Ojibwe Bibliography – part 6
[01-19-04]
2700.
Robin, R. W., Long, J. C., Rasmussen,
J. K., Albaugh, B., & Goldman, D. (1998). Relationship of Binge Drinking to
Alcohol Dependence, Other Psychiatric Disorders, and Behavioral Problems in an
American Indian Tribe. Alcoholism: Clinical & Experimental Research, 22
(2), 518-523.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: The hypothesis that binge drinking is a benign behavior not
associated with alcohol dependence, other psychiatric disorders, or problem
areas, in American Indians, was tested in a sample of 582 adult Southwestern
American Indian males and females in large multigenerational pedigrees. All information
was obtained from semistructured psychiatric interviews that were independently
blind-rated for DSM-III-R diagnoses. Three main outcome measures were used: the
relationship between binge drinking and (1) alcohol dependence and other
psychiatric disorders, (2) substance abuse treatment, and (3) four behavioral
problem categories-violence/lawlessness, physical, social, and work. Binge
drinking and alcohol dependence were strongly associated. Most binge drinkers
were diagnosed as alcohol dependent. However, when controlling for alcohol
dependence and other covariates, binge drinking was independently associated
with an increase in odds for positive diagnoses for multiple psychiatric
disorders, and for social, work, physical, and violence/lawlessness behavioral
problems. In sum, binge drinking was found to be a common and severe problem
with deleterious consequences in multiple domains of functioning. Assessment
instruments should be designed to elicit information on binge patterns of
drinking and strategies devised to provide appropriate treatment. (Abstract by: Author)
2701. .
(1979). J. W. Robinson, & C. Kelsey Reminiscences of Josephine Warren
Robinson, White Earth band of the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23017546
2702. Robinson,
L. (1994). Running Scared: An Ojibway coach is accused of robbing his
"scared running" team of $30,000. This Magazine, 27(8), 33.
Notes: Source: UnCover database (Aug 1999)
2703. Robyn,
L. M. (1999). Resource colonialism and native resistance: the mining wars in
Wisconsin (Chippewa) . Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Western Michigan
University.
Abstract: In recent years powerful multinational mining corporations have
attempted to mine various minerals found on Indian lands in the northern region
of Wisconsin. These lands are currently protected from corporate incursion by
treaties between the Chippewa people and the United States government. The
Chippewa are using the treaties as an obstacle to corporate access to their
lands and to protect their lands from the environmental devastation that will
occur from proposed mining ventures. This case study utilizes a power-reflexive method to analyze the power
of the state to control rich mineral resources known to be on reservation
lands. Under examination are state and corporate actors and the methods used in
an attempt to abrogate the treaties made during the 1800s so that they may
continue to use the Chippewa as a resource colony to gain access to these rich
mineral deposits. A power-reflexive approach in this research will demonstrate
how native peoples are challenging the most powerful institutions of a large
nation state by using their capabilities to blend assertion of treaty rights
with innovative and militant forms of environmental activism. This research
focuses on the American Indian point of view, and how consideration of American
Indian views and philosophies concerning the environmentcan help create a new
heritage of respect, cooperation, and freedom.
2704. .
(1979). C. Rock, & P. T. HoulihanReminiscences of Cecilia Rock, Leech
Lake band of the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 22891940
2705. .
(1979). R. Rock, & C. KelseyReminiscences of Reuben Rock, White Earth
band of the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23017550
2706. Beltrami
County, Minnesota : recreation map. (1988). Rockford, IL: Rockford Map
Publishers.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search). Map published to accompany Beltrami County, Minnesota land atlas
and plat book, 1988
2707. Roddis,
L. H. (Louis Harry), 1886- . (1956). The Indian wars of Minnesota. Cedar
Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 3512768
2708. Roefer,
F., & Bakker, W. (1969). The Cottonwood County petroglyphs .
Jeffers? Minn.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 11584779
2709. .
(1973). F. Roefer, M. English, & G. A. Lothson, 1939- (Minnesota Historical Society. Archaeology
Dept.), The Jeffers Petroglyphs : a cultural-ecological study . [Saint Paul, Minn.] : Minnesota Historical
Society.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 4521077. "This
report is published in a limited quantity for review purposes only and is not
for sale." Includes bibliography.
2710. Rogers,
E. S. (1965). Leadership among the Indians of Eastern Subarctic Canada. Anthropologica
(Ottawa), 7(2), 263-284.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XII (1968:102)
2711. Rogers,
E. S., & Black, M. B. (1980). Method for reconstructing patterns of change:
surname adoption by the Weagamow Ojibwa, 1870-1950. Ethnohistory, 5(4),
319-345.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXVI (1983:130)
2712. (1972).
New York: Grossman Publishers.
Notes: ERIC NO: ED067208
Abstract: The Jackdaw packet contains historical documents dealing with
Canadian Indians. The packet may be used for senior high school and college
level students. Included are a reproduction of a birchbark scroll owned by an
Ojibwa Medicine Society, showing membership symbols known only to the society;
a speech (1743) by an Indian chief, as transcribed into a journal, at the
opening of trading on the Hudson Bay; a Bill of lading (c. 1800) for a canoe of
the North West Company as it left Montreal; an illustration of the Indian
culture areas of Canada indicating groupings of Indians by similar life styles;
a record, containing Indian songs and chants; a Jesuit map of the upper Great
Lakes (1682) showing the location of Indians and missions between the
Mississippi (Colbert) River and Lake Ontario; a map of new discoveries in North
America published in London by Arrowsmith (1796); and a Manitoban, Winnipeg
newspaper, 11 October 1873, report on Treaty No. 3 between the Cree and Ojibwa
Indians and Lieutenant-Governor Morris and his party. Also, Indian unrest is
reported: a long report of the uprising of 1869-70 at Red River, concerning the
execution of Thomas Scott, an Ontario Orangemen, and clippings of reports and
comments on the Alert Bay Potlatch raid (1922-23) and on the Indian protest at
Kenora (November 1965) are taken from the British Columbia newspaper. Also
contained in this packet are a list of Things to Think About, Things to Do, and
a Bibliography for more reading. (FF)
2713. Rogers,
E. S. (1983). Cultural adaptations: the northern Ojibwa of the boreal forest
1670-1980. Boreal forest adaptations
(pp. 85-141). New York: Plenum Press.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2714. Rogers,
E. S. (1969). The Ojibwa. Beaver, outfit 300, 46-49.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2715. Rogers,
E. S. (1962). The Round Lake Ojibwa. Royal Ontario Museum Paper Vol. 5).
Toronto: University of Toronto.
Notes: Source: bibliography in Ritzenthaler and Ritzenthaler (1970)
2716. Rogers,
E. S., & Rogers, M. B. (1982). Who were the cranes? Groups and group
identity names in northern Ontario. Proceedings - Annual Conference of the
Archaeological Association of the University of Calgary, (13), 147-188.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2717. Rogers,
E. S. (1977). Bishop, Charles A. The Northern Ojibwa and the fur trade: a
historical and ecological study. [book review]. American Anthropologist, 79(3),
670-671.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXIII (1981:74)
2718. Rogers,
J. H. (1978). Differential focussing in Ojibwa conjunct verbs: on
circumstances, participants or events. International Journal of American
Linguistics, 44(3), 167-179.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXIV (1981:81)
2719. Rogers,
J. H. (1975). Non-TA verbs of Parry island Ojibwa. International Journal of
American Linguistics, 41(1), 21-31, ill.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXII (1979:118)
2720. Rogers,
J. H. (1975). Prediction of transitive animate verbs in an Ojibwa dialect. International
Journal of American Linguistics, 41(2), 114-139.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXII (1979:118)
2721. Rogers,
J. H. (1976). Coding of role information in Ojibwa. Papers of the Algonquian
Conference. 1975. Ottawa. 7th, 257-271.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2722. Rogers,
J. H. (1975). Participant identification and role allocation in Ojibwa.
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Toronto (Canada).
2723. Rogers,
J. (1974). Red world and white: memories of a Chippewa boyhood. Norman,
OK: University of Oklahoma Press.
Notes: Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)
Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
2724. Rogers,
M. (144). Chippewa families: A social study of white earth reservation, 1938. LIBR
J .
Notes: Source: http://www.webofscience.com/CIW.cgi -- subject search on all
indexes, Fall 1999
2725. Rogers,
V. (1989). Ah-Dick Songab genealogy.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
2726. Rogers,
V. (1989). Broken Tooth Genealogy.
deposited by Virginia Rogers at the Minnesota Historical Society.
Notes: cited by Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
2727. Rogers,
V. (1989). Flat Mouth Genealogy.
deposited by Virginia Rogers at the Minnesota Historical Society.
Notes: cited inWub-e-ke-niew (1995)
2728. Rogers,
V. (1976-1978). Historical Society genealogical cards.
Notes: r. 1. Across the Land-Lareau, Noel -- r. 2. Lareau, Simeon-May yah we
gah bow -- r. 3. May yah we gah bow- Zozay. File of ca. 20,000 cards compiled
by Virginia Rogers in 1976- 1978, containing English names, Indian names, and
translations of Indian names for Indians and Métis in Minnesota. Microfilm. [Minnesota? : s.n., 1979]. 3 microfilm reels
: negative ; 16 mm.
2729. Rogers,
V. (1984). The taking of the White Earth Reservation. [privately published].
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
2730. Rohrl,
V. (1972). Some observations on the drum society of Chippewa Indians. Ethnohistory,
19(3), 219-225.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XX (1976:153)
2731. Rohrl,
V. J. (1981). Change for continuity: the people of a Thousand Lakes.
Washington, D.C.: University Press of America.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXVII (1985:159)
Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
2732. Rohrl,
V. J. (1967). A Chippewa funeral. Wisconsin Archaeologist, 48(2),
137-140.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2733. Rohrl,
V. J. (1968). The Drum societies in a southwestern Chippewa community. Wisconsin
Archeologist, 49 (3), 131-137.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2734. Rohrl,
V. J. L. (1967). The people of Mille Lacs: a study of social organization
and value orientations. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of
Minnesota.
2735. Rokala,
D. A., & Polesky, H. F. (1973). Demographic and Genetic Structures of
Reservation Populations. 1. The Greater Leech Lake (Ojibwa) Reservation. Social
Biology, 20(4), 427-437.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Source: Family Studies database [University of Minnesota onlinedatabase],
August 29, 1999 search
2736. Rokala,
D. A. (1972). The anthropological genetics and demography of the
Southwestern Ojibwa in the greater Leech Lake--Chippewa National Forest area.
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.
2737. Rolater,
F. S. (1993). The American Indian and the origin of the second American party
system. Wisconsin Magazine of History, 76(3), 180.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
2738. Rolf,
B., Meyer, E., Brinkmann, B., & De Knijff, P. (1998). Polymorphism at the
Tetranucleotide Repeat Locus Dys389 in 10 Populations Reveals Strong Geographic
Clustering. European Journal of Human Genetics, 6(6), 583-588.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: Several short tandem repeat polymorphism loci at the non-recombining
part of the Y chromosome have been described recently and are now widely used
for the investigation of the history and the diversity of man. The
tetranucleotide repeat polymorphism at the DYS389 locus consists of two
repetitive stretches with different numbers of (TCTG)n (TCTA)m repeat units. To
study the overall variability of this locus, 768 alleles from males from 10
human populations (two sub-Saharan African, four Caucasoid and four
Asian/Amerind populations) were investigated. The alleles found in the
populations of different geographic origin exhibited remarkable differences in
the number and arrangement of repeats in the two repetitive stretches and up to
nine different sequence variants for a single fragment length have been
detected. So far 53 different alleles, i.e. haplotypes, have been observed.
Analysis of molecular variance (AMOVA) indicates that at least 24.5% of the total
genetic variance was found between the populations and that these differences
were significant in most pairwise comparisons. We propose a model, in which
both founder effects and genetic drift together with single step replication
slippage mutations explain the picture of haplotype diversity observed with
this single locus. (Abstract by:
Author)
2739. Roman
Stateley. (1993). The Red Lake Nation [sic], a report to the people of
the Red Lake Band of Chippewa Indians.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
2740. Rommen,
H. A. (1945). The state in Catholic thought, a treatise in political
philosophy. London.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
2741. Ronaghan,
N. E. A. (1988). The Archibald admnistration in Manitoba--1870-1872.
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Manitoba (Canada).
Abstract: The Red River Insurrection was not a rebellion against Canadian or
British authority but rather a reaction against the actions and words of the
'Canadian' party and the failure of anyone in authority to consult with the Red
River people as to their future. The Insurrection did not represent a victory
for those who led it, nor did it secure the position of the Metis people in
Manitoba. Rather it merely interrupted a constitutional revolution by which
Manitoba entered Confederation with its public lands appropriated 'for purposes
of the Dominion.' The uproar in Ontario concerning the execution of Scott
served effectively to divert attention from this revolution. The Red River
Expeditionary Force did not bring law and order to Manitoba. The Ontario Rifles
at Fort Garry became an unruly army of occupation, providing protection for the
'Canadian' party and a 'reign of terror' for the Metis. This army of occupation
prevented Lieutenant-Governor Archibald from succeeding in his policy of
conciliation and from establishing responsible government in Manitoba.
Archibald managed to hold the allegiance of the Metis during the confrontation
at Riviere aux Ilets de Bois by giving them certain assurances concerning the
way they wished to hold the land to be granted them under the terms of the
Manitoba Act. The Canadian Cabinet refused to honor these undertakings. The
attacks on Archibald begun by the Liberal and repeated in the Ontario press
made his position untenable. After the so-called 'Fenian Raid' when Archibald
accepted the Metis offer of support and shook hands with Riel, the outcry in
the Ontario press forced Archibald to submit his resignation. With the passing
of the British North America Act of 1871 by the British Parliament and the
Dominion Lands Act of 1872 by the Canadian Parliament the constitutional
revolution was complete and Manitoba, its people still not amnestied, was
effectively a 'colony of a colony.'
2742. Roosevelt,
F. ("before World War II"). [Letter to Hitler, Adolf].
Notes: cited by Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
For example, the cable sent
from Adolf Hitler to U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt in response to F.D.R.'s
questions about Hitler's genocide.
Hitler responded, "Who are you to tell me what to do? Clean up your own backyard."
