come back to the land and find my roots.
The violent psychological warfare of the boarding schools changed the identity of many egalitarian and non-volent people into a violent one defined by Indo-Europeans as so-called civilization.  When the child who had been trapped into accepting violence as a part of his own identity grew up and went back into his community and raised a family, there would be domestic violence, and then the violence became self-perpetuating.  The people who had been forced into this violent identity hated themselves, but they were caught in a web; many turned the violence against themselves in one of many self-destructive paths that are a part of Indo-European culture.  The psychological warfare had worked and he had lost his egalitarian identity.  He had taken violence as a part of his own values, and he lo longer had a non-violent defense against the violence of alcoholism, drug abuse, prisons and violent propaganda on T.V. and in the newspapers.  After three generations, the government thought that enough egalitarian Indigenous people had been civilized into violence, and the extreme and obvious violence of the boarding schools was discontinued in the 1940’s; the goals and objectives had been almost accomplished.  But, the Circle of Life comes around.  Black Elk said that the Tree would almost wither and die, but then it would bloom again.
Part of stealing our Anishinabe Ojibway identity was what was done with our names.  Because we were not allowed to speak our own Anishinabe Ojibway language, we could not even say our own name.  Giving us Indo-European (“Christian”) names was part of trying to force us into a new identity under Indo-European control.  The whole regimented, militaristic institutionalization of the boarding school was preparing us for colonially-defined identities: cannon-fodder in the military, cheap and slave-labor, jail and prison inmates, alcoholics and drug addicts—all of the at-the-bottom-of-the-hierarchy identities that are under strict control, and necessary to maintain the hierarchy.  These controlled identities are changed at the pleasure of ranking subordinates of the hierarchy: if an alcoholic or drug addict is picked up and sent to prison, he immediately loses his identity as “ drunk” or “alcoholic” and becomes just a number.  He can’t complain, that’s how the system works. Hitler tattooed numbers on his concentration-camp inmates to take way their identities; nobody could complain.  Now that people have been sentenced into the identities of “drug addict” and “alcoholic,” the government is promoting Fetal Alcohol Syndrome to rub salt into the wound.  The consequences of the chemical warfare—which is how drugs and alcohol are still used on Indian reservations—might play a big part in Fetal Alcohol Syndrome.  But, it is also a convenient blame-the-victim strategy for hiding the effects of acid rain, toxic pollution, nuclear waste dumping, malnutrition, and all of the other Indo-European-created environmental hazards that hit people who live close to the land first.
I went to a garage sale the other day and bought a chimookomon from a wabishkiwe-inine for fifty cents.  That’s identity.

2879.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1990). Reflections from Indian Country: The real issue in the standoff between the Mohawk Nation and Canada/England is Sovereignty ... Ojibwe News.
Abstract: The real issue in the standoff between the Mohawk Nation and Canada/England is Sovereignty.  The Mohawk Nation, part of the ancient Six Nation confederacy, has been asking for Indo-European recognition of their Sovereignty as a Nation ever since European Nations withdrew recognition of the Mohawks after signing Treaties with them.  The Europeans recognized Mohawk Sovereignty but their intentions were not honorable.  The Mohawks were a peaceful people and peaceful, egalitarian Sovereign people cannot exist side-by-side with warlike Indo-European piracy and plunder empires—peaceful and harmonious ideas are subversive to hierarchical societies and Hitler didn’t invent “the Final Solution.”
There is another Canadian issue in the news that directly relates to the refusal to recognize Mohawk Sovereignty that led to the Euro-Canadian army’s invasion of the Mohawk Nation.  With the rejection of the Meech Lake Accord, the French-speaking people of Quebec are once again talking about leaving the Canadian Confederation.  One of the strategies which has been discussed to keep Quebec within the Confederation is using the Governor General to block Quebec’s moves toward “Sovereignty association.”  The Governor General is appointed by and responsible to the Queen of England; in spite of “repatriation of the Constitution,” the Queen of England still holds the sovereignty of the English-speaking European people in Canada.  The conflict between the French (most Catholic) Quebecois (whose sovereignty is held by the Pope of the Holy Roman Empire) and the English-speaking Canadians (whose Sovereignty is held by the Queen and the Protestant-Episcopal Archbishop of Canterbury) has it roots deep in European history.  This conflict has been reinforced over the centuries by European wars and the ethnic violence which is embedded in their language, their culture, and in Indo-European traditions which are so detached from the real and natural world that virtually all Europeans cannot see for themselves what is real, what is man-made, and what is propaganda.
The European people do not hold their own Sovereignty; their ancestors lost it at least a thousand years ago, and some of them lost it four or five millennia ago.  The Sovereignty of European people has been held by a series of theocracies (alleging separation of church and state is legerdemain—Crooked English).  The Church/Royal property and slave (“subject”) people are administered by an elite who is allowed to hold enough “wealth” to give them almost unquestioning allegiance to the system.  Part of the way in which the Indo-European hierarchies (including those under the sovereignty of the Queen of England and of the Pope) have deepened their control and expanded their territory for six thousand years is by disrupting the people on the lower levels of their artificial hierarchies with factions and violence.  The courts, the police, and the rest of the hierarchial infrastructure keep the oppressed people from either seeing clearly or dealing effectively with where their problems are really coming from: that’s why they are there.  This kind of control includes taking away whatever identity people do have, and manipulating them into Indo-European hierarchically controlled identities: “drunk,” “drug addict,” “gang member” “welfare recipient,” criminal,” “minority,” “our Indian,” etc.  Racial stereotypes are part of these projected identities and Indo-European psychological warfare.  T.V. violence reinforces the context of these artificial, imposed identities.  If people do not know who they are, they can’t figure out the world around them, and they are predictable and under control, “programmed” and regimented into the identity that was created for them, owned by the elite, slaves.  Both jails and United States Government “Indian” boarding schools are part of the strategy of stealing people’s identity which as been refined by Indo-European hierarchial slave-states over a period of 5,000 years.
If a Euro-Canadian tries to say they are “independent from England,” they should look at whose picture is on their money.  England maintains control over virtually all of her “former” colonies through their economic system, among other ways.  Land stolen from indigenous people throughout the world is still called “crown land.”  Prices for products coming from “former” colonies are controlled in Europe.  Commonwealth territories are administered by people trained in Europe, using Indo-European bureaucratic structures, Indo-European social infrastructures, and crooked Indo-European languages.  The legitimate aboriginal peoples’ title to land—all over the world—is not recognized by either the Pope or the Queen.  This is one of the many methods used to steal: others include crooked English, genocide, and forced education in boarding schools to take away Indigenous peoples’ identity and thus their knowledge of their Sovereignty; as well as their harmonious egalitarian stewardship religions.  Many Indigenous people are forcibly starved [this is part of what ecological destruction is about] into rigid hierarchical exploitive “religious” world-views, for example Christian Manifest Destiny.  “My brother’s keeper” is abused as just another way of stealing from Indigenous peoples.
Indo-Europeans have subsisted without their own Sovereignty for so long, that they do not understand what the Mohawks are talking about.  Hundreds of centuries of violent hierarchical Indo-European history have obliterated almost every trace of personal Sovereignty for Indo-European people and their societies.  The Indo-European hierarchial system is designed so that Sovereign people, including the Mohawks will get absolutely nowhere talking to flunkies, lackeys and political hacks.  Part of the role of these high-level subordinates is to maintain the power structure, absorb the responsibility for the Euro-Canadian and other Indo-European subordinates’ refusal to recognize Mohawk Sovereignty.  Their subordinates do not have Sovereignty, it has been beaten out of them by thousands of years of the same kind of violent repression that they are trying to do to the Mohawks, and so they do not understand what the Mohawks are talking about.
Traditional Algonquin society, including both the Mohawk Nation and the Anishinabe Ojibway Nations, is egalitarian society.  Every single member of all the Traditional Algonquin societies held their own personal Sovereignty.  Indo-Europeans may hold their property “in common” as a group of non-Sovereign people, and that’s why they pay taxes up the hierarchy.  The Indigenous people, including the Anishinabe Ojibway people, held their land jointly, through the Clans.  The land is held jointly by Sovereign people who cannot sell it.  Both the Anishinabe Ojibway Midewin and the Six Nations Longhouse are a part of this joint stewardship of the land by egalitarian Sovereign people.
Both the people of the Midewin and the people of the Longhouse had writing which inherently recognized joint, Sovereign stewardship of the land by all of the People.  Both the Midewin and the Longhouse have had many of their sacred writings stolen by Indo-Europeans in the early 1900’s.  Bank robberies are good public relations for the Indo-European monetary system; Indo-Europeans realized that our writing was valuable enough for crooked people to steal.  Also, but ethnocentrically, they refuse to recognize its legitimacy as writing.  Apparently the Queen of England is cross-culturally illiterate; she only recognizes land titles she or her predecessors had written in crooked English.  (Reading all of their invented land titles written in Crooked English is enough to make a person want to throw up.)  The Royal Families and Religious Sovereigns of Europe have been isolated, fawned upon, and pampered for so long that maybe they can’t see the humanity of other people or feel the magnitude of the suffering created in their name and called “unique” all over the world.  The privileged class just underneath them on the hierarchy helps to maintain the myths that their parasitic artificial class system depends on; it seems as though the only Sovereign people left in Europe are so coddled by pomp and ceremony that even they have lost sight of their roots as human beings.
Machiavelli, in his cunning textbook for dirty politics, The Prince, wrote about Sovereign people.   What he said was that Sovereign people were extremely dangerous to an hierarchial state because Sovereign ideas are infectious.  Just about every Indo-European political figure since then has followed Machiavelli’s guidelines, and tried to annihilate Sovereign people and their knowledge of the world.  Mahatma Gandhi recognized this.  He wrote, “European democracy as it functions today is deluded Fascism and Nazism.”  The Indo-Europeans who call themselves Canadians surrounding the Mohawks with tanks, rockets, machine guns, and bombs—on Sovereign Mohawk land—are a crystal-clear example of this Indo-European/Canadian Hitler complex.

2880.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Satire--Wanted: There is an urgent need for volunteers and donated equipment for the Anishinabe Maanashigan Project ... Ojibwe News.
Abstract: WANTED: There is an urgent need for volunteers and donated equipment for the Anishinabe Maanashigan Project.  Ojibway Indians and persons from the Red Lake Area are especially encouraged to apply, although we are an equal opportunity employer.  The most important criteria for volunteers are plenty of enthusiasm and physical agility.  The Anishinabe Maanashigan Project needs donations of a large tank with oxygenator and temperature control, and a 3-ton truck capable of hauling the tank and equipment.  Also needed are a boat and motor, and a fish-trap and nets for handling fingerlings.
The goal of the Anishinabe Maanashigan Project is to share with less fortunate persons off of Red Lake Indian Reservation.  Due to the extensive stocking programs and efficient management of the Minnesota Department of Natural Resources, the Department of Interior Fish and Wildlife Bureau, and the Army Corps of Engineers, we at Red Lake have been blessed with an overabundance of an introduced species, Solver Bass, colloquially known as “Sheephead.”
The Minnesota Department of Natural Resources has been using Red Lake spawn and the facilities of the Red Lake Hatchery to stock numerous Minnesota lakes with Red Lake Walleye, Red Lake Northern Pike and Red Lake Muskies for many years.  We do not want to discriminate against our neighbors, and in the Indian way will share our good fortune in Sheephead with White fishermen and tourists.  The Anishinabe Maanashigan Project will stock Minnesota lakes with ample Silver Bass.
These fish are delicious eating—we have included a few recipes below—but we must caution newcomers to this delicacy that Silver Bass are extremely susceptible to accumulations of PCB’s and Mercury.  We urge all Northern Minnesota Whites to contact your elected representatives and the Minnesota DNR to assure the purity of your lakes and groundwater, and to make sure that your area does not receive acid rain, which leeches mercury and other toxic materials into lake water.  The Red Lake Indian people are pleased with the opportunity to stock your lakes for you, but we will not be responsible for the consequences of the White man’s pollution.
We should also like to caution “sportsfishermen,” particularly “jocks” who like to “catch and release,” that the Silver Bass is not a fighting fish.  The Silver Bass is a gourmet fish who will eagerly follow your bait and jump into your boat.  If your frying pan is close enough to the water, he may even leap into the frying pan!
To our deep regret, Red Lake Indians cannot share our bounty of Silver Bass with off-reservation persons through normal commercial channels.  Under Title 25 of the United States Statutes, we cannot sell these excellent fish for any price off of the Reservation, nor can we even donate them to the needy.  Under present statutes, we are forced to either bury our bountiful catches of Silver Bass, return them to the lake, or upon occasion sell a gourmet delicacy for two cents a pound as animal food.  This is contrary to our Indian values but is forced on us by White legislators.  Although Title 25 Statues may change at any time due to bureaucratic whim, we would like to assure our friends and neighbors of a permanent and reliable supply of Silver Bass.  We will stock every lake in Minnesota that has ever received Red Lake spawn, minnows, or fingerlings—as well as any other lake that requests stocking—with sufficient Silver Bass to assure the same ratio of Silver Bass to all other fish that we are endowed with in Red Lake itself: fifteen pounds of Silver Bass to one pound of other fish.
We are including with this article a few recipes to introduce you to this delicacy.  A recipe booklet containing twenty-five delicious Silver Bass recipes can be bought at the address below for five dollars.  The Silver Bass is a very versatile fish, and can also be used in traditional European recipes, including Lutefisk.
Volunteers and donations of equipment, please also contact the address below.
May you rejoice, and enjoy your abundance of Sheephead!  Happy fishing and happy eating.
            The Anishinabe Maanashigan Committee
            Department S
            The Ojibway News
            P.O. Box 903
            Bemidji, MN 56601

2881.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). A traditional perspective: Democratic government on Indian land. Ojibwe News.
Abstract: “Assimilated” is defined by the New Century Dictionary as: to make like, accordant, or conformable; liken or compare; convert into a substance suitable for absorption into the system; appropriate and absorb or incorporate, as the body does food.
The United States Government has had numerous studies and schemes for the assimilation of Indian people.  U.S. policy-makers have never explained openly whether they use “assimilation” to mean destroying Indian culture and making Indian people “like” Europeans, or whether they mean appropriating, absorbing and incorporating and thus destroying our resources and our people.  Either way, assimilation is a con game designed by crooks with a criminal mentality.  They have made it clear that the goal of assimilation is to take Traditional Indian people away from the land and resources that belong to us; to turn us into robots and regimented mechanical men [the ideal citizen of the Corporate Feudal State[ that will believe the lies and propaganda handed down to them, and thus make us disappear into the “melting pot” of immigrants that occupy these Indian continents.  This paves the way for the “Big Lie” that this land belongs to White European immigrants.  But we won’t disappear.  We’re not the “vanishing American” like our teachers tell us in school.  Thousands of generations of our ancestors are a part of this very land, and our spirits are still with us.  Indian roots grow deep in this land.
The dictionary makes it clear that assimilation mans destruction of our culture, our religion; the stealing of our land and resources by the crooked upper-class elite.  Assimilation can only be accomplished by violating our human rights; and the end result of assimilation is always genocide.
Just recently, the United States Supreme Court handed down a ruling on a case from the Hoopa Valley Indians.  In their ruling, the Supreme Court “found” that creating conditions which make it impossible for Indians to practice traditional religion was not a violation of the freedom of religion clause of the Bill of Rights.  The Court case involved land which has belonged to the Hoopa Valley Indians for thousands of centuries; the Supreme Court sided with the White Christian men’s timber-products corporations, and did not even question the made-up title that the United States used to steal this land.  [And they told us their own Bible, that they’re always swearing to tell the truth on, says “thou shalt not steal.”  But what’s to be expected from people without morals or conscience.  How else could they preach about liberty, justice and freedom, when the very Supreme Court building is on stolen Indian land.]  The scheme is that, by making Indian people citizens of the United States, Indian people lose all rights that lower-class, immigrant, [Christian] citizens of the U.S.A. do not have.  In one breath, we are told by whites that the United States has separation of Church and State, and then in the same breath we are told that the United States is a Christian Nation.
The United States Government funded Christian religious organizations in Indian country for more than a hundred years.  Their mandate specifically included destroying Indian culture and traditional religion.  In the early 1960’s, a self-proclaimed Christian institution (which still occupies 360 acres of stolen Red Lake Indian land which the United States Government “gave” them in 1889 as part payment for destroying our Indian religion, language, and culture), decided that their assimilation program was in high gear.  So, the Christians bulldozed our cemetery and used our ancestors’ gravestones as road fill.  What if the Church had done this to a White cemetery?  What would happen?  The Bible is used to justify slavery [local example: $3.35 an hour minimum wage]; to mandate Manifest Destiny and genocide around the world.  Christians tell us that the Bible is the literal Word of God; in studying the way the White man uses the Word of God we haven’t been able to figure out what he means by “good” and “evil.”
Democracy apparently has a thousand meanings, like the Bible does.  Democracy as a political system came from Greek slave-states; only the elite male citizens had any voice at all in government.  This foreign concept called “democracy” still works in the same way, although our teachers did not make it quite clear in school that “the people,” the way the imported European says “of the people, by the people, for the people,” means only the few Whites of the upper class.  In the Anishinabe Ojibway language, “we the people” means everybody.  “Democracy” is a slippery, forked-tongue word.
After 50 years of seeing the 1934 Indian Reorganization Act (IRA) “democratic” form of government that the United States forced onto Red Lake Indian Reservation as a part of their assimilate-the-Indians agenda, it becomes quite clear that “democracy” means government for, by and of the White corporations and upper-class (and excluding farmers).  Since 1959, nearly all of our beautiful forests have been clear-cut, and our permaculture has been destroyed.  Multi-national corporations have made billions of dollars, jobs for Whites and off-reservation economies have been subsidized by Indian resources, and what the Red Lake Indians have gotten is 90% unemployment, a devastated land, and the same old “democratic” propaganda tactics and colonial resource plunder.  No amount of money could ever compensate us for what’s been taken by unilateral and encroachment legislation under “democracy”—but we haven’t been paid except in rumors.  I’ve heard about “the big payment coming” for these past 60 years, and none of us will probably ever see it, since it’s a deception.  It’s too bad we can’t buy junk cars and cheap furniture with rumors.
The IRA “Tribal” chairman, after he colluded with the BIA to get the colonial “democratic” IRA onto then-sovereign Red Lake Indian land, keeps hollering “duly elected,” and “federally recognized”—this is what the BIA tells him to say.  When we complain about our civil rights being violated, we are told, “you voted for it.”  So-called “democratic government” steals the Traditional Indian peoples’ sovereignty and resources, and then turns around and uses our stolen sovereignty against us.  An example is, destroying our traditional food system, and then not allowing food stamps on the Reservation.  Any legitimate Traditional Indian government would stand up for our people, our land and our treaty rights, and defend our people against human rights violations.  The IRA “Tribal” Councils can’t stand up for Traditional Indian people because they are colonial “democratic” governments ultimately controlled by the corporations.
The Indian Reorganization Act split up our community into four “democratic” districts or wards, and took away the community participation and accountability in government that we had with our Traditional Chiefs Council.  Red Lake Indian people had seen what the “democratic” Indian Reorganization Act did on other reservations, and we didn’t want an IRA “democratic” government.  So, the United States government had to use trickery, deception and fraud to get it passed.  Their shenanigans would make any snake-oil salesman green with envy.  They also used the word “revised” on the boilerplate IRA constitution that was put in here—the implication was that they were revising the old Chiefs Council Constitution, but they were not.  It seems like the “democracy” on the Indian Reservations I’ve seen isn’t very different from the gunpoint democracy of other United States colonies like El Salvador, the Philippines, Korea, the Shah’s Iran, etc.  The kind of “democracy” that the upper-class White male citizens of the United States have for themselves is very different from the “democracy” they promote to the subject peoples of their colonial empire.  The United States’ “democracy” is a divide and rule scheme when it is forced on other people.  What it works out to is, “let’s you and him fight.”  The kind of democracy advocated by the United States doesn’t work for Traditional and Tribal peoples, but it works for the USA.  While the factions that they’ve created and precipitated are distracted by the fighting they’ve mandated, the U.S. meets little resistance to their stealing and oppression.  [And, weapons manufacturers are subsidized—upper-class “welfare.”]
The South Africans come right out and admit that they have a racist, apartheid social structure.  The reason that the U.S., Great Britain, and other colonizing countries cannot do more than gently scold the South Africans is that everywhere the Europeans have colonized, all over the world, they have imposed something quite similar to apartheid on the Traditional peoples to steal their land and resources, to enslave them in exploitative money-economics, and to destroy their identity, traditions and permaculture.  Maybe they can’t help it; it’s embedded very deeply in Indo-European language, religion, culture and economics.  Adolf Hitler studied the United States—he said he was going to do the same thing to the Slavic Russians as the “U.S. did to the Indian people” [Albert Speer—Inside the Third Reich].  “Democracy” works for Uncle Sam, but it doesn’t work for the people that the land really belongs to, and it never will.
Cold war propaganda is a diversionary tactic.  Communism is set up at one end of the political spectrum and “Democratic” Capitalism at the other.  Tribal governments are not even talked about, as though we do not exist.  Both Communism and Capitalist Democracy come from the same Feudal, hierarchial traditions.  One has “colonies” and “client states,” the other has “satellites.”  Both systems violate human rights and plunder other peoples’ lands.  Both Communism and Democracy are doing the same thing; they are buying time to steal.
Any government, whether “satellite,” “ally,” or colonial “democracy,” which is forced onto another group of people is designed to oppress and to plunder.  Any so-called “civilized” nation which passes laws for another people is committing human rights violations.  Any nation or corporation which steals—openly, covertly, militarily or using their money system—the subsistence base of Tribal peoples is committing genocide.  This heinous crime of genocide is condoned, endorsed and abetted by so-called “Christians” around the world.  “Assimilation” programs are an attempt to cover up crimes against humanity by destroying the victims, then blaming them for their own destruction.
Francis Blake, Jr.

2882.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1990). Treaty rights are a news issue again. Ojibwe News.
Abstract: To the Editor:
Treaty rights are a news issue again.  The European-Americans who want to abrogate the Treaties have been orchestrating demonstrations and supporting racist organizations like Stop Treaty Abuse.  As far as this treaty Indian is concerned, if the European-Americans want to abrogate the Treaties—and return all of our land and restore the resources that they have abused for over a century because of the Treaties—that’s just fine.  Put all the buffalo, all of the trees and fish and passenger pigeons and everything else back.  Then, show the European-American members of Stop Treaty Abuse whose fault it is that there aren’t very many fish.
The 1863 Old Crossing Treaty hasn’t been brought to national attention by racist anti-Treaty organizations, yet.  We extend an invitation to the Stop Treaty Abuse people to come up here: we’d like some national attention focussed on the mindless clear-cutting of our forests by the non-Treaty 1934 Indian Reorganization Act Tribal Councils.
Part of the problem is that not all Indians have Treaty rights.  There are Treaty Indians and there are non-Treaty “Indians” (in Canada, these non-Treaty people are called “metis”).  The people hat the United States Government allows to serve on the 1934 I.R.A. Tribal Councils that the U.S.A. invented and controls, are almost all Metis.
The Bureau of Indian Affairs has used many methods to define and identify who is an Indian for the U.S.A.’s purposes.  These have included measuring people’s heads, taking blood samples, and fancy fraction “blood quantums” down to 3/64th.  The Bureau of Indian Affairs says that it is, “very difficult to determine who is Indian,” and they have a lot of different definitions to fit every crooked deal that might come up.
In the European-Americans’ greed, through organizations like Stop Treaty Abuse, it has become very simple to identify who is Indian and who isn’t.  There are Treaty Indians and there are non-Treaty “Indians”—Metis.  (There are also “generic Indians” who do not have any Indian ancestors at all.  These people do not have any Treaty rights, Indian land or sovereignty.  It’s very simple.
A Meti, non-Treaty “Indian” has a father or patrilineal grandfather who was European-American or some other hyphenated-American.  The Bureau of Indian Affairs called these men “squaw men,” and brought these low-class European scoundrels onto Indian reservations for the exact purpose of having as many Meti children as possible: people without Treaty rights.  This Indo-European strategy of screwing Sovereign people out of their land, their Sovereignty, and their birthright has been used by Indo-European colonizers over all the world they knew about, for more than 2,000 years.  The racism that has been a part of hierarchial Indo-European society since it was invented, keeps these Meti people in the more tolerant traditional Sovereign communities, where they marry back in and keep on creating more people without Sovereignty, land, or Treaty rights.
Many people have the illusion that “tribal enrollment” gives enrolled people Treaty rights and Sovereignty, but it does not.  The United States Government controlled tribal enrollments until they had their puppet 1934 I.R.A. Tribal Councils in place and under their thumb.  Almost all of the people on these 1934 I.R.A. Tribal Councils do not have Sovereignty or Treaty Rights.  In Red Lake, almost all the people who worked for a quarter of a century to disenfranchise the remnants of our Traditional government and put the I.R.A. in here, did not have Treaty Rights.  The people who forced allotment of White Earth did not have Treaty Rights.  (These outdated tactics to steal land have run their course.)  The European-American men went through all that trouble to abrogate the Treaties individually by bringing in Squaw men, and he’s not going to “give” any land or other Treaty rights back.  That’s not how he acts.  “Tribal Enrollment” doesn’t mean anything, it’s just European equity that the European-Americans used to illegally sell Indian land.  (How can these Metis without Treaty Rights sell something they do not own?  They cannot sell Indian land or Treaty Rights.  Even the Clans cannot sell land, it belongs to the Indian religion and cannot be sold.)  After the land is allegedly sold, government funding is cut off, and the Metis are taxed right off of the land they helped steal—and then they feel the full force of Title 25 and the other Jim Crow laws and regulations.  This has already happened in White Earth and other parts of the country where the Metis claim to have sold the land.
Treaty Indians are the patrilineal descendants of the Indian people who were part of the Treaties.  Treaty Indians still have their patrilineal Indian Clan and their Dodem.  (Indian society is matriarchal but patrilineal.  Traditionally, it is balanced.)  Treaty Indians are sovereign people—through their clan and through the Indian Religion [in the same way, the White man’s sovereignty is held by the Judeo-Christian religious empires].  Treaty Indians own the land jointly as a part of their Clan.  (Under the United States’ enrollment scheme, the Bureau has been trying to say that the land is held in common, but it’s not.)  The Clans—Treaty Indians—have an egalitarian society where government is by the consensus of all the sovereign people who belong there.  Metis, non-Treaty Indians have their fathers’ European clans, even though the racist European-Americans might recognize them as members.  Metis do not own themselves or their sovereignty, they are under control.  According to unjust European hierarchial systems, everything European is jointly owned by the Holy Roman Empire, the Church of England, and the Sovereigns of the European Nations.  European-Americans do not own any land, that’s what property tax and eminent domain is all about. Red Lake is STILL a Sovereign nation held by the Indian Religion and jointly by the Clans, AND THE LAND IS NOT FOR SALE AND NEVER WILL BE.  This is Red Lake Anishinabe Ojibway land and cannot be sold.
The United States Government refused to recognize the Traditional, Clan government of the Red Lake Anishinabe Ojibway Nation when they deceptively “put democracy” onto Red Lake like a thief in the night.  We, the Traditional Red Lake Anishinabe Ojibway are still here, and we are still Sovereign, and, for that matter, we don’t have to recognize the United States, either.  As far as we’re concerned, the territory they claim is all stolen Indian land illegally sold by Metis who did own it.
Title 25 of the United States Statutes (and all the rest of the United States Statutes) apply to non-Treaty Indians, to Metis who are United States citizens under the jurisdiction of United States law.  What’s amazing is that this Jim Crow legislation was ever written.  (If you’ve never read Title 25, get a copy and go to the back of the bus to read this Jim Crow crap.)  Why in the world would the European-Americans want to write such totalitarian racist legislation for their own clansmen, for a group of their own relations that they planned and fathered?  While they’re at it, why don’t they write several volumes of racist legislation for the descendants of Scandinavian women, they could call it the “Uff-dah Statutes,” or maybe for the Vietnamese mixed-bloods.
All of the Chippewa (another word for Metis) 1934 I.R.A. Tribal Councils, all of the appointed Chippewa leaders that are in public view, do not have Treaty rights and do not have Sovereignty.  Yet, they say that they are speaking for the Traditional Sovereign Ojibway Indian people who still have land and who have Treaty rights.  This is a conflict of interest, and also fraud.  We can speak for ourselves.
The issue in Red Lake right now is not spearfishing off of the Reservation, it isn’t even U.S.-created elections.  (I don’t have to vote, this is Sovereign Indian land and we Clan members and Treaty Indians already have our Sovereignty and the Traditional government we have had for many thousands of years.)  The issue is trespassers and land thieves on the Reservation.  We are over-run with Metis who are fraudulently claiming to be Treaty Indians, who have abused our wildlife, clear-cut our forests, and been greedy with our fish.  These Metis are illegally claiming Sovereign Red Lake land, in violation of the Treaty.  They are politically embarrassing us by pretending to be sovereign Treaty Indians.  These Metis were intentionally created by the United States Government, and they are citizens of the State of Minnesota and of the United States.  They are trying to hide behind our Sovereignty, and some of them are even trying to claim 40 acres each of our Sovereign land.  They are violating the Treaties.  If the Clans tell the Sheriff or the D.N.R. that they want Meti troublemakers removed from Red Lake Indian land, then the Sheriff has to come and get them.  They are subject to all of the laws that the European-Americans have written, and the U.S. is responsible for their European clansmen.
We asked a high-ranking European-American bureaucrat about Indian Sovereignty.  He told us that the reason that Indians couldn’t have full Sovereignty was that “criminals and gangsters would hide out on the reservations.”  We’ve got news for you, these impostors and crooks and land thieves are already hiding out on the Reservations.  For example, Metis on White Earth posed as Indians, and sold the land out from under the Indian people although they had no right to sell it.  The United States Government has the same plans for Red Lake, that’s why the Chippewa Metis without land or Treaty rights are given jobs, houses and money by the United States Government to keep them in our community.  That’s also why they want us to have their kind of Judeo-Christian Democracy, rather than our Traditional, Sovereign egalitarian and free society.
The Metis have legitimate complaints against the United States Government: cultural genocide is one of them.  Part of the reason that the I.R.A. councils were put together the way they are is to hide this cultural genocide.  Both the Nuremberg Principles and the United Nations Genocide Convention were written by Indo-Europeans, in European languages, with no input whatsoever from Tribal peoples.  The Genocide Convention needs an addendum or an amendment.  There needs to be a provision against bringing European males into Sovereign communities to hybridize the community and destroy their Sovereign rights.  This Christian tactic is a very popular European colonial strategy, that’s why it’s not in the Genocide Convention—it was mostly Judeo-Christians who wrote it.  The International Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide must be rewritten to protect all people around the world.  There has been an enormous amount of damage done to Tribal peoples everywhere in the world by this racist genetic and cultural “engineering” (destruction).  The Genocide Convention and all other International Law must have the full participation of all Sovereign Tribal peoples, and must also be written in Tribal languages.  The European languages that International Law is written in now are crooked and have racism built right into them.
Francis Blake, Jr.