2743. Roosevelt,
T. (1973). S. L. TylerA History of Indian Policy .
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
2744. Rose,
A. P., 1875-1970. (1911). An illustrated history of the counties of Rock and
Pipestone, Minnesota. Luverne, Minn.
Northern History Publishing Company.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 10510893
2745. Rose,
R. (1952). Experiments in ESP and PK with aborignal subjects. Journal of
Parapsychology, 16(3), 219-220, 1 tbl.
Notes: Source: Parapsychology Abstracts International, Jun 1986:11
Abstract: The author reports briefly on GESP and PK experiments conducted by he and his wife from December, 1950, to
February, 1951, with grops of natives in Central Australia, principally the detribalized
Aranda (Arunta) people at Hermannesburg and the tribal members of the
Pitjendadjara tribe at Areyonga. A
total of 25 natives participatged in 171 GESP runs with an insigificant
positive total. The mssionary natives
scored close to mean chance expectation, but the tribal natives scored
significantly positive. A total of
1,128 PK runs with 12 dice per throw produced an insignificant deviation. Aboriganal clever men showed no special psi
ability in the experimental situation.
A summary of the results of all the
experiments conducted to date by he and his wife are reported to be as follows:
526 GESP runs yielded an average score of 5.57 and a CR of 6.60; 3,192 PK runs
yielded an average score of 4.03, which is not significant. --R.A.W.
2746. Rosen,
M. (1994). Friend of the Earth. (Native American activist Winona LaDuke). People
Weekly, 42(22), 165 (4).
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct
1999 search
Abstract: LaDuke has been fighting for the reclamation of the lands and culture
of the Anishinabe tribe. The Harvard-educated activist is the founder of the
White Earth Land Recovery Project. Less than one-tenth of the tribe's
reservation lands remains in their possession.
2747. Rosenthal,
B. G. (1974). Development of Self-Identification in Relation to Attitudes
Towards the Self in the Chippewa Indians. Genetic Psychology Monographs, 90((1st
Half)), 43-141.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
2748. .
(1979). A. Ross, b. 1889, & H. T. HooverReminiscences of Alex Ross,
Mdewakanton Community of Prior Lake, Minnesota .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23179983
2749. Ross,
J. (1994). Rebellion from the Roots: Indian Uprising in Chiapas. Common Courage Press.
Notes: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
2750. Ross,
L. M. (1980). Results of thermoluminescence dating measurements on pottery
sherds from the Knife River Indian Villages National Historic Site (North
Dakota), Voyageurs National Park (Minnesota), and Ozark National Scenic
Riverway (Missouri) . St. Louis, Mo.
Center for Archaeometry, Washington University.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 6857819. Cover title.
Other: Sutton, S. R. United States. National Park Service. Washington
University. Center for Archaeometry.
2751. .
(1979). R. Ross, 1918- , V. Ross, & H. T. HooverReminiscences of Rufus
and Verna Ross, Mdewakanton Community of Prior Lake, Minnesota .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23179988
2752. Rossow,
M. D. (1995). The effect of community structure on newspapers' reporting of
environmental issues involving high versus low intracommunity strife.
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Wisconsin, Madison.
Abstract: Two environment-related
issues emerged in northern Wisconsin in the middle 1980s--one a dispute over
the federal government's consideration of two granite batholiths in Wisconsin
as potential sites for a nuclear-waste repository, the other a battle over
spearfishing rights of six bands of Chippewa Indians. This dissertation
examined press coverage of both issues by newspapers in communities in or near
the affected areas. The project focused on the relationship between community
pluralism and conflict coverage as influenced by the level of intracommunity
discord over each issue. Seventeen communities were ranked on a pluralism
(community structure) scale, and a content analysis was conducted of all stories
about both issues in the newspapers that served those communities. The analysis
examined a total of 683 newspaper articles. Specifically, it was hypothesized
that newspapers in lower pluralism communities would cover the issues
differently from their counterpart papers in
higher pluralism communities. It was expected that the lower pluralism papers would be more cautious than
the higher pluralism papers in covering the spearing controversy, an issue
marked by intense intracommunity discord. Internal discord over the nuclear-waste issue was much lower, with
almost unanimous community rejection of the siting plan. The data generally
supported the hypotheses, with lower pluralism papers providing proportionally
much less coverage of spearing versus nuclear waste when compared with higher
pluralism papers. Several of the lower pluralism papers totally ignored the
spearing dispute, although all provided coverage of the nuclear-waste issue.
The material gathered in the study followed a pattern seen in earlier pluralism
research showing smaller newspapers reluctant to cover topics in a way that
could threaten the community's social fabric. The material also suggested that
the level of intensity of intracommunity conflict over an issue may be a factor
in the amount and completeness of coverage of the issue.
2753. Rotenberg,
K. J., & Mayer, E. V. (1990). Delay of Gratification in Native and White
Children a Cross-Cultural Comparison. International Journal of Behavioral
Development , 13(1), 23-30.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: The study was designed to assess whether the development of the delay
of gratification found in White children is evident in Native children from an
isolated Ojibwa band in northern Ontario Canada. Initially, the Native children's, reward values were assessed and
from those an immediate small reward and a delayed larger reward were
selected. A group of White children
were similarly tested and a subsample of White children were selected whose
reward values matched those of the Natives.
In a second session, once the children's understanding of 'one day
later' had been determined, they were posed with the conventional delay of
gratification task. It was found that
both the Native and White children showed the acquisition of the delay of
gratification with age and showed it at approximately the same rate. However, the Native children tended to show
less delay of gratification than did the White children.
2754. Roufs,
T. G. (1981). Bibliography of Chippewa Indians.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
2755. Roufs,
T. G. (1983). Index to the works listed in the working bibliography of
Chippewa/Ojibwa/Anishinabe and selected works. Duluth, MN: University of
Minnesota.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXX (1987:10)
2756. Roufs,
T. G., & Aitken, L. P. (1984). Information relating to the Chippewa
peoples from the handbook of American Indians North of Mexico. Duluth, MN:
University of Minnesota.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXX (1987:171)
2757. Roufs,
T. J., & James, B. J. (1974). Myth in method: more on Ojibwa culture. Current
Anthropology, 15(3), 307-310.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XX (1976:139)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database,
August 1999 search, Comment by Bernard J. James p. 309-310
2758. Rountree,
H. C. (1998). Powhatan Indian women: The people Captain John Smith barely saw. Ethnohistory,
45(1), 1-29.
Notes: Source: http://www.webofscience.com/CIW.cgi -- subject search on all
indexes, Fall 1999
2759. Rowan,
C. T. (1957). The plight of the upper midwest Indian. 'The first are last.'.
Minneapolis: Minneapolis Star and Tribune Co.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 25450627. Reprinted
from the Minneapolis tribune, Feb. 17 through Mar. 3, 1957.
2760. (1998).
R. A. Rozoff. St. Germain, WI : DeltaVision Entertainment.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October, 1999 search)
Abstract: This program examines Chippewa ricing methods and illustrates the
growth cycle of the sacred grain called Mahnomin. Efforts by the 1854 Authority
through the "Circle of Flight" program to improve and better manage
wetland habitats are presented. VHS.
2761. Rubenstein,
B. a. (1974). Justice denied: an analysis of American Indian-White relations
in Michigan, 1855-1899. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Michigan State
University.
2762. Ruffalovich,
D. C. (1982). The myth between: a structural study of north American Indian
mythology. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Texas at
Austin.
Abstract: This study is a structural analysis of northern North American Indian
mythology. Following a discussion of method and theory, it is demonstrated how,
on the Great Lakes, a Winnebago myth of the origin of the menstrual customs is
transformed into an Ojibwa myth of the origin of the male puberty fast. It is
then demonstrated how these myths are transformed into the origin of the Big
Dipper on the Plains and reconstructed on the Northwest Plateau and Coast. It
is shown that a myth consists of all its variants, including ethnographic and
ethnological ones. It is also shown that myth is a means and not an object of
thought.
2763. .
(1989). J. F. RuhlWater resources of the Fond du Lac Indian Reservation,
east-central Minnesota . St. Paul,
Minn. : Denver, Colo. Dept. of the
Interior, U.S. Geological Survey ; U.S. Geological Survey, Books and Open-File
Reports Section [distributor].
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 20507172. Includes
bibliographical references (p. 41- 42).
2764. .
(1991). J. F. RuhlWater resources of the Red Lake Indian Reservation, northwestern
Minnesota . St. Paul, Minn. :
Denver, Colo. U.S. Geological Survey ;
Books and Open- File Reports Section [distributor].
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 25014815
Source: PALS online catalog (October 1999 search)
2765. .
(1989). J. F. RuhlWater resources of the White Earth Indian Reservation,
northwestern Minnesota . St. Paul,
Minn. : Denver, Colo. Dept. of the
Interior, U.S. Geological Survey ; U.S. Geological Survey, Books and Open-File
Reports Section [distributor].
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 21274622. Includes bibliographical references (p. 72-
73). Other: White Earth Indian
Reservation (Minn.). Business Committee. Geological Survey (U.S.)
2766. Ruhlen,
M. (1995). Proto-Amerind Numerals. Anthropological Science, 103(3),
209-225.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: The Amerind language family includes all the aboriginal languages of
North and South America, except for those belonging to the Eskimo-Aleut and
Na-Dene families. Comparative linguistic evidence from extant (or attested)
Amerind languages indicates that Proto-Amerind - the language from which all
Amerind languages derive-used a system of counting in which an obligatory
numeral prefix, *ne-, preceded the numeral root. The first three numerals in
Proto-Amerind seem to have been *ne-k'(w)e '1,' *ne-pale '2,' and *ne-q(w)alas
'3.' A fourth numeral, Proto-Amerind *ta-pale '4,' combined a reflexive prefix
with the Proto-Amerind root for '2' in order to express the number '4.'
[References: 47]
2767. Ruiz-Linares,
A., Ortiz-Barrientos, D., Figueroa, M., Mesa, N., Munera J. G., Bedoya, G.,
Velez I. D. , Garcia, L. F., Perez-Lezaun, A., Bertranpetit, J., Feldman, M.
W., & Goldstein D. B. (1999). Microsatellites Provide Evidence for Y
Chromosome Diversity Among the Founders of the New World. Proceedings of the
National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 96(11),
6312-6317.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: Recently, Y chromosome markers have begun to be used to study Native
American origins. Available data have been interpreted as indicating that the
colonizers of the New World carried a single founder haplotype. However, these
early studies have been based on a few, mostly complex polymorphisms of
insufficient resolution to determine whether observed diversity stems from
admixture or diversity among the colonizers. Because the interpretation of Y chromosomal
variation in the New World depends on founding diversity, it is important to
develop marker systems with finer resolution. Here we evaluate the hypothesis
of a single-founder Y haplotype for Amerinds by using 11 Y-specific markers in
five Colombian Amerind populations. Two of these markers (DYS271, DYS287) are
reliable indicators of admixture and detected three non-Amerind chromosomes in
our sample. Two other markers (DYS199, M19) are single-nucleotide polymorphisms
mostly restricted to Native Americans. The relatedness of chromosomes defined
by these two markers was evaluated by constructing haplotypes with seven
microsatellite loci (DYS388 to 394). The microsatellite backgrounds found on
the two haplogroups defined by marker DYS199 demonstrate the existence of at
least two Amerind founder haplotypes, one of them (carrying allele DYS199 T)
largely restricted to Native Americans. The estimated age and distribution of
these haplogroups places them among the founders of the New World. (Abstract by: Author)
2768. Russell,
A. J., b. 1807. (1870). The Red River country, Hudson's Bay and North-West
Territories considered in relation to Canada with the last two reports of S.J.
Dawson, Esquire, C.E., on the line of route between Lake Superior and the Red
River settlement, illustrated with a map . Montreal: G.E. Desbarats.
Notes: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 10594878, 13557856. Other:
Dawson, S. J. (Simon James), 1820- 1902. ... accession: 24083470.
2769. .
(1869). A. J. Russell, b. 1807, & Canada. Dept. of Public WorksThe Red
River Country, Hudson's Bay & North-west territories, considered in
relation to Canada with the last report of S.J. Dawson ... on the line of route
between Lake Superior and the Red River Settlement ... Ottawa : G.E. Desbarats.
Notes: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 15453380. Original wrappers. Apparently a second
issue. cf. "Second preface" tipped-in on page [vii]. Other: Canada. Dept. of Public Works. ... accession: 18480765. Other: Dawson, S. J. (Simon James),
1820-1902. Hudson's Bay Company. ... accession: 35647569.
2770. Russell,
G. (1998). Drawing The Line. Native Peoples : the Journal of the Heard
Museum, 11(3), 70.
Notes: Source: UnCover
Abstract: George Russell (Saginaw Chippewa) got tired of getting stumped every
time his non-indian co-workers asked him about Native America. So he did
something about it, including writing this article.
2771. .
(1904). M. C. Russell, 1840- Uncle Dudley's odd hours western sketches,
Indian trail echoes, straws of humor . Lake City, Minn.
"The Home Printery".
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 15458729 ...
accession: 5879698 ... accession: 4080730
2772. Ryan,
L. M. J., 1941- . (1975). Reasons for American Indian students dropping out
of a Minnesota high school : a survey of teachers and the dropouts .
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Moorhead State College.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 10434075
2773. Rynkiewich,
M. A.Chippewa powwows. Anishinabe
(pp. 31-100, ill.). Tallahassee, FL: University Presses of Florida.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2774. Sabathy-Judd,
G. (1999). The diary of the Moravian Indian mission of Fairfield, Upper Canada,
1792-1813 (Ontario). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of
Western Ontario (Canada).
Abstract: This thesis is an annotated translation from the original German of
the official diary of the Moravian Indian mission of Fairfield, Upper Canada.
The translated text is preceded by a thematic, five-part Introduction, which
places the Moravians in the proper historical, diplomatic and religious
context. The diary commences with the foundation of the mission in April, 1792,
and ends with the latter's destruction in the War of 1812. As an historical
document of its time and place, it has no parallel. Part one of the
Introduction deals briefly with the Moravians' European background and their
world-wide mission program. It examines the Moravians as an
extra-ecclesiastical institution, and as Evangelicals, and compares them to the
Methodists. The conparison is deliberate. Methodists and Moravians have much in
common but differ on a fundamental point in their theology, something the diary
helps to demonstrate. More importantly,
the Methodists were the only other active Evangelicals on the Thames in
Fairfield's time. Part two deals with why and how the Moravians came to Upper
Canada and to what extent they made good loyal citizens of the newly formed province.