2883.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Welfare Concerns: The politicians are warming up for November’s elections, and already letters to the editor are starting to wave the WELFARE! flag ... Ojibwe News.
Abstract: The politicians are warming up for November’s elections, and already letters to the editor are starting to wave the WELFARE! flag.  Behind the rhetoric of “bad families,” Indian people are being blamed for something that we didn’t create, don’t want, and which is causing us a great deal of harm.
In October of 1986, just before the last round of elections, the Bemidji Pioneer ran some blame-the-Indian “Welfare” articles, including one (on the 24th) with the headline, “Red Lake Reservation welfare programs cost $640,000.”  If the reader remembered the facts and figures from other articles published around the same time ... from the Minneapolis Star and Tribune as well as the Pioneer, read the October 24 article very critically, and had a calculator, it would have been clear that the actual amount that Beltrami County taxpayers paid for Red Lake welfare services was $0.00 (zero dollars and zero cents).  According to the Pioneer’s article, “both funds combined fell $1,200 short of expenses with the county having to pay the difference.  What actually happened is that money from the State of Minnesota was transferred from one column on the books to another—Beltrami County’s out-of-picket expense was ZERO.
Welfare is a favorite election-year subject.  The 1987 budget for Beltrami County Social Service’s branch office in Red Lake was $635,000.  Red Lake funding was $487,000.  Minnesota State Equalization Aid was $148,000.  Cost to Beltrami County was $0.00 (zero).  However, benefit to Beltrami County is quite considerable.
The 1987 “Program Costs” for Beltrami County Social Services, Red Lake Office were $509,000.  The administration costs were $132,000 (25%).  Of this, at least $123,000 were salaries—to non-Indian people who live off the Reservation and presumably pay Beltrami County property taxes, as well as spending the rest of the salaries off of the Reservation, for a cost of $0.00 (zero).  These Beltrami County residents have seven jobs, and an influx of at least $123,000 into their economy.
The 1987 “Program Costs” were $509,000.  Of this, over 47% went for Foster Care: providing “services” to 60 children at $4,000 per child (and leaving $3,219 unmentioned).  (The Foster Care portion of Minnesota’s total $1.2 billion 1987 welfare budget was so small as not to appear in a category budget.)  The actual foster-care payments, at least to Indian foster parents, are considerably less than $4,000 per child per year. “Placement” of Red Lake Indian children outside of their homes is also handled by several other agencies (and is funded by a number of sources including the Federal Government, private foundations, and the churches); the total number of Indian children removed from their families is not available, and the total number of Indian children taken away from the Indian community and “placed” in White homes or institutions is also not available.  Most of the money spent on “foster care” goes outside the Reservation economy: either directly through payments to White agencies and White foster parents, or directly as Indian foster parents buy groceries, clothing, and other necessities in Bemijdi.  The guidelines for Foster Care in Red Lake conform to White Minnesota standards, and thus forcibly remove Indian children from the Red Lake Indian community.  [This is in violation of Article II, section e of the International Convention on Genocide.]
The second-largest “Program cost” of the Beltrami County Social Services, Red Lake Branch, is A.F.D.C., $144,616 in 1897.  This is 2% (two percent) of Beltrami County’s total A.F.D.C. costs.  The population of Red Lake Reservation is (using the Bemidji Pioneer’s figures) around 16% of the Beltrami County population.  Beltrami County’s unemployment rate is slightly less than 10%.  Red Lake Reservation’s unemployment rate is over 90%, mostly because the White man’s economic system drains money off of the Reservation and into the White economy.  Not considering the differences in unemployment, Red Lake Indians would have to have eight times as many A.F.D.C. recipients as there are now, to even reach Beltrami County’s non-Indian A.F.D.C. rate.  The next time somebody in Bemidji wants to write an article about Indian “welfare mothers,” they should look in their own backyard first.  After all, the White man brought in their welfare system.
The balance of $121,165 of the Beltrami County Social Services, Red Lake branch budget is used for community social services, semi-independent living skills, elder alternative care, and “other.”  This money also quickly leaves the Reservation economy and is absorbed by the non-Indian economy—as was planned.  The need for all of the services provided by the Beltrami County Social Services, Red Lake Branch, was created by the White man.  Blaming Indians, in article after article, for the social conditions created by this system is nothing less than racist propaganda.
Whatever problems that there are in Red Lake Indian Nation are a direct result of the White economic system (including stealing our land, our timber, and our other resources—and destroying our permacultural system of agriculture); of the White governments’ taking control of our community away from the people that it belongs to; of Machiavellian motive, slimy tactic policies of assimilation, integration, and acculturation [destroying Indian culture]; and of the documented effects of the Welfare system (which was forced on us) of destroying community economies, personal initiative, and families.
Furthermore, through the tax structure, Red Lake Indian people are actually PAYING the entire $640,000 budget of the Beltrami County Social Services, Red Lake Branch—and a lot more.  In cigarette taxes alone, we pay over three-quarters of a million dollars a year to the State of Minnesota.  The money comes back to Beltrami County through Welfare “equalization funds,” spends less than thirty days on the Red Lake Indian Reservation, and then goes right back into the outside economy as Indian people buy food, clothing, utility services and the other bare necessities of life.  Red Lake Indians also pay gasoline taxes ($.17 Minnesota Tax per gallon); income tax, alcohol tax; 6% Minnesota Sales Tax (directly and indirectly) ... and the resources which have been stolen from us are the very foundation of Northern Minnesota’s White-controlled economy.
The Red Lake Indian people did not ask for, and do not want the welfare system which as been forced on us so that our resources could be stolen—by “blaming the victim.”  The colonial Indian Reorganization Act government which has agreed to the welfare system, commodities, and other insults to human dignity was described by a State bureaucratic wag, “A corrupt government is better than no government at all” [most likely they meant the Minnesota Legislature also].
Francis Blake, Jr.

2884.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Who says Indians don't pay property tax? Ojibwe News.
Abstract: By Francis Blake, Jr.