It places them in the Ohio Valley during the American Revolution and traces
their movements throughout Ohio and Michigan, and finally to Fairfield. This
section centres on Moravian 'neutrality,' something that was of great
consequence to their future as an Indian mission. While they practised
non-involvement in all military conflicts, they did not espouse a Quaker-like
pacifism. Neither did their non-combative position save them from harassment in
times of war. Fairfield was the largest settlement on the lower Thames in the
eighteenth century. Its physical description and function as a multi-cultural
pioneer farming community is the theme of the third section while the fourth
deals with the community as a religious institution. Like all Moravian missions,
Fairfield followed a well-established pattern in its daily spiritual life whose
rather complex system is explored in full. The fifth and last section
places the Fairfield diary in the
larger context of extant Moravian archive material. Here a comparison to the
Jesuit Relations is made. Style and format of the original document and methods
of translation are discussed. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
2775. Saewyc,
E. M., Skay, C. L., Bearinger, L. H., Blum, R. W., & Resnick M. D. (1998).
Demographics of Sexual Orientation Among American-Indian Adolescents. American
Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 68(4), 590-600.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: Self-report of sexual orientation and sexual behavior was compared
for 12,978 reservation-based American-Indian and 11,356 rural Anglo-American
adolescents. Findings included a significantly higher prevalence of homosexual,
bisexual, and unsure responses among American Indians. However, a larger
nonresponse rate for American-Indian adolescents raises questions about the
cultural relevance of the survey method, and underscores the need for
development of more culturally sensitive research tools and methods. (Abstract by: Author)
2776. Saewyc,
E. M., Skay, C. L., Bearinger, L. H., Blum, R. W., & Resnick, M. D. (1998).
Sexual Orientation, Sexual Behaviors, and Pregnancy Among American Indian
Adolescents. Journal of Adolescent Health, 23(4), 238-247.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: PURPOSE: A recent study found a disproportionate number of
pregnancies among Euro-American lesbian and bisexual adolescents compared to
heterosexual peers. American Indian adolescents have reported higher prevalence
of gay/lesbian/bisexual orientations than Euro-Americans; do they also report
higher prevalence of pregnancy? METHODS: The study assessed prevalence of teen
pregnancy and related factors by sexual orientation among sexually experienced,
reservation-based American Indian adolescent males (n = 2056) and females (n =
1693) who participated in a national school-based survey in 1991. Self-reported
orientation was classified as heterosexual, gay/lesbian/bisexual, and 'unsure'
of orientation. RESULTS: Gay/bisexual males were more likely than other males
to report early heterosexual intercourse (<14 years), more consistent
contraception, and a higher prevalence of abuse and running away (p < 0.05
to p < 0.0001). Likewise, lesbian/bisexual females were more likely to report
early onset of heterosexual intercourse, more frequent intercourse, and running
away. Sexual or physical abuse did not vary by orientation for females.
Prevalence of pregnancy also did not vary by orientation (males, 18.6%
gay/bisexual vs. 10.4% 'unsure' vs. 11.8% heterosexual; females, 25.0%
lesbian/bisexual vs. 22.1% 'unsure' vs. 21.9% heterosexual). For
lesbian/bisexual females, no variables were significantly associated with
pregnancy history; for 'unsure' females, pregnancy was associated with contraceptive
frequency and early onset of heterosexual activity. For heterosexual females,
age, intercourse frequency, and physical abuse were associated. For
gay/bisexual males, intercourse frequency, ineffective contraception, and
physical abuse were associated with involvement in a pregnancy; for 'unsure'
and heterosexual males, most items except ineffective contraception were
related to pregnancy involvement history. CONCLUSIONS: Although prevalence of
pregnancy is similar, findings show group differences in associated risk
factors by sexual orientation. Interventions to reduce pregnancy among American
Indian adolescents should include assessment of sexual orientation and
behavioral risk factors. (Abstract by:
Author)
2777. Saffouri,
H. (1996). Comment - The Good Cause Exception to the Indian Child Welfare Act's
Placement Preferences: The Minnesota Supreme Court Sets a Difficult
(Impossible?) Standard - In re the Custody of S.E.G., 521 N.W.2d 357 (Minn.
1994). William Mitchell Law Review, 21(4), 1991.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
2778. Sagard-Theodat,
G. (1969). Long Journey to the Country of the Hurons. Greenwood Publishing Group, Incorporated.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
2779. Sagatoo,
M. (1994). Thirty-Three Years among the Indians: The Story of Mary Sagatoo. Bigwater Publishing.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
2780. Sager,
D. (1996). An Unusual Eastern Grasslands Ojibway Shirt Type. American Indian
Art Magazine, 22(1), 36.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Abstract: Suggests that by the 1870s the Ojibway of southwest Manitoba and
northeast North Dakota were making a unique shirt type, which shared some of
the features found in earlier European models but which also shared some decorative
techniques of the upper Missouri River region.
2781. Sahlins,
M. (1976). Culture and practical reason. Chicago and London: The
University of Chicago Press.
Notes: Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)
2782. Sale,
K. (1990). The conquest of paradise, Christopher Columbus and the Columbian
legacy.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
2783. Salerno,
N., & Vanderburgh, R. (1980). Shaman's Daughter. Englewood Cliffs,
NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Notes: Source: Women’s Resources International [University of Minnesota online
database--Women, Race & Ethnicity Database], August 29, 1999 search
Abstract: According to critic Rayna Green, this story of an Ojibwa herbalist,
basketmaker and community leader around the turn of the century is one of the
best modern novels about American Indian women.
2784. Sally
Old Coyote. (1972). Indian Tales of the Northern Plains. Council for Indian Education.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
2785. Salt,
E. (1996). North Spirit - Travels Among the Cree and Ojibway Nations and Their
Star Maps - Jiles,P. Library Journal.
121(18):98, 1996 Nov 1., 121(18), 98.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
2786. Salter,
K. C. Friendship and assimilation of Indian children at an urban junior high
school. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 19385319
2787. Salzer,
R. (1961). Central Algonkin Beadwork. American Indian Tradition, 7(5),
166-178.
Notes: Source: bibliography in Ritzenthaler and Ritzenthaler (1970)
2788. Sammons,
K. (1997). Making It Their Own - Severn Ojibwe Communicative Practices -
Valentine, L. P. American Ethnologist, 24(2), 473-474.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Source: http://www.webofscience.com/CIW.cgi -- subject search on all indexes,
Fall 1999
2789. Samuelson,
P. A. (1967). Economics, an Introductory Analysis.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
2790. San
Souci, R. D., & San Souci, D. Sootface: An Ojibwa Cinderella Story .
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct
1999 search [review]
Abstract: In this Ojibwa tale, Sootface is a young woman who does all the
cooking, mending, and fire tending for her father and her two mean and lazy
older sisters. When the mysterious invisible warrior announces through his
sister that he will take for his bride a woman with a kind and honest heart, only
Sootface proves worthy. The tale has been told before, even in picture-book
format, but the San Souci version reads aloud well, and the watercolor artwork
illustrates the story with quiet grace. A satisfying picture book for reading
aloud or alone, and a good choice for classes studying Native Americans or
comparative folklore.
Full Text COPYRIGHT American Library Association 1994
2791. Sanders,
K. J. (1996). Healing narratives: negotiating cultural subjectivities in
Louise Erdrich's magic realism (Louise Erdrich, Ojibwa). Unpublished
doctoral dissertation, The Pennsylvania State University.
Abstract: To explore the culture and history of the Ojibwa people, Louise
Erdrich focuses on how her characters' identities are formed and reformed in
relation to their families, religions, and community. Throughout this
exploration, she employs an illness/healing metaphor to examine the importance
of knowledge, understanding, and acceptance in forming a healthy individual and
community. For many of the characters, a crisis of identity and cultural
connection helps them reach a clearer sense of subjectivity. For Erdrich,
health comes with knowledge and acceptance, and she uses the Magic Realist mode
to demonstrate the primacy of magic in the culture depicted, to reveal part of
Ojibwa belief system that has been nearly forgotten, to show the
interconnectedness of the individual's power to the strength of the community,
and to create a reality reflective of the Ojibwa world view. Erdrich's interest
in the interconnectedness of language, subjectivity, family, and culture make
her fiction particularly amenable to Kristeva's psychoanalytic theories.
Kristeva's theories posit identity as a social and linguistic construct,
revealing her methodology to be especially appropriate for an analysis of
Erdrich's Magic Realism. Magic Realism's dissolution of boundaries, its give
and take between the concrete and the abstract, between the psychological and
the physical make Magic Realist narratives ripe for psychoanalytic criticism.
This study also incorporates anthropology, religious and cultural studies to
create a methodology suitable for this multi-ethnic writer and literary mode.
In the healing metaphor, language and storytelling exhibit a clear relationship
to communal and personal health. Erdrich suggests that identity comes through a
knowledge of one's culture and a connection to one's community; identity
formation is propelled by a search for a family and communal connection.
Searching for this connection, sometimes consciously, but oftentimes
unconsciously, leads these characters to uncover a personal and communal,
familial and cultural, past. Differing mythologies present contradictory
messages of power and place for Erdrich's characters and thus illustrate the
shifting nature of truth and identity. Erdrich's fiction adopts the Ojibwa
connection between magic and nature by showing magic to be powerful when the
shaman works for others but ineffectual without that familial/communal
connection.
2792. Sangwine,
J. (1987). Self-help at Serpent River. The voice of Missahba. Beaver, 67(1),
46-49, ill.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2793. Santora,
D., & Starkey, P. (1982). Research Studies in American Indian Suicides. Journal
of Psychosocial Nursing & Mental Health Services, 20, 25-29.
Notes: Source: Biomed (Cinahl) electronic database, Fall 1999 search.
2794. Satterlee,
M. P. (1863). The Indian massacre in Brown County, in August 1862.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23681094. Caption
title. ... accession: 7962393
2795. Satterlee,
M. P. (1863). The massacre at the Redwood Indian Agency, on Monday, August
18, 1862.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23684131 ... accession:
7921438
2796. Satz,
R. N. (1994). Chippewa Treaty Rights: The Reserved Rights of Wisconsin's
Chippewa Indians in Historical Perspective. Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts & Letters.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999
search [review]
2797. Sawchuk,
J. S. (1984). Metis politics and Metis politicians: a new political arena in
Canada. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Toronto (Canada).
Abstract: Contemporary native political organizations in Canada, particularly
Metis organizations, are almost totally nontraditional in their organizational
structure. Their structure is very much determined by the day-to-day aspects of
administration and operation in a modern bureaucratic setting, and is also
imposed from the outside by government regulations and the fact that since the
mid-1960's, the operations of these organizations have largely been sustained
by funding from the federal and provincial governments. This dissertation is
concerned with the way in which these organizations are structured by
government regulations and how they in turn structure relations between native
peoples and the federal and provincial governments in Canada. One particular
Metis organization is examined in detail as a political arena in which interest
groups and individuals compete for the control of organizational resources,
such as money in the form of grants from government and private granting
agencies; specific programs such as land claims or economic development;
personnel such as section heads and special consultants; technical knowledge,
such as that possessed by a lawyer or constitutional expert, and many others.
Control of these resources allows individuals within the organizations to
determine the goals and directions of the organizations, and to secure and
enhance their own positions either as elected politicians or employees.
According to this analysis, the goals of the organization are continually changing,
and are determined by whatever group or individual is in power at the time.
Further, because the organization is so dependent on outside funding for its
operations, the structure as well as the goals of the organization will change
as the source of funding changes. Thus it is the nature of Metis leadership and
its resultant power struggles, as well as government regulations and government
funding, which are seen as the variables which ultimately determine the actions
of Metis political organizations in Western Canada. These same factors can also
be used to illustrate the changing roles and goals which have been associated
with these organizations from the late 1920's to the early 1980's.
2798. Scalberg,
D. A. (1990). Religious life in New France under the Laval and Saint-Vallier
Bishophrics: 1659-1727 (Laval Bisophric, Quebec Saint-Vallier Bishopric).
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Oregon.
Abstract: By the middle of the seventeenth century there existed three versions
of religious culture in New France: those of the learned clergy, the ordinary
settlers, and the Amerindians. The first two were transplanted from Europe,
while the latter had already been a part of the American environment for
centuries. The Christianity carried by the clergy to New France reflected the
religious developments of metropolitan France. Characterized as devout and
rigoristic, its foundation came from the Tridentine reforms of the previous
century. But the settlers' Christianity, a rich mixture of the profane and the
sacred, remained largely untouched by the post-Tridentine reforms. At best the
settlers perceived clerical reform as a tolerable intrusion. Lay and learned
culture at times conflicted and at times cooperated in the effort to establish
French Catholicism in Canada. Of course
the conflict of cultures was common both to Old and New France; but a unique
element was present in New France: the Canadian environment. Theoretically, it
offered the clergy an opportunity to transplant Christianity in a land free
from the religious conflicts of Europe. America also presented the French with
an alien religious culture equally capable of challenging and enriching the
peoples who encountered it. Influenced by the French annales and also by
Canadian revisionist historians, this study considers religious behavior in the
light of popular traditions and ecclesiastical policy and practice. The events
in New France are properly understood in the context of a larger process
unfolding throughout the whole of Catholic Europe. This dissertation devotes
considerable attention to colonial lay piety and lay reactions to resurgent
Catholicism, since this is necessary to any understanding of the priests' role
as agents of change. Knowing which elements of Tridentine Catholicism attracted
the laity in New France and which elements laymen resisted affords us a much
firmer grasp on the relationship between priests and parishioners. All
indications are that the colonists saw themselves as practicing Catholics. The
limitations of the church in New France in the vast territory it administered
prevented the priests and missionaries from forming a New Jerusalem in the New
World.
2799. Scantlebury,
T., 1834-1864. (1867). Wanderings in Minnesota during the Indian troubles of
1862. Chicago: F.C.S. Calhoun.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 25277880. Title from
cover. "Also reprinted in New Auburn herald for 1909 and 1910." Cover-title. Manuscript corrections in the
text. References: Storm, Catalogue of the Everett D. Graff Collection, no.
3690. References: Howes, U.S.IANA, no. S.138.
2800. Scarfe,
D. R. (1992). Student perceptions of elements of peer group support in the
Saskatchewan Urban Native Teacher Education Program. Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, The University of Regina (Canada).
Abstract: Senior students and graduates of the SUNTEP (Regina) program
indicated the following categories of events contributed to the development of
a supportive group: elements of program structure and delivery, opportunities
for interaction, features that strengthen Indian/Metis identity, and components
intended to build interpersonal and group skills. Elements intended to
strengthen Indian/Metis identity (the cultural component of the program) and
aspects of program structure and delivery received significantly higher ratings
than the other categories. In the remaining sections, respondents attributed a
strong influence to the cultural component and to personal friendship and
support in building a supportive group. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
2801. Schara,
R. (1993 January). [interview with Indian DNR commissioner]. Star Tribune.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
2802. Schenck,
T. (1994). Identifying the Ojibwa. Papers, Algonquian Conference, 25,
395-405.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2803. Schenck,
T. M. (1997). The Voice of the Crane Echoes Afar: The Sociopolitical
Organization of the Lake Superior Ojibwa.
Garland Publishing, Incorporated.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
2804. Schenck,
T. M. (1996). Continuity and change in the sociopolitcal organization of the
Lake Superior Ojibwa (Native Americans). Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
Rutgers//The State University of New Jersey//New Brunswick.
Abstract: This study demonstrates that the sociopolitical organization of the
Lake Superior Ojibwa remained essentially unchanged from the period of their
earliest contact with Europeans until the establishment of reservations by the
Treaty of 1854. The Ojibwa are identified as originally the Crane totem of the
Upper Great Lakes Algonquians. Using linguistic and documentary sources as well
as recorded oral traditions, the process by which numerous other patrilineal
totemic groups or clans joined the Ojibwa is explained. The Ojibwa totem, long
misinterpreted by some observers as a personal or guiding spirit, is shown to
be nothing more than the village name or mark. The patrilineal totemic band
remained the basic unit of Ojibwa society throughout the pre-reservation
period. The sociopolitical organization of these bands is described and
leadership within this organization is investigated. The myth of the existence
of large multi-clan villages in prehistoric or early historic times is
contradicted, as is the legend of a once-powerful chief of all the Ojibwa. The
role of the fur trade in maintaining the traditional Ojibwa culture is also
discussed.
2805. Schlesier,
K. H. (1990). Rethinking the Midewiwin and the Plains Ceremonial Called the Sun
Dance. Plains Anthropologist, 35(127), 1.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
2806. Schlick,
M. D. (1983). Ojibwa/Chippewa basketry: a search for basketmakers. American
Indian Basketry Magazine, 3(3), 15-18, ill.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXIX (1986:101)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database,
August 1999 search
2807. Schmalz,
P. S. (1990). The Ojibwa of southern Ontario. University of Toronto Press.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
2808. Schmalz,
P. S. (1986). The Ojibwa of southern Ontario. Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, University of Waterloo (Canada).
Abstract: This dissertation is intended to illustrate the rise and fall of the
southern Ontario Ojibwa through three periods involving the French, English and
Canadian governments, respectively. Because of the chronological scope of the
topic, there is no claim to this monograph being a definitive work. Indeed, it
is a starting point which will hopefully stimulate further scholarship in the
field. Very little historical work has been dedicated to this ethnic group
which forms the largest Indian tribe in the province. Much of what little there
has been published on the topic is riddled with ethnocentric misconceptions of
the role played by the Ojibwa in the broad colonial struggle for North America,
as well as their relationships with the European soldiers, fur traders,
missionaries and settlers. A conscientious attempt has been made in this
treatise to expose the Ojibwa perspective through the liberal use of oral
tradition. The introduction briefly examines the etymological labyrinth
involved in the classification of those people who have been defined as
'Ojibwa' and gives a short explanation of their cultural and religious
motivation. The first three chapters, involving 'The Conquest', 'The Golden
Age' and 'The Beaver War', deal with the Ojibwas as successful warriors, fur
traders and especially diplomats during their time of ascendancy. An attempt is
made to prove that the Ojibwas were the first to defeat the Iroquois and had
control over the great\Lakes Region during most of the eighteenth century. The
fourth chapter, 'The Peaceful Conquest', explains how the Ojibwas lost their
power as a result of accepting the United Empire Loyalists into the province.
Disease, liquor and wars against the United States were related factors in
their decline. The following three chapters, 'The Surrenders', 'Early Reserves'
and 'Reserve Stagnation' demonstrate the government's gross mismanagement of
their lands and reserves. The conclusions and summary briefly indicate the
contemporary status of the Ojibwa reserves and point to areas of study that are
necessary before a definitive work on the topic can be written. The appendix,
'Education', examines the weaknesses of the assimilationist policy established
for the Ojibwa children and gives some hope for the future in an Ojibwa
renaissance if they are treated as 'citizens plus' and are permitted to control
their own education.
2809. Schmickle,
S., & Buoen, R. (1986 January). Indian Courts, islands of injustice. Star
Tribune.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
2810. Schneider,
M. J. (1994). North Dakota Indians: An Introduction. Kendall Hunt Publishing Company.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
2811. Schoenfuhs,
W. P. (1955). An Indian venture : the history of Missouri Synod Indian
missions in Michigan and Minnesota, 1840-1868. Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
Concordia Seminary, St. Louis, St. Louis, Mo.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 16865398
2812. Schoolcraft,
H. R. R. (1848). The Indian in his Wigwam, or, Characteristics of the red
race of America from original notes and manuscripts. Buffalo//New York: Derby & Hewson//W.H.
Graham.
Notes: cited by Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
Originally issued in eight numbers, with paper covers bearing title Oneota, or
The red race of America ....The first four numbers were published in 1844, the
last four in 1845. Reissued in one volume in 1845, under title: Oneota, or
Characteristics of the red race of Americaa ...; in 1847, under title: The red
race of America...; in 1848, under title: The Indian in his wigwam...; in 1850
and 1851, under title: The American Indians ...; in 1853, under title: Western
scenes and reminiscences... cf. Sabin, Bibl. amer. Master microform held by:
LrI. Microfiche. Chicago, Ill. : Library Resources, 1970. 1 microfiche ; 8 x 13
cm. (Library of American civilization ;
LAC 15091).
2813. Schoolcraft,
H. R., 1793-1864. (1834). Narrative of an expedition through the upper
Mississippi to Itasca lake, the actual source of this river; embracing an
exploratory trip through the St. Croix and Burntwood (or Broule) rivers: in
1832. New York: Harper.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 6806341
2814. Schoor,
G. (1958). The Jim Thorpe Story: America's Greatest Athlete. New YHork:
Jullian Messner.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers (1967:92),
"Annotated list of selected teaching materials"
Abstract: "The life story of Jim Thorpe, descendant of the famed Indian
Chief, Black Hawk. Thorpe was a famous
all-American athlete. Grades 5 and
up."
2815. Schotte,
F. (1979). Native education in northwestern Ontario: the Ontario Northern
Corps and formal schooling in isolated Ojibway communities. Unpublished
doctoral dissertation, University of Toronto (Canada).
2816. Schuiling,
W. J., 1953- . (1990). The Minnesota Chippewa : their fall and rise in
self-determination . Bemidji, Minn.
Schuiling.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 25172899
2817. Schultz,
L. A. (1991). Fragments and Ojibwe Stories: Narrative Strategies in Louise
Erdich's Love Medicine. College Literature, 18(3), 80.
Notes: Source: UnCover database (Aug 1999)
2818. Schwandt,
M., b. 1848. (1975). The captivity of Mary Schwandt . Fairfield,
Wash. Ye Galleon Press.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 1991123. Originally
appeared in Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, v. 6, p. 461-474,
St. Paul, 1894, under title: The story of Mary Schwandt. Three hundred copies
printed. No. 56. Alt Title: Story of Mary Schwandt
2819. Schwandt,
M., b. 1848. (1894). The story of Mary
Schwandt. Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, 6, 461-474.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 1991123
2820. .
(1951). Science Museum, St. PaulThe Dakota bark house : pictured by Fr.
Louis Hennepin, Seth Eastman, J. Dallas, Robert O. Sweeny . St. Paul :
Science Museum.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 4425059. Other:
Hennepin, Louis, 17th century. Eastman, Seth, 1808-1875. Dallas, J. Sweeny,
Robert Ormsby, 1831-
2821. .
(1955). Science Museum, St. PaulPipes and pipestone . St. Paul : Science
Museum.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 4425099.
Bibliography: p.[4] of folder.
2822. .
(1957). Science Museum, St. PaulRise of civilizations . St. Paul :
Science Museum.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 4425236
2823. .
(1953). Science Museum, St. PaulA Study of Indian beadwork of the north
central plains . St. Paul : Science Museum.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 4425194
2824. Scollon,
R. (1979). 236 years of variability in Chipewyan consonants. International
Journal of American Linguistics, 45(4), 332-342.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXV (1982:111)
2825. Scollon,
R., & Scollon, S. B. K. (1979). Linguistic convergence: an ethnography
of speaking at Fort Chipewyan, Alberta. New York: Academic Press.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXV (1982:111)
2826. Scott,
E. M. (1991). 'Such diet as befitted his station as a clerk': the
archaeology of subsistence and cultural diversity at Fort Michilimackinac,
1761-1781 (Michigan). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of
Minnesota.
Abstract: This historical archaeological study examines a culturally and
geographically unique community. The settlement at Fort Michilimackinac,
centered on the fur trade during both French (1715-1761) and British
(1761-1781) colonial regimes, was located on the frontier of North America in
what is now northern Michigan. Its largest and most culturally diverse
population resided there between 1761 and 1781, the time span examined here.
Three factors combine to set Michilimackinac apart from the majority of North
American colonial communities that have been studied: its geographic isolation,
its cultural heterogeneity, and the fact that after 1761 the settlement there
was not only colonial, but a conquered colonial community. This study focuses
on the daily lives of men and women of different ethnic and socioeconomic
groups at Michilimackinac, looking especially at the ways in which those lives
were shaped by a distinctive subsistence system. Framed by historical
materialist and feminist theories, the study analyzes both the archaeological
and documentary records for this past community. I examine subsistence in its
cultural context, hoping to illustrate how socio-economic position, ethnicity,
and gender were related to subsistence practices and beliefs. Also central to
this research is the degree to which the physical setting of the frontier and
the cultural setting of conquest and colonization may have muted or accentuated
ethnic and socioeconomic differences between groups in the community. Most
ethnic variations in the material culture used by the French Canadian, metis,
and British colonists at Michilimackinac are muted because of the predominance
of British-manufactured goods imported to the community. Subsistence-related
material culture was used to accentuate socio-economic differences, however.
Food consumption varied within the community according to socio-economic
position and ethnicity. The subsistence activities that took place differed
also, by gender, socio-economic position, ethnicity, and race. Thus, the
subsistence system both reflected and reinforced social and economic relations
in the setting of secondary colonization at Michilimackinac.
2827. Scozzari,
R., Cruciani, F., Santolamazza, P., Sellitto, D., Cole, D. E. C., Rubin, L. A.,
Labuda, D., Marini, E., Succa, V., Vona, G., & Torroni, A. (1997). mtDNA
and Y Chromosome-Specific Polymorphisms in Modern Ojibwa - Implications About
the Origin of Their Gene Pool. American Journal of Human Genetics, 60(1),
241-244.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Source: http://www.webofscience.com/CIW.cgi -- subject search on all indexes,
Fall 1999
2828. Seargeant,
L. E., Chudley, A. E., Dilling, L. A., Mallory, C. J., & Haworth, J. C.
(1992). Carrier Detection in Glutaric Aciduria Type I Using
Interleukin-2-Dependent Cultured Lymphocytes. Journal of Inherited Metabolic
Disease, 15(5), 733-737.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: Cultured interleukin 2 (IL-2)-dependent leukocytes from 13 patients
with glutaric aciduria type I, 12 obligate carriers, 105 family members and 31
normal controls were assayed for glutaryl-CoA dehydrogenase activity. Of the 13 affected patients, 10 (all Ojibway
Indian) had residual enzyme activity (2-13% of control) and 3 patients (all
non-Indian) had undetectable enzyme activity.
There was partial overlap between the distribution of enzyme activity in
obligate heterozygotes and in normal controls (mean values.+-. SD: 6.29.+-. 0.94 and 10.75.+-. 2.58 nmol/h
per mg protein respectively). Using an
arbitrary cutoff level of < 7 nmol/h per mg protein as presumptive evidence
of carrier status, the observed frequency of carriers did not differ
significantly from that expected from their a priori risk of carrier
status. Thirteen per cent of the family
members had inconclusive status (activity between 7 and 8.5 nmol/h per mg
proten). The method appears suitable
for carrier detection, although definitive carrier assignment awaits
identification of the mutation(s) responsible for glutaric aciduria type I.
2829. Searles,
I. S. (1900). Legend of the moccasin flower : an old Indian legend .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 12391242
2830. Searls,
A. W. (1949). Indian village. St. Paul?
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 25450719. Title from caption.
2831. Sedgwick,
D. (1998). Ford pushes minority supplier to go global. (Ford Motor Co. urges
Cyntelle Tool to supply plants overseas). Automotive News, (5751), 121 (1).
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct
1999 search
Abstract: Cyntelle Tool, a manufacturer of de-burring machines, is expanding
its operations overseas at the urging of Ford Motor Co. The company, which is
owned by Kenneth Jones, a Chippewa Indian, has been asked by Ford to supply its
plants in countries such as Portugal, Brazil and Mexico. Ford's transmission
plant in Livonia, Mi, is Cytnelle's largest customer. Ford is in the process of
finding a European partner for Cyntelle in Europe.
2832. Seidel,
S. (1997). Silent witness. (campaign finance investigation of Interior
Secretary Bruce Babbitt). Washington Monthly, 29(12), 8 (2).