“Indians don’t pay taxes.”  That’s what Congressmen, county commissioners, certain political reporters and non-Indians living near reservations like to tell Indians (even though this assertion is rarely printed so openly).  The U.S. Constitution even has a couple of phrases referring to “Indians not taxed.”  This is one more piece of propaganda that needs to be cross-examined; one more myth that needs to be debunked.
The white man says that “nothing is certain but death and taxes,” but this is a feudal European point of view.  Before the white man came to our continents, Indians had never heard of taxes (or jails).  Indians have also never taxed the hordes of European people who have wandered across the oceans to our land in the past 496 years.
There are different categories of taxes, all of which entrench the stratus quo of a non-feudal class system (including the ‘have-nots,’ the people just getting by, and the ‘haves’ who control the money and pay few taxes).  Taxes that Indians pay directly in hard, white cash include income tax, sales tax, utility tax, gasoline tax, tobacco tax and liquor tax.  It is true that Indians are not directly taxed and openly assessed property tax on “trust property” (trusteeship is a European apartheid concept and illegal non-recognition of Indian nations), and some political reporters point this out with regularity while molding public opinion, particularly about welfare.  However, this is a strategic ambiguity—Indians call it “forked-tongue English”—that only reflects a surface appearance.
Taxes are paid with money, U.S. dollars.  How did this money system come about?  The 13 colonies had quite a few printing presses, but went heavily into debt during the Revolutionary War.  Just a few years after the revolution, people started saying “sound as a dollar” (they don’t say that any more, and “a penny saved is a penny earned” (and nobody would work for a penny anymore, either).  Paper money is just so much kindling without collateral to back it up.  What has backed up U.S. Currency during the past 212 years?
Early in the first session of the 1st U.S. Congress, a big scam began: treaty making with Indian nations.  More than 400 treaties were made, and in every one Indians lost a lot of property.  This property backed the U.S. dollar, both as collateral and through direct payments into the U.S. Treasury from the General Land Office, which sold stolen Indian property.  And people say Indians don’t pay property taxes?  The present value of Indian property (even polluted and clear-cut) that has been stolen this way is worth more than the total U.S. dollars that have ever been in circulation.  The real irony is that the few “treaty payments” that were actually made, were made in U.S. dollars backed by Indian property.  If the colonists would have been honest, Indian people would have been a major part of the money system, because it was Indian land and Indian resources which made it possible.  The U.S. could have had all the printing presses in the world, but without collateral, their paper money would have less value than one of Hitler’s Reichmarks after World War II.
Even though the U.S. unilaterally broke off diplomatic relations with Indian nations (after they had stolen almost all our Indian property) by passing a law against making any more treaties (encroachment legislation), the scam continues.
The U.S. government has an idea how much they’re liable for under international law, and so they’re trying to “close the books” by suing themselves under the U.S. government’s “Indian” Claims Commission.  When a person tells a lie, they often have to tell a lot more lies to cover the first lie, and this is exactly what the U.S. government is doing.
In government and government-supported mission boarding schools, we were told that the U.S. dollar was backed by the gold in Fort Knox.  The white teachers and nuns lied to us while calling us “savage” and “uncivilized.”  If basing an economic system on stolen property is “civilized,” then maybe abandoning our identity and taking on the values that the European nomads have shown us isn’t such a good idea.  The gold in Fort Knox came from two places: stolen from Indians (mostly by vagrant Conquistadors who plundered many galleon loads), or else mined from Indian property by roving bands of white immigrants and their indentured slaves.
“Balancing the budget” is something that candidates talk about after every election campaign.  This is either strategic ambiguity or outright lying, or probably both.  Deficit financing is a con game which puts a lot of money into the pockets of certain influential people through interest payments, and the inflation it creates is a politically acceptable way of reducing the real minimum (slave) wage, pensions, middle-class savings accounts, and social security payments.  The U.S. national debt is just another way of entrenching the feudal class system which the roaming immigrants brought with them from Europe.  Big deficits redistribute wealth (the rich get richer), steal from people who aren’t born yet, and create a fraudulent illusion of prosperity when it doesn’t exist.  The last time that the U.S. budget balanced was under President Andrew Jackson.  “Stonewall” Jackson relocated the Cherokee nation in the Trail of Tears.  The Cherokee nation’s stolen land was sold, and the proceeds were used to pay for the Louisiana Purchase, with enough left over to balance the U.S. federal budget.  (And they told us in school that only criminals bought stolen property.)  The land covered by the Louisiana Purchase was, n turn, used as collateral to print more money, which funded armed invasions of Indian nations farther west, and was used to “buy” more Indian property including Alaska.
The tactic of using treaties to steal Indian property whenever the U.S. needed money was used until 1887.  The reason that Abraham Lincoln had people in the western Ojibway nations making treaties during the Civil War was because the Union needed more money.  In 1863, the Red lake Anishinabe Ojibway nation made a treaty with the U.S. in which we ceded over 12 million acres in exchange for “perpetual peace and friendship” between sovereign nations.  This property included the Red River Valley.  General Land Office “sales” of this fertile land financed the last year of the Civil War and paid for Sherman’s march into Atlanta.  After the Civil War was won, the U.s. Congress passed a unilateral “amendment” to the 1863 treaty which abrogated that treaty (the U.S. made only a down payment on this Red Lake Indian land).  However, the U.S. government printing presses are still cranking out dollars with the Red River Valley as collateral.
While social scientists have made whole careers analyzing the “mystique” of tribal economic systems, they don’t look at the hocus-pocus, flim-flam, voodoo, con games and criminal activity in inherent in their own monetary system.  Why would any sane person sell their soul, destroy the earth that sustains them, fight wars, kill their own family, betray human values, for pieces of printed paper?  Because it is Indian property that is used by the U.S. to back U.S. currency, Indian people have a responsibility to speak out against the evils that this currency creates.  What kind of economic system do you have where a priest would threaten people’s spirits with torture forever, if they don’t give his church pieces of printed paper?  Reservation missions still call Indian people “lazy” and “no-good” if we don’t give the church money, but Indian people have never had access to the white man’s money.  He prints it, controls it, and it’s his crooked value system even though stolen Indian property is used as collateral.
Worldwide, U.S. collars are used to create a camouflaged colonial empire based on economic exploitation and on using paper dollars to steal other people’s property.  The U.S. colonial strategy was developed against Indian nations, and continues on the remnants of Indian nations.  The white, feudal dollar economic system is sued to entrench the Bureau of Indian Affairs and their bureaucratic arm, the 1934 I.R.A. tribal councils.  It is used to subsidize “sellouts” (traitors), to create a hidden agenda of forced assimilation and try to create a feudal class system like the noble/serf system that the foreign nomads who stole this continent knew so well.  White dollars are even used to commit genocide: traditional Indian people are denied access to the dollar economic system based on their own stolen and “trust” property, and then, Catch-22, their children are taken away from them and placed in white homes because Indian parents suffer the effects of poverty as planned.  Criminal encroachment legislation by the U.S. Congress has stacked the deck, and uses the white values and white, feudal paper dollar economic system to make them winners and us losers.
The U.S. Congress just passed “Indian gaming” legislation.  What they are saying is, “Dollars belong to whites, not Indians.”  Whites have claimed for a long time that “the power to tax is the power to destroy.”  The Indian gaming bill is just another crooked piece of racist encroachment legislation, another illegal assault on Indian people.  Nobody but the U.S. gave the U.S. Congress (or the states) authority to pass laws governing Indian nations.  Every single “Indian” law (including the June 6, 1924 Citizenship Act) was passed without Indian consent (the 1934 I.R.A. tribal councils are not legitimate Indian government).  All of these encroachment laws are illegal under International Law, and all of them are human rights violations.  Indian people have never been part of any of these laws.  At least some whites are ashamed of the laws that they have passed.  That’s why political science is not taught in reservation schools, is why the corporate media observes a “hands off” policy, and is why the U.S. Congress periodically has white-wash investigations of “Indian Affairs.”
In the Indian way, the Great Creator owns the land.  The people of each Indian nation occupy the land jointly, and are responsible for maintaining the permacultural systems that were so bountiful.  Property tax originated in Indo-European feudal systems: the serfs paid the noblemen, and the nobleman paid the king for “protection.”  Al Capone extended to the pattern to Chicago, and called it “insurance.”  (As Mark Twain wrote, the churches also sell “protection”—they call it indulgences, Mark Twain called it “fire insurance” and we call it “sin tax.”)  The word “county” is a feudal term meaning the land controlled by one nobleman.  Present-day serfs pay in white dollars not in grain, but the idea is the same.  The king condoned bandits and criminal activity—after all people needed some threat so they’d be willing to pay for “protection.”  From an Indian point of view, it doesn’t seem as though this strategy has changed much.  We remember one election year when Bemidji was hailed as a “crime capitol,” and the subsequent funding of a new multi-million dollar jail.  Crime supports the myth that the printed pieces of paper called dollars are valuable—people willing to risk their lives robbing banks are one example.  Crime is a necessary part of the way that the white man governs.  Thousands of hours of propaganda called “crime shows” are broadcast on TV networks each ear.  These provide role models and lessons for future “criminals,” and a background of terror for taxpaying social classes.  The media also encourage drug use (for example, beer commercials), and then crime and whole paramilitary bureaucracies are created through high illegal drug prices.  Criminals terrorize the lower classes and keep them from organizing while the upper class exploits them, justify civilian military operations called “police,” and has been part of the U.S. culture ever since they started printing dollars against stolen Indian property.  Indian people didn’t have criminals and we didn’t need jails.
White people don’t even have clear white man’s title to any land.  Four (five counting the multinational corporations at the top) levels of government claim “eminent domain” over stolen Indian property, and if “landholders” don’t pay their taxes (feudal rent), they lose their right of occupancy.  People living under a paper money economy are slaves—they must sell themselves by the hour instead of being sold by the lifetime, but they still must be sold in order to survive within that system. Welfare, as its tout Franklin Roosevelt told J.D. Rockefeller, is just a buffer to maintain the  status quo.  (Communism and Capitalism have their roots in the same feudal structures, and from an Indian point of view there doesn’t seem to be much difference.)
Indian people have been taxed, literally, out of almost all of our property.  Indian resources still support Minnesota’s dollar economy.  The few dollars that do come into Indian hands don’t make it into our pockets (as planned), they go right off the reservations and back into the white economic system.  We don’t even get our fair share of the white cash dollars that we pay in direct taxes. U.S. dollars are the white man’s currency system, and the way it is organized the money returns to upper class White people’s pockets.  U.S. dollars are based on racism and have always used property stolen from Indian people as collateral.  Saying “Indians don’t pay taxes” is parroting malicious propaganda.

2885.   Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1986). With regard to Mr. Aaron Beauchamp’s letter ... Bemidji Pioneer.
[letter to the Bemidji  Pioneer]
To the Editor:
With regard to Mr. Aaron Beauchamp’s letter published in Friday’s Pioneer:
Aaron Beauchamp writes, “Why should special attention be paid to a minor language? [meaning Ojibway]”  His (perhaps unconscious) arrogance and bigotry stand out loud and clear.  He does not explain how a “monolingual society is necessary for unification.”  He also does not clarify his slippery English and forked-tongue speaking—there are many possible meanings for “unification.”
He says, “‘Oppressed’ people normally cry out for unity.”  On the Red Lake Reservation, we are treated as a colonially occupied nation, with indirect rule completely controlled from outside the community by the United States Government.  The U.S. Government has written policies [accessible to any non-Indian: carefully read the 27 volumes of present B.I.A. policies] of divide and rule on the Red lake Indian Reservation.  So, the kind of unification which we would like—which would eliminate much of our oppression and the resultant problems—is impossible.  More “official” English will only make it worse.
But, what kind of English is Aaron Beauchamp using?  What he probably means by “unification,” implied by “monolingual society,” is “unification with the dominant society.”  The United States Government has been using considerable force over nearly a century to make Red Lake Indian people “unify.”  Explaining this forked-tongue speaking and slippery English, what this kind of “unification” means is assimilation, integration, and ultimately losing our identity and becoming non-persons hidden among the helots in the dominant forked-tongue English-speaking feudal society.
Black people have been “crying out” for more than a hundred years for the kind of “unification” that Aaron Beauchamp seems to advocate.  Blacks have risked their lives for integration and assimilation.  And yet, obscured by forked-tongue English and the bureaucracy, the de facto apartheid U.S.A. (America) retains an unwritten policy of segregation and discrimination.  Here “lies” “unification.”  They say that “actions speak louder than words”—in any language.  We wrote earlier that English is a foreign language on this continent.  As any linguist understands: language, customs, religion and the way a society is put together are inseparable.  The uses to which the English language (which Aaron Beauchamp advocates as our only language) has been put together include domination of feudal England and then exploitation and colonization over the entire world by the British Empire.  The form and function of any tool, including the English language, are also inseparable.
We realize that the “English first” people are saying only that they want an “official language.”  This alone will “inflict punishment” on non-English-speaking citizens: disenfranchisement, economic loss and abuses in a legal system which uses slippery English and forked-tongue speaking.  I’m not “making accusations.” Just one example is the apartheid laws forced on Indian people, written in very slippery “monolingual” forked-tongue English in title 25 of the United States Code.  These racist laws impose forced “unification” of Indian people into the bottom of the feudal social hierarchy which exists in the United States today.
“English first” is a small first step—on a very short path.  Do you “recollect” the Holocaust, Aaron Beauchamp?  Any surviving speaker of Yiddish, Romany, or the Slavic languages will be glad to clarify.  We are not “accusing.”
Also, there are still volumes of genocide laws against Indian people on the books in the United States of America [another example: Public Law 280]—and they are written in deviously-worded bureaucratese, slippery English and forked-tongue speaking.  Go to the Library of Congress and see for yourself.
We repeat, English is a language of inherent lies.  “Bring me your tired, your poor, etc.,” is written on the Statue of Liberty.  Refugees from feudal Europe were lured to the “land of milk and honey” with forked-tongue promises and slippery words.  In the “new land,” they found transplanted the same exploitive European feudal structure they had fled from.  They were “given” land, only to discover that the White “American” descendants of European feudal lords, merchants, and clergy are the real “Indian givers.”  Who owns the land?  Not the farmers.  Just don’t pay taxes on “your” land, and the feudal structure will become quite clear.
How about your President or your Vice President, would they lie to you?  Or would they beat around the bush, using slippery English and forked-tongue speaking?
Mee gwitch.
Francis Blake, Jr.
Ojibway Anishinabe

2886.   Shoemaker, N. (1991). The American Indian recovery: demography and the family, 1900-1980 (population recovery). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.
Abstract: European settlement of the Americas initiated a devastating decline in the native population. In the area now lying within the United States, the American Indian population dropped from an estimated several million people in the 15th century to fewer than 250,000 in 1900. Since then, however, the Indian population has increased until now there are over one and a half million Indians in the United States. Research in American Indian historical demography has focused on the catastrophic population loss caused by European contact. We know considerably less about the population recovery, the phenomenal growth of the Indian population in the twentieth century. This dissertation explores the reasons behind the population recovery, relying primarily on analysis of individual-level U.S. census data spanning the years 1900 to 1980. The dissertation has two parts, divided chronologically. The first half compares five Indian tribes at the turn of the century: the Seneca Nation in New York State, the Oklahoma Cherokees, the Red Lake Ojibways (or Chippewas) in Minnesota, the Yakimas in Washington State, and the Navajos in the southwest. I compare changes in their population growth in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, their demographic rates in 1900 based on data samples collected from the 1900 U.S. Census manuscripts, and the cultural and economic differences among them which explain why some tribes were able to recover from population loss earlier and more rapidly than others. The second half of the dissertation uses a national data sample for Indians, whites, and blacks from the 1940 through 1980 U.S. Census Public Use (Microdata) Samples. Since 1940, increases in the rate of urban migration, Indian intermarriage with whites, and other factors have brought Indians more into the mainstream of American society, but at the bottom or near bottom of the socioeconomic ladder. Simultaneously, Indian family and demographic patterns have increasingly come to resemble those for whites and blacks. Also, the differences apparent in these three groups are increasingly explainable by gaps in income and education levels.

2887.   Shoemaker, N. (Nancy Lynne). (1988). Urban Indians and ethnic choices : American Indian organizations in Minneapolis, 1920-1950 . Western History Quarterly, 19(4), 431-447, ill., 24 cm.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 24837554
Abstract: Title from caption. Discusses the American Indian Association and Tepee Order, Twin Cities Chippewa Council, Minnesota Wigwam Indian Welfare Society, Twin Cities Indian Republican Club, Sah-Kah-Tay, Ojibway Tomahawk Band, and the Ojibway-Dakota Research Society of Minnesota.