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct
1999 search
Abstract: A decision by the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) to deny three
Chippewa tribes land to build a casino is considered the most blatant example
of influence peddling to come out of the campaign finance investigations. How
the inquiry was mishandled by congress is examined.
2833. Sergi,
J. L. (1994). Narrativity and representation in Louise Erdrich's fiction
(Erdrich Louise, Indians). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of
Rhode Island.
Abstract: This is a study of Louise Erdrich's cycle of novels, which includes
Love Medicine, The Beet Queen, and Tracks, the first three in a planned
quartet. The narrative architecture of the trilogy mingles history and
contemporary events in the communal and Native act of storytelling. Erdrich draws
on Chippewa tradition, the repetition and doubling back, the cyclical (rather
than sequential) nature of the events, the strength of oral storytelling, the
incidents, images, and characters that are repeated to reflect the repetition
characteristic of oral tradition. Ties to landscape, community, and
storytelling inform Erdrich's vision of identity. This is made clear to readers
because of recurring images that cross over all three novels; these images
allow readers to make community connections and establish patterns of
relationships. The intertextual relationship of the three novels also forces
readers to make connections between story fragments and the idiosyncratic
nature of narrative point of view; readers must fill in gaps, connect people to
events and to each other. As readers we are made to experience 'truth' as a
pluralistic narrative, a product of histories and cultures and personalities so
interwoven that 'the story' of one always contains 'the story' of another. This
underscores the notion that any organized narrative is false. Because there is
no absolute authority nor authorial attachment, there is no pretension of
knowing truths. There exist different concepts of truth at different places and
moments in Erdrich's trilogy (as well as in history). She makes historical
interventions by dealing with contemporary problems of American Indians as well
as record historical information important to a living tradition. For Erdrich,
her readers, and her characters, the integration of memory, history, culture,
story--sets up all kinds of creative possibilities, including challenging the
relationship between the writing and readers. The circularity and fragmentation
of Erdrich's narrative structure parallels the indirect, piecemeal remembering
of the characters and also of readers trying to piece together the events, the
relationships, and the chronology of the three novels. Erdrich's narrative
strategy forces readers to see family and community narrative and history from
multiple perspectives and to recognize that each version depends as much on the
needs of the narrator and the listener(s) as on the historical 'facts'. The
lack of a single definitive account challenges readers to examine their own
responses to the drama and the circumstances surrounding the landscape of the
North Dakota borderland.
2834. Serrano,
L. M. (1992). A study of post secondary enrollment options for Saint Paul
high school students with emphasis on minority students' participation
(postsecondary, Minnesota). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University
of Minnesota.
Abstract: This study investigated the student participation in Saint Paul
Public School District #625 in the Post Secondary Enrollment Options Program
(PSEO). The PSEO is provided by law by the state of Minnesota for high school
juniors and seniors since 1985. Although five subproblems were investigated in
this study, the focus was on the following: To identify the factors related to
minority students' participation in the Post Secondary Enrollment Options
Program and explore how those factors relate to minority students' engagement
with the schooling process. Part I of this study consists of an overall survey
administered to 94 of the 365 PSEO participants identified by the high school
counselors in Saint Paul Public School district #625 during the Spring of 1991.
The survey data serve primarily as a contextual framework for the second part
of this study. Part II is the major focus of this study which addresses
subproblem 2 dealing with minority student participation in PSEO in Saint Paul
Public School District #625 during the Spring of 1991. Twenty-six minority
students opted to participate in the interview part of this study. Two American
Indian, 5 Hispanic-American, 6 African-American, and 13 Asian-American students
were interviewed. This study found that PSEO participants (both majority and
minority) in Saint Paul Schools are most likely to be females. The minority
PSEO participants are students who experienced academic success early in their
schooling process. Parental and teacher support early in the schooling process
played a major role in these students' adjustment to school life. Most of these
students are academically above average as evidenced by a GPA of 3.00+. These
students have been rewarded for their academic and extra-curricular
achievements in the form of recognition and awards provided by the school and
the community. Minority PSEO participants are future oriented students who have
formulated educational goals and career orientations. Since all the interviewed
minority PSEO students participated in college preparatory and/or advanced
courses, this study recommends that these types of courses be made available to
a greater number of minority students in order to increase minority PSEO
participation.
2835. Severance,
C. A., Mrs. (1893). Indian legends
of Minnesota . New York ; St. Paul : D. D. Merrill Co.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 6044463
2836. Sexton,
J. L., & Henson, H. (1994). Interpretation of Seismic Reflection and Gravity
Profile Data in Western Lake Superior. Canadian Journal of Earth Sciences,
31(4), 652-660.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: The interpretation of 1047 km of seismic reflection data collected in
western Lake Superior is presented along with reflection traveltime contour
maps and gravity models to understand the overall geometry of the Midcontinent
Rift System beneath the lake. The Douglas, Isle Royale, and Keweenaw fault
zones, clearly imaged on the seismic profiles, are interpreted to be large
offset detachment faults associated with initial rifting. These faults have
been reactivated as reverse faults with 3-5 km of throw. The Douglas Fault Zone
is not directly connected with the Isle Royale Fault Zone. The seismic data has
imaged two large basins filled with more than 22 km of middle Keweenawan
pre-Portage Lake and Portage Lake volcanic rocks and up to 8 km of upper
Keweenawan Oronto and Bayfield sedimentary rocks. These basins persisted throughout
Keweenawan time and are separated by a ridge of Archean rocks and a narrow
trough bounded by die Keweenaw Fault Zone to the south. Another fault zone,
herein named the Ojibwa fault zone, previously interpreted as the northeastern
extension of the Douglas Fault Zone, has been reinterpreted as a reverse fault
that closely follows the ridge of Archean rocks. Previous researchers have
stated that neighboring segments of the rift display alternating polarity of
basins associated with large detachment faults. Accommodation zones have been
previously interpreted to exist between rift segments; however, the seismic
data do not image a clearly identifiable accommodation zone separating the two
basins in western Lake Superior. Thus, the seismic profile may lie directly
above the pivot of a scissors-type accommodation fault zone, there is no
vertical offset associated with the zone, or the zone does not exist. Seismic
data interpretations indicate that application of a simple alternating polarity
basin - accommodation zone model is an oversimplification of the complex
geological structures associated with the Midcontinent Rift System.
[References: 21]
2837. Seymour,
C., Grossman, Z., & Gershon, L. (1996). Independent Monitoring in El
Salvador: Chippewa Block Acid Shipments: Anarchist Books for Prisoners: Prison
Pictures; Kill Rock Stars: Down and Radioactive in Idaho. The Progressive,
60(10), 13.
Notes: Source: UnCover
2838. Shaffer,
S. C. (1997). Thematic research on prehistoric and historic Native American
occupation of lands within and surrounding Janesville, Wisconsin . Salem,
Ohio : Shaffer Archeological and Historical Consulting.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October, 1999 search). Cover title. "SAHC #15" State
Historical Society of Wisconsin project no. 55-96-11114- 21
2839. Sharp,
H. S. (1975). Introducting the sororatge to a northern Saskatchewan Chipewyan
village. Ethnology, 14(1), 71-82, illustrations, bibliography.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXI (1978:208)
2840. Sharp,
H. S. (1975). Trapping and welfare: the economics of trapping in a northern
Saskatchewan Chipewyan village. Anthropologica, 17(1), 29-44, illustrations,
bibliography.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXI (1978:162)
2841. Sharrock,
F., & Sharrock, S. R. (1974). History of the Cree Indian Territorial
Expansion from the Hudson Bay Area to the Interior Saskatchewan and Missouri
Plains. in American Indian Ethnohistory: North Central And Northeastern
Indians (p. 307).
Notes: Source: cited by Cosens, Barbara A.
(Winter 1998:footnote 71)
2842. Shea,
J. D. G., 1824-1892. (1800). Caughnawaga and the Rev. Joseph Marcoux, its late missionary. s.n.
Notes: WorldCat database (Fall 1999 search), Caption title. Reproduction of
original in: Public Archives of Canada.
Library. Microfiche. Ottawa : Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions, 1984. 1 microfiche (7
fr.) ; 11 x 15 cm. (CIHM/ICMH
Microfiche series = CIHM/ICMH collection de
microfiches ; no. 47540)
2843. .
(1969). D. Sheldon, 1923- Selective bibliography of American Indian
literature . Minneapolis :
University of Minnesota, General College.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 5658862
Abstract: "Approximately 160 books pubished between 1825 and 1967, dealing
with American Indian literature, history and culture."
2844. Sherman,
M. (1962). A geographic study of the Red Lake Chippewa Indian band of
Minnesota. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 19386875
2845. Shifferd,
P. A. (1976). A study in economic change: the Chippewa of Northern Wisconsin,
1854-1900. Western Canadian Journal of Anthropology, 6(4), 16-41, ill.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXIII (1981:155)
2846. Shilling.
(1985). Ojibway, Michigan, a Forgotten Village. Clarence J. Monette.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
2847. Shilling,
A. (1986). The Ojibway Dream.
Tundra Books of Northern New York.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
2848. Shillinger,
S. R. (1996). 'They never told us they wanted to help us:' an oral history
of Saint Joseph's Indian Industrial School (Native-Americans, boarding schools,
Catholic). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Pennsylvania.
Abstract: The absorption of diverse groups into American society was one of the
major concerns of the 19th century. A little known aspect of this concern was
the formation of the American Indian boarding school movement. Boarding schools
were established around the nation to aid the absorption of American Indian
youth into mainstream American society. To achieve this aim the federal Indian
Office contracted with various organizations, including the Bureau of Catholic
Indian Missions, to operate these schools. One of these schools was Saint
Joseph's Indian Industrial School located in Keshena, Wisconsin on the
Menominee Reservation. Saint Joseph's was in many ways a microcosm of 19th
century American society. The contradictions inherent in both the movement and
Saint Joseph's were evident at the school. The school was staffed by members of
immigrant groups, many of whom were European born, attempting to ensure the
assimilation of American Indian youth. By understanding the successes and
failures of Saint Joseph's attempts to assimilate American Indians, it is
possible to gain a greater understanding of the absorption of immigrant groups
into American society.
2849. Shin,
B. J. S. (1989). A study to describe fair schooling in relation to student
achievement for a culturally diverse population. Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, University of Minnesota.
2850. Shipman,
V. B. (1925). The Apostle Islands Indian pageant. Art and Archaeology, XX,
89-91, 3 illus.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database,
August 1999 search
2851. Shkilnyk,
A. M., 1945-. (1981). Government Indian policy and its impact on community
life : a case study of the relocation of the Grassy Narrows Band . Toronto:
A.M. Shkilnyk.
Notes: Includes bibliographical references.
2852. Shkilnyk,
A. M., 1945-. (1985). A poison stronger than love: the destruction of an
Ojibwa community. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
Includes index. Bibliography: p. 243-265
Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol.
XXX (1987:252)
Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999
search [review]
2853. Shkilnyk,
A. M. (1981). Pathogenesis in a social order : a case study of social
breakdown in a Canadian Indian community. Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Notes: Bibliography: leaves 419-428.
Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning.
Thesis. 1982. Ph.D.
2854. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1989 November). [Letter to Patton, Michael Q.].
Abstract: Dear Michael Q. Patton,
You requested information regarding our application to the Northwest Minnesota
Initiative Fund. You say that this
information will be used to “improve the operations of the Initiative Fund.”
Our request for funding was not approved; however we have been paying attention
to the types of program which have been funded by the NWMIF. Despite the high-sounding rhetoric in the
literature of the NWMIF, the general orientation of the funding granted by the
NWMIF has been toward maintaining the societal structures which inherently
generate the problems which the NWMIF professes to address at the root
causes. In the main, the funded
programs seem to function as “band-aids,” to alleviate the symptoms of societal
dysfunction without curing the underlying problems; as such they in fact
perpetuate both the need for such programs and the human misery which these
programs alleviate only on a temporary basis.
The Red Lake Peoples Council has spent two years unsuccessfully seeking
mainstream Foundation funding for a grassroots, Indian-community owned economic
development program on the Red Lake Indian Reservation. We conclude that although the quite openly
stated agenda of the dominant society is to assimilate Indian people into its
structure, Traditional Indian people and organizations do not have, and have
never had, access to the European-American money system. Probably this is because we are supposed to
assimilate at the bottom of the social hierarchy, to quote Tony Bouza, as a
“blasted and destroyed” people. We
realize quite well that the United States monetary system is based on Ojibway
and other Indian peoples’ land and resources.
However, with only token exceptions which confirm the predominant
pattern, the U.S. monetary system remains controlled by European-Americans, and
we consider it quite doubtful that Traditional Indian people will be able to gain
access to this system, even on the insignificant level of our
subsistence-agriculture/permaculture proposal, through Foundations which are
funded by corporations which took our sustainable permacultural subsistence
base and turned it into the European-American owned dollars which underlie
their racist hierarchical social system.
From the time of their forbearers the slave-states of Greece and Rome, the
perspectives and world-views professed by the European-Americans have been
extremely narrow and limited—and not particularly well connected with reality
as we see it. The reason why the
dominant European-American society cannot possibly be an honest and fair
society is because it is founded on stolen Indian resources and remains on
stolen Indian land. Lies and deceit are
interwoven throughout their structure, including their religion and their
government—because the entire system is based on lies about Indian people and
about history, as well as about reality.
The European-American-English language is almost impossible to
communicate clearly with, because of its narrow point of view, and because of
the embedded racism, lies and forked-tongue speaking. The entire system is distorted and bound up by the tangled mass of
lies, lies to cover up the lies, et cetera, et cetera, ad nauseam.
One example of the way in which the European-American monetary system is used
against Indian people is the “buying” of our hunting and fishing rights—our
resources back up the money which is used to “pay” us, so we are really paying
two or three times over and getting nothing back. The same thing has happened with the Treaties, 400 of which have
been broken. You are told in school
that an economic system is supposed to be based on trade, but the
European-American system is, from our perspective, based on dishonesty,
exploitation, environmental destruction, and theft. Indians have never been “given” anything worth having by the
European-Americans: these two entire continents, with what were once their
harmonious permacultural subsistence bases and pristine and abundant resources,
are and have always been Indian peoples’ continents. For all the good the European-American economic system has done
us, we would have been better off using Monopoly money. Most of the European-Americans who are in
middle-level decision-making positions are too lost in abstractions, too misled
by pervasive distortions of history, to see what’s really happening. Standard “social programs” merely reinforce
the system which is destroying the environment as well as the spirit and
humanity of the people caught up in it.
I talked with Ruth Edewold of the NWMIF, and she said I was “getting political”
by briefly raising some of the underlying issues which operate to prevent
Traditional Indian people from getting any kind of funding for community-owned
economic development. (The decision had
already been made when I talked to her, not to fund our program.) What makes me particularly angry is the
European-American system of legislation to take away our resources and given
them to the European-Americans, who “develop” them, “make money” by wasting,
polluting, and destroying them beyond regeneration for generations yet to
come. Indian people are then penalized
for not having any money. Everybody is
deeply concerned about Jacob Wetterling being kidnapped, but over the years
hundreds of thousands of Indian children have been kidnapped away from their
families because although Traditional Indian people once had abundant
resources, we did not have paper money, and don’t have access to the money
system. We were told because we do not
have paper dollars (how could we, it always has been a crooked
European-American system), that our children would be taken away from us and
given to European-American people who had paper money because it was a part of
their system. This crooked scheme still
destroys many Traditional families. We
never designed this system, we have no say in the operation of this system—our
only input into this system is the underlying value to U.S. paper money. This has been the case ever since the
European-Americans brought heir system here.
Traditional Indian people are angry about this: European-Americans will
be hearing a lot more about it from Indian people across our continents.
We wrote to Robert Beech who was high in the hierarchy of McKnight and NWMIF
Foundations, expressing some of our concerns about both the application process
and about the structural difficulties of getting funding for a
subsistence-oriented economic development program run and owned by Traditional
Indian people. Although Mr. Back told
us through a third party that he would respond to our concerns and was willing
to meet with members of the Red Lake Peoples Council, he never did so and
resigned instead. We would still be interested
in meeting with him; however avoidance of dialogue is another one of the
standard tactics of Europeans and European-Americans.
Crime, prisons, poverty, taxes, acculturated dishonest people pretending to be
Indian, and many of the other “social ills” which plague the imported
European-American society (and which nourish charitable social programs) are
alien to Indian culture and Indian society.
We never had any of these problems before the European-Americans brought
them from their homelands. These causes
of human suffering are necessary for the maintenance of the social hierarchies
of the Indo-Europeans and their colonies including the U.S.A. They are not indigenous to Indian Tradition,
social organization, nor values.
I—and many of our people—stand behind what is written here. We speak the truth as we see it, and are not
afraid to back up our word. Anonymity
is not necessary.
Sincerely,
Sho-ne-ah-wub
Francis Blake, Jr.
Chairman, Economic Development Committe
2855. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1990 February). [Letter to Chomsky, Noam].
Abstract: Dear Noam Chomsky,
Thank you for your book, which we enjoyed reading ... [personal
correspondence] ... We hope that you are fully recovered from your
illness—the world needs you awhile longer!
We have been digging through historical documents as a part of the book that
I’m writing. What you’ve so carefully
documented with the media, applies to almost everything that’s written,
particularly history.
We’ve been looking at the cycles of war, the cycles of economic systems, and
the general structure of European-derived society. We also read the language that the rules of war, Nuremberg
Principles, etc., are written in; if you read it really critically it’s obvious
that Indigenous peoples are excluded from the protection of International
law. Whatever rules of peace they have,
are included in the rules of war—how can you have peace this way? There has to be dialogue, a drawing up of
rules of peace. An example of the way
the present “peace process” works is what’s happened recently in Panama.
International Law must include and protect Indigenous peoples; they way it is
now, it’s only drawn up for European peoples, because they wrote it. In the B.I.A. Commissioner’s report, it
states that the U.S. was going to bring in churches to teach us honesty and
morality. But, how can you even pretend
to teach morality when they themselves are on stolen Indian land? They have to come to terms with why they are
stealing our property. The United
States has written up volumes and volumes of laws “for Indians,” and the only
appropriate thing to do with these laws is to throw them all away: they are all
crooked, written with the intent to steal and to destroy our society. The Churches aren’t any better—it doesn’t
make any sense to build a church inside of our Church, on stolen Indian
property, and then preach, “thou shalt not steal.”
We are enclosing a letter that we wrote to the United Nations. We see it as urgent that the United Nations
include the Indigenous peoples of the world.
There are enormous numbers of people whose talent is being
wasted—Indigenous peoples see the world from a different perspective and the
world urgently needs what Traditional Indigenous peoples can contribute. If you compare how it was in Europe in 1492
to how it was here, and also look at what has been done to our continents in
the past few hundred years, that is the proof.
We had a peaceful society, all the way across both continents, that’s
why everything was kept the way it was, beautiful and in harmony. We were Civilized peoples; one of the things
that the Europeans need to learn is that “civilization” is not plundering,
polluting, exploiting and enslaving.
William Buckley says that we had “a lousy culture,” but he’s sure
enjoying our land, all of the resources that we kept. In a truly civilized world, there is no rationale for
stealing. Whether you call it
“discovery” or bring in hordes of missionaries, there is no excuse. The European elite operates in a state of
anarchy; there have to be International Laws written to hold them accountable,
to govern them—and not written by the elite, either, you can see where they’ve
gotten us. You can’t even drink the
water now, and the Europeans call that “civilization.”
All the best.
Sincerely,
Francis Blake, Jr.
(Sho-ne-ah-wub)
2856. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Allotment of Indian lands. Ojibwe News,
1(6).
Abstract: The following is
an excerpt taken from A History of Indian Policy, by S. Lyman Tyler, published in 1973 by the
United States Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs.
Senator Pendleton of Ohio had very dramatically stated the position of the
Indian during the debate on allotment of Indian lands as early as 1881:
“Now, Mr. President, I do not believe, and I say it frankly, that any bill can
be framed on this subject of Indian control which is entirely consistent, and
entirely satisfactory; and the reason is a very simple one. There are difficulties surrounding this
subject which are inherent and artificial, and in both aspects they are very
great. They arise from the fact that
our constitutions and our laws were passed for the control and the government
of the white citizens of the country and not for these Indian tribes; they arise
from the fact that when those constitutions and laws were passed these Indians
were treated as quasi-foreign nations; that treaties were made with them; that
a vast territory was set apart for them in which they could indulge in their
natural habits; habits entailed upon them by centuries of practice, indulge in
the chase, in fishing, and in war among themselves [sic]. We had no connection with them except by
passage of the non-intercourse law, to prevent the intrusion of our own
citizens among them. As long as they
confined themselves to their reservation—I mean the vast expanse of territory
which was known under the name of Indian Territory, or a few years ago as the
unorganized territory of the United States—they might pursue the chase, they
might purse fishing, they might make war among themselves, they might commit
barbarities and wrongs among themselves and we take no notice; and it was only
here and there by a sporadic and ineffectual attempt at teaching them the arts
of civilized life that we had any connection with them except when they
intruded upon our territory and marauded upon our citizens. It was easy enough comparatively to deal
with a class of men whom we recognized as nations, with whom we made treaties,
whom we segregated from our citizens, and to whom we assigned that vast expanse
of western territory. But that
condition of things has entirely changed; the times have passed; the conditions
of this government and those governments (if I may call the Indian tribes such)
have entirely changed. Our villages now
dot their prairies; our cities are built upon their plains; our miners climb
their mountains and seek the recesses of their gulches; our telegraphs and
railroads and post offices penetrate their country in every direction; their
forests are cleared and their prairies are plowed and their wildernesses are
opened up. The Indians cannot hunt or
fish. They must either change their
mode of life or they must die. That is
the alternative presented. There is
none other. We may regret it, we may
wish it were otherwise, our sentiments of humanity may be shocked by the
alternative, but we cannot shut our eyes to the fact that is the alternative,
and that these Indians must either change their modes of life or they will be
exterminated. I say, Mr. President, in
order that they may change their modes of life, we must change our policy; we
must give them, and we must stimulate within them to the very largest degree,
the idea of home, of family, and of property.
These are the very anchorages of civilization; the commencement of the
dawning of these ideas in the mind is the commencement of the civilization of
any race, and these Indians are no exception
It must be our part to seek to foster and to encourage within them this
trinity upon which all civilization depends—family, home, property.”
D’Arcy McNickle’s comment on Senator Pendleton’s remarks is a classic:
“In the heat of such a discussion, it would not have occurred to any of the
debaters to inquire of the Indians what ideas they had of home, of family, and
of property. It would have been
assumed, in any case, that the ideas, whatever they were, were without merit
since they were Indian.”
In Theodore Roosevelt’s message to Congress, December 8, 1901, we find the same
urgency as expressed by Senator Pendleton in 1881:
“In my judgement the time has arrived when we should definitely make up our
minds to recognize the Indian as an individual and not as a member of a
tribe. The General Allotment Act is a
mighty pulverizing engine to break up the tribal mass. It acts directly upon the family and the
individual. Under its provisions some
sixty thousand Indians have already become citizens of the United States. We
should not break up the tribal funds, doing for them what allotment does for
the tribal lands; that is, they should be divided into individual holdings.”
In 1906 the Burke Act was passed by the Congress to amend some of the features
of the General Allotment Act. Although
the trust period was continued as 25 years, broad discretionary powers were
given to the Secretary of the Interior to release particular Indian allottees
from Federal supervision ahead of schedule by a declaration of competence, but
when the “new declaration of policy” was promulgated by Commissioner Sells such
caution was no longer practiced.
The Clapp Amendment which related to the White Earth Chippewa [sic] of
Minnesota, passed by Congress in 1906, in effect allowed any mixed-blood White
Earth Chippewa [sic] to transform his trust patent into a patent in fee
and freed him from Government supervision.
The Individual Indians could then dispose of their allotments as they
saw fit. As a result, most of the
valuable white pine timber lands held by these Indians were sold to lumber
interests at unfair and inadequate prices.
This action, referred to as the “White Earth Scandal,” is one of the few cases
where the Congress intervened in the activities of the Department of the
Interior and took supervision of Indian property, with the result that Indian
title was too soon lost. The loss of
this valuable property which followed this Congressional action is one of the
back spots in the administration of Indian affairs.
Under the administration of Theodore Roosevelt form 1905 to 1909, there was an
attempt to secure title to certain forest lands held by various ... tribes in
the name of conservation. Eight
Executive Orders were signed two days before the end of his term of office that
sought to have two and a half million acres of Indian reservation forest land
included in respective national forests.
It was later determined that the action taken by President roosevelt was
beyond the power of the Executive. The
lands were, therefore, returned to their former status. [Our Indian forests were stolen by the U.S.
and the State of Minnesota anyway. Part
of this stolen land is the land that the White Earth Settlement Act “gives” to
White Earth Indians.]
Sho-ne-ah-wub
Francis Blake, Jr.
2857. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Analysis: There is a tradition in Feudal
Europe about the “King’s Preserves.” ... Ojibwe News.
Abstract: There is a tradition in Feudal Europe about the “King’s
Preserves.” The King held vast acreages
of land, on which he and his cronies could hunt, fish and party while the
peasants were taxed beyond their means, and went hungry.
The same Feudal European systems of land tenure have been brought by European
immigrants to our Indian land.
The map which accompanies this article shows in sold black the land which is
held “by the State of Minnesota” and “by the Federal Government.” (The land which is shaded shows what remains
of our Indian land. On some
“reservations,” for example Leech Lake, the title to over 90% of this land is
in White hands.)
The so-called “Government-held” land mapped on the map is, in large part, taken
from Indians through the unilateral encroachment legislation of the State of
Minnesota after the Supreme Court ruled that the United States could not take
Indian land for “forest reserves.” This
pattern of “State forests” next to diminished Indian reservations exists all
across the United States.
This land is called “publicly held land.”
The White man’s title to this land is made out to the Government, so it
is not taxed. Timber companies, mining
companies, etc., lease this land for token payments. What amount to the Royalty of North America are the people who
hunt, fish and party on this land: the owners and board members of big
corporations, the hereditary rich, and their cronies. [That’s why George Yant went to jail—the people he ran off “his”
land were upper-class “royalty.”]
None of the land colored black on the map is taxable. The working-class people of Northern Minnesota are subsidizing
the Corporations’ use of “State land” by paying disproportionate taxes. This is European Feudalism all over
again. The Corporations do not pay fair
taxes, because they control the legislature that writes the tax laws, and
because they control the paper money system.
One of the tactics of Feudalism is “divide and conquer,” and it has been one of
their favored tactics since long before Machiavelli, or even Caesar. Every election, the corporate-controlled
media are full of articles about the “welfare state,” with not-so-subtle
insinuations that Indians are responsible for the tax burden of the working
class. This is nonsense. Indians are a convenient scapegoat for the
Corporations which are skimming the cream off of the economy of Northern
Minnesota.
The Ojibway Indian people did not ask Feudal Corporations to come to Northern
Minnesota with their paper money and their welfare system. Our land was taken at gunpoint (for example
at the 1853 and 1863 Treaties), and then taken by fraud (examples: the 1889
“treaty,” the White Earth “experiment”), and is still being taken by unilateral
encroachment legislation written by the State of Minnesota and the United
States Government (which is a violation of our human and civil rights, as well
as of International law).
The welfare system is a White concept.
More money goes into the White economy—through administration,
enforcement, salaries of “social workers,” etc., than ends up in the pockets of
welfare recipients. Welfare is a
scapegoat system of social control, blaming the recipients; creating jobs for
welfare professionals—and slave-labor through workfare; and entrenching the
class system and racism. The
Corporations, and the governments which they control are the people who created
the welfare system. They put an enormous
tax burden on the middle and lower classes.
A small fraction of these taxes go to support the welfare
recipients. The Corporations blame
racial minorities or other convenient scapegoats for the system which the
Corporations have created. Traditional
Indian people have never had anything to do with any of these laws—we haven’t had
any input into ANY of them ... yet, we are blamed. As far as we are concerned, the Corporations can go back to
Europe with their paper money, their Feudal system of land tenure, their class
system, and every one of the laws that they have had written and had their
“elected” representatives pass.