2888.   Shore, F. J. (1993). The Canadians and the Metis: the re-creation of Manitoba, 1858-1872. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Manitoba (Canada).
Abstract: The modern history of the Canadian West began prior to 1860 when local peoples created a political, economic and social framework for themselves within the old Hudson's Bay Company territory. The early 1870's saw the re-creation of the North-West into the image of Ontario. The problem for the new Canadians arriving in what they perceived as an extension of Ontario was that the Metis had previously laid claim to the territory as their national homeland. The actions of the first arrivals from Ontario in the 1860's politicized the nascent Metis bourgeoisie who organized to form their own local government. The Metis then forced the negotiation of the Manitoba Act containing terms favourable to themselves and the other Half-Breed peoples living around the Forks of the Assiniboine and Red Rivers. Metis success subsequently caused the politicizers to resort to violent methods after 1870 to regain Ontario's control over the area with the execution of Thomas Scott providing the motivation for such actions. The Red River Expeditionary Force (RREF) of 1870, the Canadian Party's answer to Metis political acumen, was nothing more or less than armed settlers invading 'their' colony to wrest control of the land and its politics from the Metis. The actions of the RREF represented a will to violence not unlike that which had created the 'Bleeding Kansas' scenario earlier in the United States of America. The ensuing history of Winnipeg in the early 1870's, shows how the West was won for Ontario by these early Canadian immigrants and their counterparts, the Red River Expeditionary Force. It also demonstrates how the political unity of the Metis was destroyed. Inadvertent politicization failed and the continuation of the informal process was the subsequent intimidation of the Metis in Red River using the Ontario volunteers as the tool to remove Metis influence and to allow the Canadians to establish their empire in Rupert's Land.

2889.   Shrofel, S. M. (1982). Island Lake Ojibwa morphophonemics. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Toronty (Canada).
Abstract: Within the framework of Standard Generative Phonological Theory a phonology of Island Lake Ojibwa is proposed. The phonology accounts for the alternations apparent at three morpheme boundaries: the boundary between a prenoun/preverb and a stem, the boundary between a stem and inflectional affixes and the derivational boundary between roots, medials and finals. Arguments are presented to support the positing of abstract segments, to support restructuring hypotheses in verb paradigms, one of which appears to be a restructuring of a set of stems so that the underlying forms are abstract, and to support various phonological rules, some of which are morphologically conditioned. As well, alternative analyses are proposed where warranted by the data and arguments are posited for the acceptance or rejection of the analyses. In one case, two analyses are presented for derivational data and, because the two analyses are equally capable of capturing the generalizations, neither solution is advanced as the best solution. While Island Lake Ojibwa, spoken in Northeastern Manitoba, shares features with other Ojibwa languages, most notably the Northern Ojibwa languages such as Severn Ojibwa and Round Lake Ojibwa, it is unique in that it contains rules not found in other Ojibwa languages: for example, in Island Lake a surface rule fronts sibilants, converting underlying /s/ and /s/ to surface [(OMICRON)] and [s]; a palatalization harmony rule ensures that sequences o sibilants, separated by a vowel, are similarly palatalized; a process of diminutive consonant symbolism converts /s/, /t/ and /s/ to [s], [c] and [c], respectively. The study contributes to phonological theory by addressing the question of abstractness of underlying representations and by addressing restructuring phenomenon. The study contributes also to Algonquian studies by providing a first complete generative phonology of a Northern Ojibwa language and by including as much language data as possible

2890.   Shroyer, S. M. (1991). Growth Of Red Lakes Walleye From The 1940s To The 1980s. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota, From Masters Abstr. Int. 29(4):605. 1991. Order No. MA1344876. FR 40(1).
Notes: Source: Fish & Fisheries Worldwide databases: Fisheries Review [University of Minnesota onlinedatabases], August 29, 1999 search

2891.   Shulstad, M. R. (1980 July). [Letter to Bureau of Indian Affairs, Minneapolis office].
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

2892.   Sibley, H. H., 1811-1891. (1850). Speech of Hon. Henry Hastings Sibley, of Minnesota, on the territories and our Indian relations, delivered in the House of Representatives, Friday, August 2, 1850.  Congressional Globe Office.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23681446 ... accession: 14264683 ... accession: 8402702

2893.   Siebert, J. (1960). Sacagawea: Guide to Lewis and Clark. New York: Houghton Mifflin Company.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers (1967:92), "Annotated list of selected teaching materials"
Abstract: "A story about the Shoshoni girl and her important role in the success of the Lewis and Clark expedition.  For teen-agers."

2894.   Sieciechowica, K. Z. (1983). 'We are all related here': the social relations of land utilization in Wunnummin Lake, northwestern Ontario. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Toronto (Canada).
Abstract: The land tenure and occupancy literature on Northern Algonquians has focused on the influence of the fur-trade on forms of Indian land tenure. This study of Wunnummin Lake, a Cree-Ojibwa community in North-western Ontario, examines the social relations of land tenure and occupancy. The primary methodological concern of the study is to articulate the composition and formation of production groups with the forms of land utilization and modes of occupancy in Wunnummin Lake, in order to demonstrate the range of land tenure forms, only one of which became partially adapted to the exigencies of the fur-trade. The study therefore, defines the relationship between the commensal unit, the co-residential unit, the patronymic group, the community, the band, and, the trapline, trapping area, territory and homeland, respectively. The relationship between marriage choice, and access to and control of territory are discussed, as well as the incorporative role of affinal terminology, which is especially marked on ego's generational level. Affinal terminology is either formal, marked by few mutual economic responsibilities, or, selectively incorporative modeled on kinship behaviour and demonstrating a high degree of economic interdependence. The principles governing marriage choices, access to land, creation of factionalism, or maintenance of political equilibrium are shown to be structurally integrated features of the present day community of Wunnummin Lake, and are instrumental in the creation of new communities in the Kayahna Region. The conclusions drawn from this study indicate that rather than the north-west of Ontario being populated by recent 'Ojibwa' immigrants, the north-west of Ontario was populated in pre- and post-contact times by small highly mobile named territorial bands. The established Indian pre-contact trade and visiting networks facilitated segments of these populations to associate more closely with either of the two European trading interests. The extension of European knowledge of trading groups has been erroneously interpreted as 'immigration' into the north-west of Ontario. The Cree-Ojibwa dichotomy is viewed as a post-contact fur-trade separation, and later an administrative separation rather than as an internally significant division. The range of land tenure forms indicates a structural flexibility and at the same time an internal consistency which has both historical antecedents and predictable future correlates. In view of proposed development projects for the northern regions of Ontario, the continued control of land by specific production units is seen as seriously threatened.

2895.   Sieciechowicz, K. (1997). Social Aspects of Reading Environmental Physical Health Stress: a Case Study From Chemical Valley. American Journal of Physical AnthropologySixty-Sixth Annual Meeting of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists, St. Louis, Missouri, USA, 0(Suppl. 24), 211.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search

2896.   Sieciechowicz, K. (1986). Northern Ojibwa land tenure. Anthropologica, N.s, 28(1-2), 187-202.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2897.   . (1979). D. I. Siegel, 1947- Potential hydrologic effects of peat mining in the Red Lake Peatlands, north-central Minnesota : a project plan  . St. Paul, Minn.  U.S. Geological Survey.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search).  : Prepared in cooperation with the Minnesota Department of Natural Resources. Bibliography: leaf 9.

2898.   Sikand, J. S. (1981). Acculturation and psychological stress among the northern Cree and Saulteaux of Manitoba with reference to group identification and differentiation. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Regina, Ottawa. National Library of Canada, Canadian theses on microfiche = Theses canadiennes sur microfiche, 44676 0227-3845 ; Canadian theses ; 44676.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search)

2899.   Silvern, S. E. (1999). Scales of Justice: Law, American Indian Treaty Rights and the Political Construction of Scale. Political Geography, 18(6), 639-668.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Source: http://www.webofscience.com/CIW.cgi -- subject search on all indexes, Fall 1999
Abstract: The organization of political scale has served to facilitate the power of the dominant society to control, exclude and marginalize indigenous populations. This paper examines how geographical scale has shaped the historical and contemporary geography of indigenous peoples in the United States. More specifically, discussion will center upon the importance of scale in shaping natural resource conflicts between American Indians and state governments. Using the case of the Wisconsin Ojibwe treaty rights conflict, this study shows how scale informed the historical development of an exclusionary state natural resource policy and the state's legal effort to protect its monopoly over policy making during a 17 year court case over off-reservation hunting and fishing treaty rights. At the same time, Ojibwe Indians sought to use the dominant society's legal system to gain recognition of their hunting and fishing treaty rights and to alter the existing scale organization of power by decentralizing natural resource decision-making and creating a resource co-management regime. This paper shows how both the state and the tribes were active producers of space and scale and how attempts to restructure geographical scale represent attempts to restructure existing power relations. Although geographical scale and power relations are never fixed and are subject to contestation, this paper shows that the ability of marginalized populations to reshape scales of power is limited by the persistence of assimilationist attitudes and normative assumptions about the scalar organization of political life. (C) 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. [References: 45]

2900.   Silvern, S. E. (1996). Nature, territory and identity in the Wisconsin Ojibwe Treaty Rights Conflict (Native Americans, resource management). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Wisconsin--Madison.
Abstract: In 1983 the United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit affirmed the Wisconsin Ojibwe's right to gather certain natural resources on northern Wisconsin lands that they ceded to the United States in nineteenth century treaties. Since that decision the Ojibwe have exercised their legal right to fish, hunt, and gather from these off-reservation lands. In response to the exercise of these rights, anti-treaty rights groups organized rowdy, and sometimes violent protests at the boat landings during the spring Ojibwe spearing season. This dissertation explores the relationship between territoriality, nature, and cultural identity in the conflict over Indiann treaty rights in northern Wisconsin. It examines the importance of territorial control for the definition of cultural identity and for the conception and use of nature. Nature and culture are connected through place; who controls place or territory, at least partially controls this relationship. Territoriality is a strategy facilitating the creation and shaping of place so that it reflects the ideologies of the dominant culture. As used by the state, territoriality is a very effective means to enforce specific conceptions of nature and natural resource use. Territoriality was used by the State of Wisconsin to limit Ojibwe subsistence and commercial uses of nature in northern Wisconsin. The Ojibwe, however, legally challenged assertions of state territoriality and have pursued an alternative vision of place and the nature-culture relation. They seek to share power with the state in order to shape culture-nature interactions in northern Wisconsin according to their own vision. The tribes' quest for co-management and their opposition to metallic mining in northern Wisconsin are just two key examples of their struggle to be included in the decision making affecting the human use of nature. Understanding the role that place plays in such conflicts--how place weaves together nature and culture--may help to promote resolution to this and other social conflicts. This dissertation contributes to the geographical discourse on the social construction of place and nature and expands understanding of territorial conflicts between indigenous communities and the dominant societies within which they reside.

2901.   Silverstein, C. (1995). Ojibwa Thunderbirds: persons of power [summary in Italian]. Uomo, VIII(1), 107-127.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XLI (1996:127)

2902.   Silverstein, C. C. A. (1996). Gifts of Nokomis: spiritual power in the arts of Ojibwa and Cree women. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, York University (Canada).
Abstract: This study is concerned primarily with the spiritual dimensions of Anishnaabe (Ojibwa and Cree) women's arts, and on a more general level, with Anishnaabe women's roles, perceptions, experiences and history. It is, in part, addressing the need to correct an academic record which tends to exclude and devalue women. To this end, I have reviewed and re-evaluated the literature in the fields of anthropology, religious studies and Native art history. Critical analysis of androcentric and ethnocentric representation opens the way to re-evaluating the spiritual contribution of women through their arts in the traditional life-ways, as well as the importance of their art to the revitalization of Anishnaabe spiritual traditions in the context of contemporary society. I found that contemporary urban Anishnaabek have applied certain core concepts of traditional Anishnaabe spirituality to their transformed environment. In general, they have maintained the idea that 'self' is an integral part of a cyclic whole which consists of a network of social relations among humans and spiritual entities in the environment. In the same manner as their ancestors, contemporary bead and leather workers express these spiritual principles in their artistic creations. I also found that Anishnaabe women's arts are a very important factor in the revitalization of traditional spirituality. Contemporary Anishnaabek conceive this process in terms of personal and community healing journeys. Learning traditional arts is often one of the first steps that lead individuals back towards traditional spirituality. Although many of the forms of specific practices, arts and designs have been transformed to meet contemporary needs, women's arts are still expressive of women's experiences of reproduction, nurture and communal social patterns. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

2903.   Simeon, G. (1994). Maldeveloppement socio-economique dans les communautes Attrkameks-Montagnaises et la question de l'autonomie gouvernmentale. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Universite du Quebec a Chicoutimi, Canada.
Abstract: Au Quebec, les communautes autochtones font face a divers problemes tant sociaux qu'economiques. Parmi ces problemes on retrouve, entre autres, un taux de decrochage eleve chez les jeunes autochtones (d'ou un faible niveau de scolarite), un taux de chomage eleve pouvant creer un taux de dependance a la drogue et/ou l'acool. Toutes ces difficultes creent un malaise social qualifie de 'maldeveloppement'. En effet, ce terme implique qu'il y a quand meme un developpement dans les communautes autochtones mais que beaucoup d'individus y reagissent en un 'mal' de vivre qui se veut une non-conformite avec les attentes culturelles. Cette situation trouve ses sources dans les decisions gouvernementales passees et presentes; decisions qui ont souvent nie aux Autochtones leur droit a s'autogouverner en tant que nation. L'Histoire a parfois reconnu ce terme de nation en parlant des Amerindiens mais d'autres epoques l'ont vu relegue aux oubliettes. Les raisons a ceci ont varie selon les besoins du moment. D'abord acceptes comme partenaires commerciaux avant la decouverte officielle de l'Amerique, les Amerindiens se sont vus tour a tour consideres comme obstacles a  la conquete de richesses, puis, de nouveaux, partenaires commerciaux a titre de nation a l'epoque des fourrures jusqu'a ce que les richesses forestiere et hydroelectrique les amenent a l'etat de 'nuisance au developpement blanc'. Tous ces changements de  l'Histoire ont peu a peu amene les Indiens a vivre a l'interieur d'un cadre socio-juridique determine par l'homme blanc dans un but d'assimilation. Malgre tout, a l'interieur de ce cadre, les Amerindiens ont toujours resiste en maintenant fermement leurs liens d'attachement a leur culture, a leur identite et a leur territoire ancestral. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

2904.   Simon, P. W., & Peloquin, S. J. (1980). Inheritance of Electrophoretic Variants of Tuber Proteins in Solanum Tuberosum Haploids. Biochemical Genetics, 18(11-12), 1055-1063.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: Soluble tuber proteins were separated by discontinuous polyacrylamide gel electrophoresis on vertical slabs. Banding patterns of proteins stained with Coomassie Blue in 7.5% acrylamide gels (pH 4.3) were few and distinctive for haploids (2n = 2x = 24) derived from several cultivars (2n = 4x = 48). Katahdin and Chippewa haploids have only three different banding patterns for the eight fastest moving bands. The haploids have either the parental pattern (all eight bands) or one of two complementary banding patterns (four bands). The frequency of these patterns among the haploids indicates that the eight bands are controlled by one locus which is duplex (A1 A1 A2 A2) in the parents. Haploids with the genotype A1 A2 have eight bands. A1 A1 haploids have four bands, and A2 A2 have the other four bands. Tawa haploids have in equal numbers either the eight (A1 A2) or four (A2 A2) band pattern. Thus the genotype of Tawa is A1 A2 A2 A2. The control of four bands by one allele could be explained by assuming that these alleles are involved in posttranslational modification or assembly of one or two protein species. Another explanation is that pseudoalleles or redundant genes produce the groups of protein bands. The eight proteins studied apparently are of similar molecular weight but differ in charge.