The technical term for land exploited by the Feudal Corporations and the cities
that sustain them is “Hinterland.” In
the eyes of the White man, Northern Minnesota is a Hinterland. This affects every skilled worker who only
earns a third or a quarter of what they are worth, because they live in the
Hinterland, as well as the Indians.
The White Earth Settlement Act is another example of the Feudal system’s
strategy of divide and conquer.
Theodore Roosevelt’s plan of “pulverizing ... the tribal mass” is still
being used. Instead of addressing the
legitimate question of National Boundaries—does the land in question belong to
the White Earth Nation, which signed a Treaty guaranteeing domain, or does it
belong to the United States of America, which wrote unilateral encroachment
legislation which could not, under International Law, affect the internal
affairs of another Nation? Instead,
Feudal puppets are pitting individual farmers against Indians (and pitting Indians
against each other) in a red-herring issue of individual land titles. The farmers do not really “own” their
land—ask any farmer who can’t pay his taxes because the seven corporations
which have a hegemony over food have kept commodity prices below cost. (Read the United States Constitution
carefully, and you will see who it’s written for. It’s not written for the farmers, and it’s not written for the
upper-class Indians being created, either.
These Indians are being used, and when they are no longer useful to the
corporations which have created them, they will be discarded. Ask Machiavelli.) Under International Law, the legal solution to the present White
Earth situation would be to recognize the eminent domain of the White Earth
Nation over their own land.
In violation of Treaties and International Law, Indians pay more taxes than
White people do. Elections are coming
up again, and we expect to see blame-the-Indian articles in the
Corporate-controlled media, just like the last election: Warnings about
arsonists, sensational articles about the Crime Capitol, the standard
blame-the-victim welfare articles, and all the rest. Instead of believing propaganda, look at what’s going on around
you: who controls the land, who controls the media, and who’s paying for the
campaigns of political candidates.
Mee Gwitch.
Sho-ne-ah-wub
Francis Blake, Jr.
Redlake, MN
2858. Sho-ne-ah-wub
=, a. k. a. F. B. Jr. (1988). “Colonialism” is a dirty word in the lexicon of
our democracy. It has always been so
... Native American Press/Ojibwe News.
Abstract: “Colonialism” is a dirty word in the lexicon of our democracy. It has always been so, as would be expected
in a country that began as a former colony in revolution against colonialism. The Declaration of Independence is the
classic document of a colonial people’s desire for self-determination. [All of the grievances written in
this “long time ago” Declaration are the very things that the U.S. Congress is
doing to Indian people in 1988, right now.
Congress writes the laws/decides to keep old laws on the Statue books;
Congress created the B.I.A. and continues to fund it. The responsibility for the present-day oppression and even
genocide of Indian people belongs to Congress, and to the people who elect
Congress.]
“... Understandably, the country has recoiled from the thought and sight of
colonies within its own borders. It may
be this that has rendered the Indian invisible to the conscience of the
country. The accusation of the new
Indian leaders that the government had in fact subjected the American Indians
to a policy of colonialism, and that it continued to do so, came as a shock
without recognition.
“The government has always denied the existence of native colonialism. So sensitive had it been to the mere hint
that the Commissioner of Indian affairs, Robert Bennett, was moved to
indignantly deny the charge—which appeared in a letter from Africa in the New
York Times—that likened the government’s treatment of Indians to that
country’s apartheid discrimination against its native people.
“Yet a tour of the Indian reservations and a study of the methods by which they
have been governed ... reveals disturbing clues of a ‘hidden colonialism.’ ‘Hidden colonialism’ was precisely the term
used by the Cherokee anthropologist Robert Thomas in his Colonialism: Classic and Internal (New
University Thought, Winter 1966-7) to describe the labyrinth of legality that
concealed ‘this kind of colonialism’ that has not been ‘obvious structurally to
the observer.’ Thomas wrote: ‘You could
see the British administrators in an African colony, or the agents of the
Bureau of Indian Affairs on the Indian Reservation.’ The ‘hidden colonialism’ was ‘less observable’ but has to a large
degree the same kind of effect.’
Classic colonialism was thereby ‘Americanized,’ Thomas wrote.
“In seeking to show how this ‘hidden colonialism’ works, Thomas spoke of a
familiar reservation situation. He
wrote:
I’ll take an Indian reservation, partly because I am more familiar with them,
and partly because it’s the most complete colonial system in the world
that I know about. One of the things
you find on an Indian reservation is exploitation of natural resources. Now, I don’t want to give the impression
that the U.S. goes out with big imperialistic designs on Indian
reservations. Were it that simple, were
there nice clean-cut villains, you could just shoot them or something. But it isn’t that simple.
[If Congress quit playing games; honored the Treaties they made with Indian
Nations; returned our property they have stolen from us; and stopped funding
their colonial agencies, Indian people would have decent communities again.]
“Let’s say the U.S. Government is in charge of the resources on an Indian
reservation and cuts the timber. You
have a ‘tribal sawmill,’ which is tribal only in the sense that it is located
on the reservation, but the people in the government [White] actually run
it. They are legally told to do that
[by Congress] and they have no choice.
They aren’t being ‘mean’ to the Indians, they’re just supposed to run
the sawmill ...
“So the people who tend to get the jobs in the sawmill are the ‘responsible’
Indians. Now you can imagine who the
[so-called] responsible Indians are.
They are the people who are most like Whites in many ways, and hence,
most ‘cooperative,’ that is, they keep their mouths shut and their noses
clean. This makes for bitter
factionalism on many reservations and is another outcome of this classic
colonial structure ...
“When the resources are sold and the returns go into the tribal treasury, the
people who have control of it—insofar as anybody on the Indian reservation has
control of anything—these are marginal people.
[These “marginal people” were packed onto the reservations to divide and
control the Indian community. Most of
them are not descendants of the original Indians of the tribe whose reservation
it is, and depend on the B.I.A. for their position. They do not socialize with the Indians who really own the
reservation, and they cannot speak up to defend them. This adds to the bitter factionalism that the B.I.A. uses—the old
Feudal trick of divide and conquer.]
... The raw materials from this reservation are, of course, sold outside
the reservation area. The U.S.
Government deducts from the sales of these resources the costs of providing
social services to the reservation ...
“... Mel Thom, in his testimony before the Senate hearings on urban poverty,
offered some statistics on the discrepancy between monies spent and services
supplied. [According to Thom, the
amount that the U.S. Government spends on the so-called “Indian” (really White)
bureaucracy—per Indian—is three times the total per-capita income of the
average Indian] The portrait of ‘hidden
colonialism’ was complete. Where did
the money go? It hardly mattered.
“If the philosophy underlying the governing of the Indians is colonialism,
whether hidden or open then paternalism is the method by which it is enforced
... it is not of benevolent design. It
is simply a tool that is peculiar to [the United States] for historical and
geographical reasons. That is, it
works better ... With a candor that was marked, the Commissioner of Indian
Affairs Robert Bennett pointed to this: ‘Under the circumstances, and by the relationship
that exists between the federal government and the Indian people, it is very
difficult to get away from complete paternalism. This is a relationship based on a trustee and a ward. So you get into this kind of situation, and
it is very easy for the paternalistic attitudes to develop.’ ... The Bureau of Indian Affairs is, after
all, the oldest, most deeply entrenched, continuous system of bureaucracy in
the federal government—established in 1824.
In a historical sense the paternalism toward the Indians was the
political laboratory for the philosophy and methods that were to typify the big
brother concept of the twentieth century.
The Indians had been guinea pigs for methods of governing to be widely
applied—albeit more subtly. ... The
fatherly tone of big brotherism was a mask for the ‘cultural genocide condoned
by the Department of the Interior,’ said Bruce Wilike, of the Makah Tribe.
“In the very first Congress, of 1778, one of the very first pieces of
legislation concerned the Indians. Ever
since that time the rulings have been piling high until there are now more than
five thousand federal statutes and two thousand federal court decisions
relating to the status, control, and welfare of the Indians. ...
Colonialism is too ingrained n the minds and methods of those who govern the tribes
to be changed by an administrative reshuffling. It is not a matter of men, but of laws. The legislation governing Indians has always been tied in one way
or another to the phrase, ‘the Secretary of the Interior may authorize, at his
discretion.’ ... Even the tribal elections have had to be governed by ‘the
Secretary of Interior under such rules and regulations as he may prescribe ...’
So has gone, unto this day. ... The
Indian can easily see who is boss.
Everything he does must first have the approval of the Secretary of the
Interior, or someone under him.
Granting of citizenship does not give the Indian the right of
self-determination. As a matter of
practice, the Indian has been, and is, almost wholly governed by directives
issued by the Secretary of the Interior under the broad discretionary powers
granted to him by congress ... ‘To the Indian the Indian Bureau is the absolute
dictator if Indian Affairs,’ Belindo [of the N.C.A.I.] said. [The Bureau is blamed, but the
responsibility goes right back to the United States Congress, which enacted the
genocide legislation and funds the organizations they created year after year.]
“There is but one thing the Indian can do without anyone’s permission. He can leave his reservation. Going to the city to be integrated or
assimilated requires no governmental approval.
If he forgets his tribal way of life, his religion, his Indianness,
there is no law that stands in his way.
... He may even sell, or mortgage, or foreclose his trust lands without
the permission of ‘the Secretary at his discretion,’ according to the Omnibus
Bill.
“... The legislation of paternalism has been aimed at the integration of the
Indian into the melting pot so that he would be acculturated into the American
way of non-Indian life. For the anomaly
of the tribal communities ...’this alien culture’ (U.S. Commission on Civil
Rights)—has been a living reminder of the theft of a continent.
“... Cato Valandra [former Tribal Chairman, Rosebud Lakota] was reminded of a
story, he said. ... Once there was an old Indian who went on a delegation to
Washington to see his Congressman. The
old Indian told his Congressman he had a bill to propose that would solve ‘the
Indian problem.’
‘What’s that?’ the Congressman asked.
‘It’s called,’ the old Indian said, ‘the Leave Us Alone Bill.’
-Stan Steiner
The New Indians, 1968
[comments in brackets by Sho-ne-ah-wub]
Note to the reader: This is an election year. Ask the Senate and House candidates in your district
about their specific Indian policies and detailed agenda. (If possible, get it in writing!) The citizens of Nazi Germany claimed that
they “weren’t responsible for the Holocaust.”
Citizens of the United States elect the United States Congress.
2859. Sho-ne-ah-wub
=(a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Commentary: Animals in their proper place. Ojibwe
News .
Abstract: “Animals in their proper place,” the August 23 Bemidji Pioneer
captions a picture of a Japanese sika deer at the zoo. The picture shows a prisoner in an alien
land. The deer is confined, “under
control,” “owned” (bought and paid for with paper dollars). Proper place? In a zoo? In the White
man’s way of thinking, maybe the proper place for wildlife is behind bars. To the Indian, the proper place for deer and
other wildlife is in the forest, what little forest we still have.
In the public-relations interview with the D.N.R. published on August 23, the
D.N.R. wildlife “specialist” advises people to leave baby animals alone. She does not talk about the many thousands
of animals hit by cars and left to die by the roadside. She does not talk about the enormous numbers
of animals that are killed or injured by fee-paying D.N.R.-licensed hunters, trappers,
and scientists every year. She also
does not talk about the effect that cutting the forests, chemicals, and
surface/groundwater pollution have on animals.
At the rate that our environment is being destroyed, in just a few
years, there won’t be any wildlife, no matter what kind of “endangered
species legislation,” state programs, and public relations there are. Blaming people who keep bears in the spare
bedroom is nonsense. [People who keep
bare in the bedroom and create overpopulation is another matter.] The dominant society should look at “Grizzly
Adams” and the other wildlife fantasies funded by the Feudal corporate
structure that is plundering the land, if people are so alienated from the
natural world that gives all of us life. Who else would keep a deer in a garage, or in a zoo?
In Feudal Europe, deer and other game are kept in “parks” where only the
nobility are allowed to hunt. The
Game-Keeper is a part of the Feudal social structure; he/she protects the
wildlife for the exclusive use of the upper classes. When the Europeans emigrated to Indian land, they brought their
European Feudal thinking patterns and ways of organizing society with
them. In Minnesota, the GameKeeper And
guides) are a large number of civil servants; they are called the D.N.R.
Northern Minnesota’s forests have been stripped, clear-cut. This Indian land was majestic forests
abundant with wildlife fifty years ago.
Now, moose-hunting is only by lottery.
In a few more years, deer and duck hunting will also be by lottery. In Feudal Europe, the Nobility and Corporate
Magnates who succeeded the Feudal Lords openly acknowledge their identity. The U.S.A. depends on myths of “democracy”
and “the working man”; but even now only the nobility and their henches the
corporate executives and politicians can go moose-hunting when they want
to—along with the GameKeepers they own.
The Grygla Elk experienced typical White-man management of Indian
resources. After the D.N.R. made money
selling elk hunting licenses, we never hear any more about the elk. We never hear any more from the farmers in
Grygla (which is unceded and not paid for, and still belongs to Red Lake
people). Maybe the D.N.R. made them
honorary Game-Keepers, Guides and Fire Wardens. The Red Lake Tribal Council, whatever they did regarding the elk,
is sitting in the White man’s camp: they are an organization created by the
U.S.A.’s 1934 Indian Reorganization Act; are subordinate to the White man’s
government—bought and paid for—and are not to be confused with the traditional
Chiefs council of the Red Lake Ojibway Nation, who signed the 1863 Treaty.
All of the wildlife, water, and land that the D.N.R. claims belongs to the
White man is not theirs, it belongs to the Indian people. We have always been the care-takers; we have
never had Feudal Grounds-keepers or Game-keepers. Indian people kept these entire continents so that everyone had
an abundance: of food as well as beauty.
The reason that the D.N.R. made Oscar the otter go to the zoo had very
little to do with Oscar’s welfare—and the State of Minnesota and the
corporations were enforcing their Feudal claim to “own” the wildlife of the
Indian nations. The otter was caught in
a trap: who was allowed to set out-of-season traps? Is “protecting” wildlife allowing trapping, but taking pets away
from children? The otter was a free
creature and should have been allowed to stay voluntarily in the home she
chose, with the family that saved her life.