2905.   Sims, C. A. (1993). Algonkian-British relations in the Upper Great Lakes region: gathering to give and receive presents, 1815-1843 (gatherings, Great Britain). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Western Ontario (Canada).
Abstract: Within the context of the Upper Great Lakes region, this thesis analyzes Algonkian-British relations primarily through an examination of the gatherings at British posts where presents were given and received. The study focuses on the period between 1815, when inhabitants of this region learned that British and American officials had formally ended the War of 1812, and 1843, the final year in which members of the British Indian department officially gave presents to all Algonkian visitors regardless of their place of residence within the region. During this period, the British government distributed presents to Algonkians of this region on Drummond Island (1815-1828), on St. Joseph Island (1829), at Penetanguishene (1830-1835), and on Manitoulin Island (from 1836). Families from the Ojibwa, Ottawa, Menominee, and Potawatomi Nations residing along the north shore of Georgian Bay, along the north shore and the nearby islands of Lake Huron, the west shore of Lake Huron north of Saginaw Bay, around most of Lake Michigan, and around Lake Superior travelled to these locations. These annual gatherings were important forums for Algonkian leaders and British officials. Algonkian leaders presented the concerns of their communities at these meetings and attempted to ensure that British actions would fulfil British promises; British officers announced governmental policies and tried to retain connections with these Algonkian peoples. Throughout these years, Algonkian-American relations and British-American affairs influenced Algonkian-British interactions. Because Algonkians regarded the giving and receiving of presents as vitally important to maintaining relationships, the British government's decision to stop distributing presents after 1843 to those Indian people residing primarily within what American and British officials regarded as the United States signified to these Algonkians that their historic connection with the Crown formally ended in 1843. This study demonstrates the high calibre of Algonkian leadership. Recalling British promises, Ojibwa, Ottawa, and Menominee spokesmen insisted that the British government was morally obligated to continue giving presents to Algonkian peoples. These leaders also raised issues connected with rapid and irrevocable changes stemming primarily from non-Indian settlers' demands for more land. Algonkian leaders dealt with officials representing British and American governments and resisted the efforts of these authorities to classify Algonkian peoples as either British or American: Algonkian peoples had their own identities. The commitment of Algonkian leaders to retaining their peoples' territories, resources, and culture defined the core of their beliefs and shaped their active participation in the tripartite dynamics of this region.

2906.   (1921). Material Culture of the Menomini, (20).
Notes: Source: bibliography in Ritzenthaler and Ritzenthaler (1970)

2907.   Skinner, A. (1911). Notes on the Eastern Cree and Northern Salulteaux. Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, 9(part 1), 1-179.
Notes: Source: bibliography in Ritzenthaler and Ritzenthaler (1970)
published in New York

2908.   Skinner, A. (1912). Notes on the Eastern Cree and Northern Saulteaux. New York: American Museum of Natural History.
Notes: Source: Human Relations Area Files Index, Category NG6 "[as of July 1, 1975]", identified as "(M)", page 1, item 3  

2909.   Skinner, A. (1913). Political and ceremonial organization of the Plains Ojibwa. New York: American Musuem of Natural History.
Notes: Source: Human Relations Area Files Index, Category NG6 "[as of July 1, 1975]", identified as "(M)", page 1, item 11

2910.   Skinner, A. B. Folklore of the Menomini Indians.  A M S Press, Incorporated.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

2911.   Skinner, A. B. (1914). The cultural position of the Plains Ojibway. American Anthropologist, 16(2), 314-318.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2912.   Skinner, A. B. (1916). European tales from the Plains Ojibwa. Journal of American Folk-Lore, XXIX, 330-340.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2913.   Skinner, A. B. (1919). Plains Ojibwa tales. Journal of American Folk-Lore, 32, 280-305.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2914.   Skinner, A. B. (1919). The sun dance of the Plains-Ojibway. American Museum of Natural History. Anthropological Papers, XVI, 311-315.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2915.   Skoog, B. P. with Justine Kerfoot. (1996). A Life In Two Worlds.  Paper Moon.
Notes: Source: Women’s Resources International [University of Minnesota online databaseNew Books on Women & Feminism Database], August 29, 1999 search

2916.   Skubi, D. (1988). Pap Smear Screening and Cervical Pathology in an American Indian Population. Journal of Nurse-Midwifery , 33(5), 203-207.
Notes: Source: Biomed (Cinahl) electronic database, Fall 1999 search.  (13 Ref)
Abstract: Death from cervical cancer is 6.7 times more common among Native American women in South Dakota than among white women in the state. This is probably related to an increased incidence of the disease. Only 37% of women aged 20 to 65 have received a pap smear in the preceding two years, indicating suboptimal screening for the disease, which is especially acute among older women. Difficulty assuring that appropriate diagnostic tests are obtained after discovery of an abnormal pap smear, barriers to appropriate treatment, and inadequate follow-up after treatment may contribute to excess mortality. The epidemiology and etiology of cervical cancer is discussed and a program for reducing excessive deaths is outlined.  (13 ref)

2917.   Slate, M. (1970). Eastern Ojiwa. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University. Department of Linguistics in American Indian Linguistics.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2918.   Slavcheff, P. D. (1988). The temperate republic: liquor control in Michigan, 1800-1860. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Wayne State University.
Abstract:  During the first six decades of the nineteenth century growing numbers of Americans became temperance advocates. Historians have yet to explain the relative significance of the forces that produced this change and the ideological assumptions underlying it.  Neither have scholars adequately addressed how the growth of temperance sentiment affected the formation of liquor-control policy. Moreover, they have paid virtually no attention to the West,  a region antebellum Americans believed held the key to the future of the republic. Traditional historical techniques and computer-assisted analysis provide interesting answers to liquor-related questions in Michigan, a vitally important area of the West. Until the early 1830s the fur trade dictated Michigan's liquor-control policy. Despite a policy prohibiting liquor sales to Indians to obtain their furs,  government officials allowed the sales to continue in the interest of protecting the territory's leading industry and maintaining Indian loyalty to the United States. Government officials developed a separate set of regulations for whites which became stricter as the fur trade declined and an organized temperance movement appeared. Using the rhetoric of the Puritan jeremiad to enunciate a philosophy grounded in revolutionary republicanism, temperance advocates argued that Americans had to revolt against 'King Alcohol.' This message attracted people regardless of political party and from all socioeconomic groups, including substantial numbers of artisans and Catholics. The growing popularity of temperance in the 1840s and 1850s enabled reformers to secure enactment of several important laws aimed at eliminating drink consumption in bars,  beginning with local option in 1845. In 1853 the legislature prohibited all sales of beverage alcohol in Michigan. The statute became inoperative when the state supreme court split on its constitutionality. A second law also became moribund once Michiganians realized that it posed a greater threat to liberty than drink. During the late 1850s the Republican-dominated legislature repealed its most stringent provisions, thus bringing to an end Michigan's antebellum temperance movement.

2919.   Sleeper-Smith, S. (1995). Silent tongues, black robes: Potawatomi, Europeans and settlers in the southern Great Lakes, 1640-1850 (Michigan). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Michigan.
Abstract: This dissertation analyzes cross-cultural encounters between indigenous and intrusive societies along Lake Michigan's eastern and southern shores. The primary focus is on the St. Joseph River valley, which was the principal fur-trade portage from the Great Lakes to the Mississippi. The French and British vied for control of this river valley; the Potawatomi and French became allies. An analysis of the St. Joseph Baptismal Register, kept by the Jesuits from 1720 to 1773, shows the evolution of a metis society. Intermarriage between French and Native Americans cemented their alliance and fostered demographic stability. The metis served as intercultural mediators. They kept Catholicism alive despite Jesuit demise and helped negotiate treaty provisions that later protected many Potawatomi from removal 'on account of their religion.' By the nineteenth century, the Potawatomi were a prosperous agricultural society. The first American settlers, primarily blacks, Irish, and Germans, settled near the Potawatomi. But diversity brought disunity. The midwestern frontier became fertile ground for conservative movements that resisted social change. The increasing Catholic presence--an academy, university, and convent--brought a nativist backlash. Invisibility became conducive to survival. Midwestern history has been written to emphasize the role that eastern pioneer families played in settling this frontier. Farmers displaced Potawatomi, black robes, and metis as the settlers of the St. Joseph River valley. By telling a different story--a story about a time and place where the sequence of events has gone unexamined--this dissertation exposes the multiplicity of narrative viewpoints and their involvement in larger narratives about ethnicity and culture, autonomy and interdependence, and maleness and femaleness.

2920.   Sletto, J., & Sletto, B. (1992). Sugar Mapling. Native Peoples : the Journal of the Heard Museum, v 6(n 1), 50.
Notes: Source: UnCover database (Aug 1999)
Abstract: Anishinabe sugar mapling on the White Earth Reservation in Minnesota is described by free-lance writer Jacqueline Sletto and photographer Bjorn Sletto.

2921.   Small, C. (1980). Justice in Indian country : a summary and analysis of investigative hearings on the administration of justice in Indian country, January 1980 . Oakland, CA : American Indian Lawyer Training Program.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search)

2922.   Smiley, C. A. S. W. C. (1904). The Eleven Towns, a statement of conditions surrounding the opening for settlement of the Red Lake Indian reservation and a description of the land. Thief River Falls, Minn.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 19331996.  Cover-title. Includes advertising matter.

2923.   Smith, B. A. (1997). Systems of subsistence and networks of exchange in the terminal woodland and early historic periods in the upper Great Lakes (Ontario, Michigan). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Michigan State University.
Abstract: The ethnohistoric documents from the Early Historic Period (A.D. 1615-1650) in the Upper Great Lakes make reference to extensive exchange networks among native groups. The Odawa tribes of the Bruce Peninsula and Manitoulin Island and the Ojibwa bands in the northern portions of the region were important participants in this network. Archaeological models have envisioned each Upper Great Lakes culture as economically self-sufficient and regional exchange as infrequent. This research examines in nature of the regional exchange network and reveals that the network was a vital, economically based, system of regional balanced reciprocity. The analysis of faunal remains from archaeological sites dated to the Terminal Woodland and Early Historic Periods provides evidence of the preferred meat species in each area. An understanding of human nutritional requirements and alternative strategies to fulfill dietary needs is critical to understand food preferences and choices made in a subsistence system. Considerations of nutritional requirements of the human population and the available number of preferred animals that could be exploited in sustainable yields reveal that the exchange networks observed by Europeans were critical to the Odawa. To acquire the desired animals and maize, they engaged in a complex network of relationships throughout the Great Lakes, especially with the people of northern Lake Superior. This analysis demonstrates that subsistence systems may not necessarily be designed as localized and self-sufficient. Societies can be politically independent and also employ socially, economically and logistically complex systems, including a regional network of balanced reciprocity, to support their way of life.

2924.   Smith, B. K. (1998). Wabaseemoong community case study: appropriate education in a First Nations reserve school (Ontario). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Mount Saint Vincent University (Canada).
Abstract: The Anishnabe community of Wabaseemoong in Northern Ontario has suffered, and been terribly splintered, because of the incursions of Euro-Canadian society and culture. The community school once was an agent of cultural invasion, and is still being seen and treated that way by some. But it is proposed here that an affirmation by the school of the Ojibway language and elements of traditional culture could result in greater ownership of the school by the people of the community. This in turn could produce improvements in the school's ability to assist in meeting all the developmental needs of the children, including the need for an positive sense of self, or identity.

2925.   Smith, D. M. (1973). Inkonze: Magico-religious beliefs of contact-traditional Chipewan trading at Fort Resolution, NWT, Canada. Musée National De L'Homme Collection Mercure.  Division D'Ethnologie, 6, 1-23.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXI (1978:252)

2926.   Smith, D. B. (1984). Historic peace-pipe. Beaver, outfit 315(1), 4-7, ill.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2927.   Smith, D. B. (1987). Sacred feathers : the Reverend Peter Jones (Kahkewaquonaby) & the Mississauga Indians . Lincoln : University of Nebraska Press.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (Fall 1999 search)

2928.   Smith, E., & Norrgard, P. (1987). [Audiovisual]. E. Smith (Producer and editor), & I. Greensky. (narrator). [Minnesota] : Minnesota Indian Mental Health Advisory Committee.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 18287431. Other: Smith, Ed. Norrgard, Phil. Minnesota. Indian Mental Health Advisory Committee. Fond du Lac Indian Reservation (Minn.). Human Services Division. Issues in Minnesota Indian mental health.

2929.   Smith, H. I. (1896). Certain Shamanistic ceremonies among the Ojibwas. American Antiquarian, xviii, 282-284.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2930.   Smith, H. I. (1897). The monster in the tree. An Ojibwa myth. Journal American Folk-Lore, 10, 324-325.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2931.   Smith, H. I. (1894). An Ojibwa cradle. American Antiquarian, xvi(5), 301, 302.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2932.   Smith, H. I. (1894). Ojibwa in the Saginaw Valley, Michigan. Archaeologist, II(10), 297-298.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2933.   Smith, H. I. (1906). Some Ojibwa myths and traditions. Journal American Folk-Lore, 19, 215-230.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2934.   Smith, H. H. (1970). Ethnobotany of the Menomini Indians.  Greenwood Publishing Group, Incorporated.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

2935.   Smith, H. H. Ethnobotany of the Meskwaki Indians.  A M S Press, Incorporated.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

2936.   Smith, H. H. (1925). Botanizing among the Ojibwe. Milwaukee. Public Museum. Yearbook, III, 38-47, illus. 19-22.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2937.   Smith, H. H. (1932). Ethnobotany of the Ojibwe Indians. Milwaukee. Public Museum. Bulletin, 4, 327-525, pl. XLVI-LXXVII, tables.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2938.   Smith, J., 1737-1812. (1979). An account of the remarkable occurrences in  the life and travels of Col. James Smith during his captivity  with the Indians . New York : Garland Pub.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (Fall 1999 search)
Abstract: Reprint of the 1799 ed. printed by J.  Bradford, Lexington. Issued with the reprint of the 1797 ed. of Griswold, A. V. A  short sketch of the life of Mr. Lent Munson. New York,  1979.

2939.   Smith, J. G. E. (1974). Kindred, clan and conflict: continuity and change among the southwestern Ojibwa. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Chicago.

2940.   Smith, J. G. E. (1973). Leadership among the Southwestern Ojibwa. Musée National De L'Homme. Publications in Ethnology, 7, 1-36.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XX (1976:153)

2941.   Smith, J. G. E. (1974). Prescription of cross-cousin marriage among the Southwestern Ojibwa. American Ethnologist, 1(4), 751-762.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XX (1976:169)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

2942.   Smith, L. L., & Pycha, R. L. (1960). First-year growth of the walleye, Stizostedion vitreum vitreum (Mitchill), and associated factors in the Red Lakes, Minnesota. Limnology and Oceanography (Grafton), 5(3), 281-290.
Notes: Source: Fish & Fisheries Worldwide database, FishLit [University of Minnesota onlinedatabases], August 1999 search

2943.   Smith, L. L., Jr.  (1997). Walleye (/Stizostedion Vitreum Vitreum/) And Yellow Perch (/Perca Flavescens/) Populations And Fisheries Of The Red Lakes, Minnesota, 1930-75. J. Fish. Res. Board Can., 34(10), 1774-1783.
Notes: Source: Fish & Fisheries Worldwide databases: Fisheries Review [University of Minnesota onlinedatabases], August 29, 1999 search

2944.   Smith, T. S. (1990). The island of the Anishnaabeg: an interpretation of the relationship between the Thunder and Underwater Manitouk in the traditional Ojibwe life-world (Native Americans). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Boston University.
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999 search [review]
Abstract: The traditional Ojibwe life-world as experienced and described through religious symbols, beliefs and practices is alive with the presence of powerful beings. These beings, manitouk, are experienced as other-than-human persons whose behavior necessarily affects human life. The relationships which humans  (Anishnaabeg) formed with these persons traditionally determined their failure or success in life. Additionally, certain manitouk are judged to be constitutionally and structurally aligned as protectors of or threats to human life. It is my thesis that the protective Thunder and threatening Underwater manitouk are determinative beings and symbols in the Ojibwe life-world. Their complex relationship with one another does not constitute a simple dualism but inscribes a dialectic which both reflects the lived reality of the world and helps to determine the position and existence of the human subject therein. The human is suspended between heights and depths both literally and figuratively and the radical awareness of this vertical dimension reduces the earthly realm to a precarious island at the middle of a dialectical cosmos, subject to protection and assault from above and below. The myths of the Ojibwe people stand at the center of this study and sources include traditional and post-contact writings and art. These sources are supplemented by and judged through the words of contemporary Ojibwe consultants contacted during field studies on Manitoulin Island, Ontario. For while traditional beliefs here, as in every culture, have changed, the symbols of the Thunder and Underwater manitouk continue to express meanings and values consonant with those described in the earliest sources. Methodologically, I follow the general movement of Paul Ricoeur's hermeneutic, which combines phenomenological analysis with a synthetic phase of interpretation whereby one may judge the relevance of the symbols of this foreign culture for post-critical Euro-American thinkers. In short, the structures of the cosmos, of human existence and of personhood expressed in and through the symbols of the manitouk provide ontological, epistemological, and moral alternatives for those who stand outside the Ojibwe life-world.

2945.   Smith, T. S. (1989). Ojibwe Persons: Toward a Phenomenology of an American Indian Lifeworld. Journal of Phenomenological Psychology, 20(2), 130.
Notes: Source: UnCover database (Aug 1999)

2946.   Smith, T. S. (1999). 'Yes, I'm Brave': Extrordinary Women in the Anishnaabe (Ojibwe) Tradition. Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, 15(1), 40 (15).
Notes: Source: UnCover database (Aug 1999)
Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999 search
Abstract: This article examines the role women warriors played in Ojibwe tradition. Native American views of women who adopted an "extraordinary" nature, their dominance in battle, and their connections to the spirit realm are presented.

2947.   Smith, T. s. (1991). Calling the Thunder, Part One: Animikeek, the Thunderstorm as Speech Event in the Anishinaabe Lifeworld.  American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 15(3).
Notes: Source: UnCover database (Aug 1999)

2948.   Smithsonian Institution. National Anthropological Archives catalog.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
indexes "official records and manuscript collections amount[ing] to approximately 4,000 cubic feet;" there are 14 pages of catalog entries under the category "Chippewa."

2949.   Smithsonian Institution.  Bureau of American Ethnology.  Catalogue of Manuscripts (collector). (1882). Legend of the Deerfield Massacre, and the events leading to it, including the story of the bell  in the tower of the church at Deerfield, and its transfer to  the Mission at Caughnawaga. Smithsonian Institution.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (Fall 1999 search)

2950.   Smucker, B. C. (1966). Wigwam in the city. New York: E.P. Dutton and Company, Incorporated.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers (1967:95), "Annotated list of selected teaching materials"

2951.   Book (Print, Microform, Electronic, etc.)S. Snake, & [et al.]The Adventures of Nanabush : Ojibway Indian stories  1st American ed. ed., ).
Notes: Source: Library Of Congress Online Catalog [Library of Congress, 101 Independence Ave., SE, Washington, DC 20540] (November 1999 search)--LC Control Number: 83460068
Abstract: Sixteen stories of the mighty magician Nanabush, who created the world and was able to asssume any shape simply by wishing.

2952.   Snelling, W. J., 1804-1848. (1945). An Indian tale. Minnesota History, 26, 211-221.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 19274792.  Other: Emch, Lucille B. (Lucille Bertha), 1909- ed.
Abstract: "The last of the iron hearts, by the author of 'Tales of the north-west,'" reprinted from the American monthly magazine, March 1836, is edited with introduction and notes, by Lucille B. Emch.

2953.   Snow, D. R., 1940-  (Analysis of the petroglyphs of Cottonwood County, Minnesota ). (1960). Archive/Manuscript Control.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 4308024

2954.   Sochay, S. G. (1999). Newspaper images of Native Americans: Michigan newspaper coverage of treaties and compacts affecting Indians in the territory and state of Michigan. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Michigan State University.
Abstract: This study uses an ethnohistoric approach to explore how Indians were portrayed in Michigan newspapers of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries with regards to coverage of the major treaties (1836 and 1842) and compacts (1993) that affected Indians in the Territory and State of Michigan. It seeks to answer the questions “How were Indians portrayed in Michigan newspaper coverage of treaties between whites and Indians in the Territory and State of Michigan?” and “What has changed in this coverage from the nineteenth century to today?” Chapter two looks at attempts to answer this question in the context of newspaper coverage of Indians in general. Chapter three examines treaties from both white and Indian perspectives to provide the proper context for understanding treatymaking. Chapter four explores the specific treaty processes within Michigan to refine the treaty making context. Chapter five looks at newspaper coverage of Native Americans in general in the United States in the nineteenth century, followed by a more detailed look at Michigan newspaper coverage of Indians in Chapter six. Chapter seven looks at specific Michigan newspaper coverage of the Treaty of 1836 with a brief follow-up look at the treaty of 1842 in Chapter eight. A summary of Michigan newspaper coverage of the nineteenth century treaties follows in Chapter nine. Chapter ten is a follow-up study looking at Michigan newspaper coverage of gaming compacts signed in 1993 by Gov. John Engler and seven of Michigan's Indian tribes. These compacts were the first agreements signed between state officials and Indian tribes since the end of the treatymaking period. This study reaches the conclusion that while Native Americans received less than objective or balanced coverage in nineteenth century Michigan newspapers, the coverage they did receive was about as good as could be expected. Coverage from the present, taken as a whole, provided more thorough and balanced coverage of Indians, but taken city by city showed parallels to nineteenth century coverage suggesting that Indians still have not receive balanced coverage from Michigan newspapers with respect to treaties andcompacts.

2955.   Soldier in Company "H," 6th Regiment . (1980). A journal of Sibley's Indian Expedition during the summer of 1863 and record of troops employed  (Limited ed. ed.). (Rare America series  No. no. 1). Minneapolis : J. D. Thueson.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 22260152. Spine title: Daniel's Journal. Written by Arthur M. Daniels, first published in 1863.-- Publisher's note. Water color scenes of the expedition reproduced from 19th cent. photos of original paintings by Henry Frederick Knieff. Limited edition of 300 copies.  Other: Knieff, Henry Frederick Jacob, 1822-1888 Daniel's Journal.

2956.   Sollors, W. (1986). Beyond ethnicity: consent and descent in American culture. New York: Oxford University Press.
Notes: Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)

2957.   Sommer, L. J. (1993). Indian Days in Minnesotas Lake Region - a History of the Great Sioux-Ojibwe Revolution, Vol 1 - Zapffe, C. A. Montana-the Magazine of Western History, 43(4), 88-89.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search

2958.   Sorenson, D. J. (1973). A spring waterfowl population study of the commercial wild rice paddies of the Red Lake area. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Bemidji State College, MN.
Notes: Source: Wildlife Worldwide database,Waterfowl And Wetlands Bibl. [University of Minnesota onlinedatabases], August 1999 search
Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search)

2959.   Sosin, J. M. (1981). Whitehall & the Wilderness: The Middle West in British Colonial Policy, 1760 to 1775.  Greenwood Publishing Group, Incorporated.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

2960.   South High School (Minneapolis, Minn.). (1970). Footprints . Minneapolis, Minn.  South High School .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 14926826

2961.   Southcott, M. E. (1984). The sound of the drum: the sacred art of the Anishnabec. Erin, ON: Boston Mills Press.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXX (1987:210)

2962.   Sozzari, R., Cruciani, F., & Torroni, A. (1997). mtDNA and Y Chromosome-Specific Polymorphisms in Modern Ojibwa: Implications about the Origin of Their Gene Pool (letter to the editors). American Journal of Human Genetics, 60(1), 241-244, bibl., il.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Source: University of Minnesota Biological & Agricultural Index [electronic database], Fall 1999 search

2963.   Spaulding John M.  (1985). Recent Suicide Rates Among Ten Ojibwa Indian Bands In Northwestern Ontario. Omega, 16(4), 347-354.
Notes: Source: Family Studies database [University of Minnesota onlinedatabase], August 29, 1999 search
Abstract: This study was designed to investigate the rate of completed suicides for ten Ojibwa Indian bands in northwestern Ontario for the years 1975 to 1982. Records from medical services, health and welfare Canada (1), were reviewed for suicide data and individual interviews were conducted with nine native health workers to corroborate these data. Results indicated an overall rate of 61.7 suicides per 100,000 population. Suicide victims tended to be young males who used firearms as a method. Alcohol or drug use was directly involved in over half of the suicides.

2964.   Spaulding, P. T. (1970). The Metis of Ile-a-la-Crosse. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Washington.

2965.   Speck, F. G. (1914). The family hunting band as the basis of Algonkian social organization. American Anthropologist, 17, 289-305.
Notes: Source: bibliography in Ritzenthaler and Ritzenthaler (1970)

2966.   Spector, J. D. (1993). What This Awl Means: Feminist Archaeology at a Wahpeton Dakota Village.  Minnesota Historical Society Press.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

2967.   Speer, A. Inside the Third Reich.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
page 304.  Speer writes, "Hitler often cited the fate of the Indians [sic] in the United States as a quite practicable solution when taking over a territory. 'We need not feel any pangs of conscience,' [Hitler] said ..."

2968.   Spicer, E. H. (1969). A short history of the Indians of the United States.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

2969.   Spicer, P. (1998). Narrativity and the Representation of Experience in American Indian Discourses About Drinking. Culture, Medicine & Psychiatry, 22(2), 139-169.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: This paper explores the impact of American Indian people's experiences on the kinds of accounts they offer for their drinking. Based on the analysis of three transcripts that are representative of open-ended interviews with 48 self-defined problem drinkers from the Minneapolis American Indian community, it develops the argument that narrative is neither a necessary nor inevitable way to talk about illnesses and other difficulties. Distinguishing between narratives, which are marked by the element of evaluation where the implications of a person's drinking are clearly stated, and chronicles, in which this element is absent, this paper discusses the implications of non-narrative accounts for our treatments of culture and experience in anthropology.  (Abstract by: Author)

2970.   Spilde, K. A. (1999). Acts of sovereignty, acts of identity: negotiating interdependence through tribal government gaming on the White Earth Indian Reservation (Minnesota). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of California, Santa Cruz.
Abstract: 'Acts of Sovereignty' is an ethnographic, linguistic, historical and political analysis of tribal government gaming on the White Earth Indian Reservation in Northwest Minnesota. Employing the linguistic theory of 'acts of identity' to explore tribal 'acts of sovereignty' at the local level, it focuses on the negotiation of sovereign rights. Tribal sovereignty is discussed not as a commodity to be distributed through Federal Indian Policy but as a process of negotiating interdependence at the federal, state and local levels. By examining the contemporary tribal gaming phenomenon on the White Earth Indian Reservation, 'Acts of Sovereignty' establishes a language for discussing the processural, rather than essentialist, nature of tribal identity at the national and individual level. Providing the historical,  legal and political context of White Earth as a case study of the effects of Federal legislation on Native Americans, my analysis explores the ways contemporary Native realities are often shaped, but not determined, by forces external to tribal jurisdiction. This line of reasoning includes an examination of the ways Native counter-narratives of survival and cultural recovery rely upon and subvert master narratives of Native extinction or inauthenticity.  Through extensive ethnographic fieldwork on the White Earth Reservation, this work explores the methods and messages of  anthropological research past and present. My study of White Earth communities concludes that issues of identity and difference, especially as they relate to economic subjugation or political powerlessness, must be addressed from a position that allows for the partial and situated nature of contemporary tribal identities rather than one insisting on cohesive or essentialist images derived from colonial models. I link the stereotypical images of reservation life with an attempt to overlook how non-Indians have benefited and continue to benefit from resources reserved for tribal members. Exposing the link between Indian images and Federal policies designed to limit sovereign actions provides a first step in a new understanding of negotiating interdependence in 1990's America.

2971.   Spindler, G. D. (1958). Research design and Ojibwa personality persistence. American Anthropologist, 60(5), 934-939.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. IV (1960:4623)

2972.   Spindler, L. S. (1984). Dreamers with Power: The Menominee.  Waveland Press, Incorporated.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

2973.   Spurgeon, D. (1999). "Thrifty gene" identified in Manitoba Indians. British Medical Journal, 318(7187), 828 (1).
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999 search
Abstract: A study conducted in a reservation in northern Ontario has identified a genetic mutation that seems to have allowed the Indians there to survive famines in the past but to have triggered diabetes when food became plentiful and their lives became sedentary.
The study appears in the current issue of the Journal of Clinical Endocrinology and Metabolism (1999;84:1077-82).
Dr Robert Hegele, coauthor of the study and a geneticist at the University of Ontario's John P Robarts Research Institute, says that the "thrifty gene" exists in 40% of Indians with diabetes at Sandy Lake, an Ojibwa-Cree reservation near the Manitoba border. That proportion includes those with the most severe cases of diabetes and those whose diabetes appeared at earlier ages of onset, which has been as young as 10 years. Within the past 30 years, the reserve has developed the third highest rate of diabetes in the world; about a quarter of the 2000 residents are affected.
Indians who were homozygous for the mutation developed diabetes by the age of 30; those who were heterozygous became diabetic by age 40. No link has yet been found among those who develop the disease after age 50.
Dr Hegele worked with clinicians Dr Stewart Harris in London, Ontario, and Dr Bernard Zinman at the University of Toronto and Mount Sinai Hospital. He says that although the mutation's action is not yet fully understood, its discovery could lead to new treatments for Sandy Lake residents.
He suspects that the mutation works by enabling the body to conserve energy when the source of food is hunting and food is scarce but results in the storage of too much energy when food becomes plentiful.
Researchers could find no evidence that the mutation exists in other North American aboriginals. But Donna Lillie, national director of research at the Canadian Diabetes Association, which partly funded the project, says that the study is important because of the high incidence of diabetes among aboriginals.
David Spurgeon, Quebec
Full Text COPYRIGHT 1999 British Medical Association (UK)

2974.   Spurgeon, J. H., Meredith, H. V., & Onuoha, G. B. I. (1984). Skin Color Comparisons Among Ethnic Groups of College Men. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 64(4), 413-418.2.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: Reflectance readings of skin color were taken on the medial aspect of the left upper arm.  The subjects were USA college men between ages 18-27 yr attending the University of South Carolina. Using the DSL 99 Reflectance Spectrophotometer, readings were obtained under controlled conditions at 5 settings (601, 603, 605, 607, 609).  Ethnic groups studied included young men of Northwest European White ancestry, West African Black ancestry and Afro-Black/Amerind ancestry.  Means and variability statistics serve to describe the skin color distributions.  Means were near 12 and 32 for filters 601 and 609 on men of West African Black ancestry, with corresponding means near 36 and 64 on men of Northwest European White ancestry.  There was no overlapping of comparable frequency distributions from these 2 ethnic groups.  Significance tests at P = 0.01 allowed acceptance of the hypothesis that skin color on the medial arm surface was darker for young men of Afro-Black ancestry than for those of 75% Afro-Black ancestry and 25% Amerind ancestry. Means from original data were compared with means from earlier studies on black and white males in Africa, America and Rurope.

2975.   Spurrier, J. (1989).  Lake of the Woods: Red Devils, Lazy Ikes, and Deep Hogs.  Islands : an International Magazine, 9(2), 112.
Notes: Source: UnCover database (Aug 1999)
Abstract: In the waters between Minnesota and Ontario, the search for wily walleys is serious fun. And even the fishing stories are true.

2976.   Squire, M. R. (1996). The contemporary western Abenakis: maintenance, reclamation and reconfiguraiton of an American Indian ethnic identity (New England, Quebec). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, State University of New York at Albany.
Abstract: Less than thirty years ago, history texts in northern New England maintained the region had no indigenous people and that it had been uninhabited prior to European colonization. These statements were false. Northern New England was and is home to the Western Abenakis, whose ancestors stayed in their homeland by strategically adapting to the dominant Euro-American culture. Since the 1970's the Western Abenakis have asserted themselves publicly, revitalizing their indigenous heritage, reclaiming ethnic connections with Abenakis in Quebec; and forging a public space within New England' s ethnic mosaic. They have revived the ancestral language, crafts, practices, and beliefs. In reconfiguring their collective and individual identity, the Abenakis are also undermining the Anglo-American and French-Canadian domination of the region. The Western Abenakis exist among many dimensions of ethnic and racial identity. Two of their six bands are federally recognized by Canada, with reserve territories in Quebec. No American band has either state or federal recognition, despite the common culture, family ties, and language between the recognized and unrecognized groups. Over half of the collective are American citizens and anglophone, but at least a third are francophone Canadian. Many are Christian, some of the more ethnically active leaders are not. While some are full-blood, most Abenakis are mixed-race (metis). Families live in urban ethnic enclaves, in small towns, on reserves, and scattered throughout the rural northeast. Despite the differences of residence, citizenship, language, faith, legal status, band history, and class, this Native American ethnicity collectively maintains its identity as distinct from English or French. This ethnic revival and renegotiation of Abenaki Indian identity in New England has implications for the wide fields of ethnicity, ethnic revival, and the renegotiation of collective identity. It is also important to the study of contemporary east-coast Native America and American race relations. This text is also a contribution to indigenous scholarship. It is written by an Abenaki storyteller and ethnic activist.

2977.   Squires, P. (1963). The legend of Kitchitikipi. Manistique, MI.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. X (1966:140)

2978.   SRI International. (1980). An Evaluation of the judicial training program of the National American Indian Court Judges Association . Washington, D.C.  National American Indian Court Judges Association .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search).  Cover title. Prepared by SRI International. "September, 1980."

2979.   St. Mary's Indian Mission  (Ed.). (195?). Red Lake Benedictine (Vols. v. illus. (incl. ports.) 22 cm. ). Redlake, MN: St. Mary's Indian Mission.
Notes: cited by Wub-e-ke-niew
Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 32110376

2980.   St. Mary's Mission, R. M. (Baptismal Records.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

2981.   St. Onge, N. J. M. (1991). Race, class and marginality: a Metis settlemetn in the Manitoba Interlake, 1850-1914. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Manitoba (Canada).
Abstract: This dissertation examines how, since the 1850s, capitalist development in Manitoba's Interlake area and the interpretation of this region's history have been heavily influenced by a western racist ideology. This ideology, coupled with the other political-social-economic dynamics of capitalism, led to the development and maintenance of racially distinct marginal communities. Racism alone, however, was used to explain the existence of these communities in terms of a perceived racial difference that affected the residents' culture, world view, and work habits. The specific community examined is a Metis settlement on the southern shores of Lake Manitoba.

2982.   . (1841). St. Regis Indian TribeCommunication from the St. Regis  Indians . Albany.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (Fall 1999 search)
Caption title. On Cover: Document H. A petition to the governor of New York. Master microform held by: McA. Microfiche. Sanford, N.C. : Microfilming Corporation of  America, 1978. 1 microfiche ; 11 x 15 cm. (Pamphlets in  American history. Indians ; I 1393).

2983.   Stan, S. (1989). The Ojibwe.  Rourke Publications, Incorporated.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

2984.   State Historical Society of Wisconsin. Library. (1992). [Information guides/guides to collections]. Madison, Wis.: State Historical Society of Wisconsin Library.
Abstract: African-American history sources -- Canadian federal government publications -- Canadian provincial and territorial government publications -- Cemetery records -- Church records -- Finding government publications in UW-Madison libraries -- Finding Native American history sources -- Genealogical resources, information guide no. 4 -- General library information -- Government information on CD-ROM -- Government publications for the genealogist -- Interlibrary loan -- Non- Wisconsin state and territorial government publications -- Selected sources for Wisconsin information -- Sources for business statistics in U.S. government publications -- Sources for the study of U.S. foreign relations -- Sources for the study of the U.S. economy -- Statistical information sources in U.S. government publications -- U.S. federal government publications users' guide -- Women in American history: a selected list of reference sources -- Wisconsin county and municipal government publications -- Wisconsin state government publications.

2985.   . (1869). States. Quartermaster's DeptRoll of honor names of soldiers who died in defence of the American Union, interred in the national cemeteries at Baltimore, Maryland, Petersburg, Virginia, New Berne, North Carolina, Florence, South Carolina, (additional), Baton Rouge, Louisiana, Fort St. Phillip, Louisiana, Jefferson City, Missouri, and various posts in the states of Minnesota and New Mexico, and Arizona, Colorado, Dakota, Indian, Montana, Utah and Washington territories . Washington : G.P.O.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 19476564. At head of title: Quartermaster General's Office, General Orders No. 36, September 11, 1868.
Abstract: Names of soldiers who died in defence of the American Union.

2986.   Steckbauer, W. E. (1900). A souvenir in photogravure of the Upper Peninsula of Michigan : Calumet, Red Jacket, Laurium, Houghton, Hancock, Lake Linden, etc. Brooklyn, N.Y.  Albertype Co.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 10252255.  "Copyright, 1900, by W.E. Steckbauer, photographer, Calumet, Mich. Albert Quade, associate publisher." Title on cover: The Upper Peninsula.

2987.   Steegmann, A. T., Jr. (1977). Finger Temperatures During Work in Natural Cold: the Northern Ojibwa. Human Biology, 49(3), 349-362, graphs.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search
Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search

2988.   Steele, W. O. (1957). Flaming arrows. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Incorporated.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers (1967:94), "Annotated list of selected teaching materials"
Abstract: "This story revolves around the fallacy in blaming a son for his father's wrongdoing."

2989.   Steele, W. O. (1964). Wayah and the real people. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Incorporated.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers (1967:94), "Annotated list of selected teaching materials"
Abstract: "A young Cherokee attends a white man's school where he must strive to remain true to his heritage.  Excellent.  Grades 4-8."

2990.   Steering Committee on Native Justice Issues (B.C.) (Ed.). (1990). Native Justice Report. (Vols. Vol. 1, no. 1 (Feb. 1990)-). Victoria, B.C.  Steering Committee on Native Justice Issues.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23263734.  Title from caption.

Stephenson, J. (1996). For some American Indians, casino profits are a good bet for improving health care. JAMA, The Journal of the American Medical Association, 275(23), 1783 (3).
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999 search
Abstract: Casinos have provided the means for many Native American tribes to lift themselves out of poverty, but many tribes are investigating other businesses in case states refuse to renew their gaming licenses. One such tribe is the Mille Lacs band of Ojibwe Indians 100 miles north of Minneapolis-St. Paul. The band used revenues from two casinos to build a new health center in 1993. Two or more health care professionals are available at the Ne-Ia-Shing Clinic every weekday and some evenings. The tribe's Department of Health and Human Services received almost half a million dollars from the casinos in 1996. Casino revenues have also built two new schools and rebuilt the crumbling reservation infrastructure. The Oneida tribe of Wisconsin will also use casino revenues to build a new health clinic. Native Americans have very high rates of diabetes, tuberculosis and alcoholism.





return to Maquah.net