Manifest Destiny was in full force when major encroachment legislation was
passed by the U.S. Congress and set the stage for our present situation. These nineteenth-century encroachment and
genocide laws are still on the books of the United States Government, and they
are still violating Indian civil and human rights. In the White man’s arrogance, he never thought that Indian people
would understand his language and study his Feudal culture. The White colonizers have given themselves
some beautiful labels: the State of Minnesota has taken the Indian
Moccasin-flower and in a racist way calls it the Lady Slipper. They have taken the sacred Eagle of the
Indian people, and made it the national emblem,. More than half of what the average White eats in a day is Indian
food—but we don’t get any credit. The
White man has taken so much, and has never given anything of value back to the
Indian people. But, the Ojibway people
will still give the White man a gift—providing he takes good care of it. We give the Blue Jay as the emblem of the
State of Minnesota and the United States Government. Minnesota used to claim the loon, but after actions like tying to
“buy” Indian hunting and fishing rights, the Blue Jay is more appropriate. He calls it like it is, and to the aliens
who are stealing our resources and destroying our permaculture, he says,
“thief, thief.”
Sho-ne-ah-wub
Francis Blake, Jr.
2860. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs.
Ojibwe News.
Abstract: By Francis Blake
NEWS Correspondent
The United States Government has at least eighteen (18) bureaucrats governing
every Indian. This includes an enormous
bureaucracy in several branches of the executive department, as well as
committees and committee staffs in both the Senate and House of
Representatives. Some of the government
agencies are listed in the directory below.
The House of Representatives Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs claims
jurisdiction over “(6) Measures relating to the care and management of Indians,
including the care and allotment of Indian lands and general and special
measures relating to claims which are paid out of the Indian (Trust) funds ...”
and (6) clause 3(e) with respect to all programs affecting Indians and
nonmilitary nuclear energy and research and development, including the disposal
of nuclear waste.” This Committee on
Interior and Insular Affairs does not have any subcommittee which mentions
Indian people as a jurisdiction; we are included unmentioned in the Committee
for Insular and International Affairs.
The U.S. Supreme Court rules in a group of cases, including De Lima v.
Bidwell, Downes v. Bidwell, Hawaii v. Mankichi, and Dorr v.
United States, that insular territory is territory in which only the
fundamental guarantees of the Constitution are binding on Congress; but not
those, like equality in taxation or indictment and trial by jury, which are
“procedural, remedial, or formal.”
These are the colonizers that run tribal government. This is why everything that’s passed by the Tribal Council has to
be approved by the Secretary of the Interior or his “duly authorized” agent. This is colonialism. Don’t be fooled that the Tribal Council has
any authority. It’s time that we found
out who is really running the show.
Listed below is a directory of some of the Federal bureaucracies which are
responsible for the “exercise of special guardianship over the economic,
educational, and moral welfare of Indians, ... which acts as a trustee for
Indian property, ... and which assists the Indian when he seeks to leave tribal
ways and become assimilated to American culture outside the reservation...” The acts of Congress which established these
and all the other bureaucratic agencies which control our lives, and which
direct the colonial red-man puppet governments “recognized” by the United States
subject to the approval of the Secretary of the Interior, are all violations of
Traditional Indian civil, human and natural rights, as well as of International
law and the U.S. Constitutions.
However, a copy of these names, addresses and telephone numbers may be
useful. We encourage you to keep this
page for future reference, and to find out how to write a Freedom of
Information Act request letter if you don’t already know.
It is said that “secrecy begets tyranny,” and it is also known that colonial
dictatorships must hide what they are doing behind a smokescreen of public
relations, secrecy, and lies. In the 99
years that the United States government has occupied the Red Lake Indian Nation
in force, the U.S.A. has tried to hide what they are doing. Records that should be public are kept away
from the Indian community either through the “privacy act,” or are concealed in
a tangle of bureaucratic “White tape.”
The 1934 Indian Reorganization Act Tribal Council holds secret meetings,
and their minutes are not made public.
Deals are made in the backrooms—although in the Indian way, issues are
supposed to be discussed publicly and the entire Indian community has a say in
the decisions that are reached.
The United States Government’s tactics of secrecy in Indian Affairs have gone
unchallenged for too long; but they will not work any longer. The Ojibwe News is publishing a
political forum for the people of the Ojibwe Indian Nations. The goals of these pages are to discuss
important political issues, to make public information which should never have
been secret, and to provide a forum for the community discussion which is a
part of our Indian traditions.
Since the beginning of European occupation of Indian nations, Indian people
have been denied access to the media.
The Ojibwe News is dedicated to bringing truth to the Anishinabe
Ojibwe people. We expect that
continuing publication of this newspaper will create a howl of protest in some
places, including among acculturated Indians under the control of the Bureau of
Indian Affairs.
1324 Longworth House
Office Building, Washington, D.C. 20515 (202) 225-2761
Jurisdiction: (1) Forest reserves and national parts
created from the public domain; (2) Forfeiture of land grants and alien
ownership, including alien ownership of mineral lands; (3) Geological Survey;
(4) Interstate compacts relating to apportionment of waters for irrigation
purposes; (5) Irrigation and reclamation, including water supply for
reclamation projects, and easements of public lands for irrigation projects,
and acquisition of private lands when necessary to complete irrigation
projects; (6) Measures relating to the care and management of Indians,
including the care and allotment of Indian lands and general and special
measures relating to claims which are paid out of Indian funds; (7) Measures
relating generally to the insular possessions of the United States, except
those affecting the revenue and appropriations; (8) Military parks and
battlefields; national cemeteries administered by the Secretary of the
Interior, and parks within the District of Columbia; (9) Mineral land laws and
claims and entries thereunder; (10) Mineral resources of the public lands; (11)
Mining interests generally; (12) Mining schools and experimental stations; (13)
Petroleum conservation on the public lands and conservation of the radium
supply in the United States; (14) Preservation of prehistoric ruins and objects
of interest on the public domain; (15) Public lands generally, including entry,
easements, and grazing thereon; (16) Relations of the United States with the
Indians and the Indian tribes; (17) Regulation of the domestic nuclear energy
industry, including regulation of research and development reactors and nuclear
regulatory research. In addition to its
legislative jurisdiction under the preceding provision of this paragraph (and
its general oversight function under claus 2(b) (1) of House rule X), the
committee shall have the special oversight functions provided for in clause
3(3) with respect to all programs affecting Indians and nonmilitary nuclear energy
research and development, including the disposal of nuclear waste.
Key Staff Aides —
Majority
Staff Director/Counsel. . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Stanley Scoville
Associate Staff Director/Council . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Roy Jones
General Counsel Lee McElvain
Consultants:
Environment, Energy & Public Lands. . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mark
Trautwein
Mines, Minerals & Public Lands. . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . William L. Shafer
Water and Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Michael D. Jackson
Science Adviser . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. Henry R. Myers
Budget Officer . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .William M.
Anderson III
Public Affairs Director . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
.Ken Burton
Indian Affairs (522 HOB Anx.
1, 226-7393)
Counsel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Frank Ducheneaux*
Assistant Counsel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Alexander Skibine*
Staff Assistant . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Debbie Broken Rope*
Calendar Clerk. . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Mary
Stowe Boyd
Finance Clerk . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
.James W. Henson
Records Manger. . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sandra M.
Metcalf
Staff Assistants. . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mary
Ann Denning
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Marie J. Howard
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Linda Gordon Stevens
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. Miriam L. Waddell
Printer. . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Ralph Hollingshead
Documents Clerk. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . John Peterson
These are just a few examples. All of
these laws were legislated over our sovereign Indian people without our
consent, and in most cases, without the U.S. even telling us about it. Secretary of the Interior Douglas McKay
explained the U.S. Government’s attitude about “consent” in 1955, “In short, it
seems to me that the principle of Indian ‘consent’ ... has most serious
Constitutional implications ... I believe that it would be extremely
dangerous.”
The Tribal Councils gave up their sovereignty when they adopted 1934 I.R.A.
Constitutions. (They became colonial
governments under the control of the U.S.A.)
But, when Indian people signed the I.R.A. Constitutions at that time,
they did not understand the shyster English that the B.I.A. used. They had no access to the news media. There was little communication between
different Indian Nations.
Indian Nations and Traditional Indian people, however, have not given up our
sovereignty. Applying Title 25 and the
other White laws to acculturated Indian people who have chosen to follow the
White man is legal. These people have
given up their sovereignty, and with it their right to Indian property. Many of these people took the settlements
that were offered them by the U.S.A., sold their land, and then came back onto
the reservations. If they had come back
willing to follow traditional Indian values, there wouldn’t be any
problem. But, the U.S. Government
encourages them and pays them to destroy our traditional values—and uses them
in an illegal colonial government over Indian nations. These people have no right to make decisions
which affect Indian land or Indian rights, and no jurisdiction in legitimate
traditional Indian government.
Under International Law, Uncle Sam’s actions are criminal. Nobody but a criminal would occupy somebody
else’s land and make all of these laws.
Con games and bamboozling (except in “Indian Affairs”) are also against
the law. So is genocide.
By Francis Blake
NEWS Correspondent
2861. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Elections: The tribal elections in Red
Lake this year were very quiet ... Ojibwe News.
Abstract: The tribal elections in Red Lake this year were very quiet. Not only was campaigning subdued, but also
there weren’t any of the large ads in the Pioneer, “WARNING,”
“ARSONISTS,” etc., that the B.I.A. and their puppets usually pay
hundreds of dollars of our money for.
The Red Lake Tribal Chairman was quoted in the Bemidji Pioneer the day
after the referendum as saying that Indians were the first
conservationists. But, when the Indian
Reorganization Act was fraudulently brought onto Red Lake Reservation, the
moratorium on cutting was lifted. The
jackpine have almost all been cut down, oak and aspen are being clear-cut, and
many square miles of good timber have been wasted by the Government—either
burned or piled and left to rot. If the
concern of the referendum was conserving wildlife, there should have been a
prohibition on clear-cutting, on destroying wildlife habitat; not a blank check
for the B.I.A., through their puppets the Tribal Council, to abrogate Treaty
hunting and fishing rights.
In interviewing one unsuccessful candidate for councilman, we asked by the
hunting and fishing rights referendum was not a part of his campaign
literature. He stated that he did not
know that the referendum was on the ballot until he went to vote. The issue of the Treaty Rights Referendum
was never discussed, nor even made public,
prior to the election.
We feel that the issue goes much deeper than “protecting nursing fawns and
keeping people from killing bears for their claws only,” which is how the Bureau explained the
referendum on election day. No
Traditional Indian would ever do either of these things. No Traditional Indian would clearcut the
forests, or deliberately plant sheephead in the lake, either.
In 1959, another orchestrated “Referendum” was held on Red Lake Reservation:
the B.I.A. wrote in one internal memorandum that it was not advisable to create
factions, quite yet, and then later in a second memorandum advised the Red Lake
Agency Office not to inform the Red Lake Indian people that the proposed
constitution was a 1934 I.R.A. boilerplate constitution, because if that became
knowledge it would not pass. Indian
people were told that the Constitution of the old Chiefs Council was being
revised, when in reality the Bureau was playing a sleight of hand trick, using
the members of the “Constitution Committee” as pawns, and entrenching their
power by slipping a 1934 I.R.A. Constitution onto Red Lake. The B.I.A.’s “federally recognized” colonial
“chief” was among the very few people who knew what was really happening. When an Indian complains to the Bureau about
something, we are told “you voted for it.”
Also, the acculturated Indians and almost-whites that the B.I.A. has packed
onto the tribal Rolls (and thus also onto the voter registrations) and onto the
Reservation as a part of their colonial administration are the ones who have
been killing more deer than they needed and taking them to the dump, wasting
bears, fishing with 50 nets, and clear-cutting. These people do not have traditional Indian values, and because
of the colonial government, the traditional Indian community is powerless to
make them abide by Traditional Indian values.
Maybe the people who do not belong here don’t care if they destroy what
isn’t theirs.
Francis Blake, Jr.
2862. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). History: the farewell address of President
Andrew Jackson, Marcy 4, 1837. Ojibwe News, 1(5).
Abstract: Editor’s Note:
Inaugurated in 1829, Andrew Jackson attempted to root out corruption in the bureaucracy by dismissing over 2,000
government employees. Jackson also paid
off the National Debt in 1835 [with Indian money from the sale of the Cherokee
Nation’s land] and helped halt land speculation. We do not agree with what he did to our ancestors—he was a
commander in the U.S. Army against the Seminole Nation; and went over the head
of the Supreme Court to steal the homeland of the Cherokee and create the Trail
of Tears (relocation). Jackson stated,
“the States which had so long been retarded in their improvement by Indian
tribes living in their midst are at length relieved from this evil.” This U.S. President, however, understood his
own culture clearly.
Francis Blake, Jr.
Sho-ne-ah-wub
... There is, perhaps, no one of the powers conferred on the Federal Government
so liable to abuse as the taxing power.
The most productive and convenient sources of revenue were, necessarily
given to it, that it might be able to perform the important duties imposed in
it; and the taxes which it lays upon commerce being concealed from the real
payer in the price of the article, they do not so readily attract the attention
of the people as smaller sums demanded from them directly by the tax gatherer. But the tax imposed on goods enhances by so
much the price of the commodity to the consumer, and as many of these duties
are imposed on articles of necessity which are daily used by the great body of
the people, the money raised by these imposts is drawn from their pockets. Congress has no right under the Constitution
to take money from the people unless it is required to execute some one of the
specific powers entrusted to the Government; and if they raise more than is
necessary for such purposes, it is an abuse of the power of taxation, and
unjust and oppressive. It may indeed
happen that the revenue will sometimes exceed the amount anticipated when the
taxes were laid. When, however, this is
ascertained, it is easy to reduce them, and in such case it is unquestionably
the duty of the Government to reduce them for no circumstances can justify it
in assuming a power not given it by the Constitution nor in taking away the
money of the people when it is not needed for the legitimate wants of the Government.
Plain as these principles appear to be, you will yet find that there is a
constant effort to induce the General Government to go beyond the limits of its
taxing power and impose unnecessary burdens upon the people. Many powerful interests are continually at
work to procure heavy duties ... and to swell the revenue beyond the real
necessities of the public service, and the country has already felt the
injurious effects of their combined influence.
They succeeded in obtaining a tariff of duties bearing most oppressively
on the agricultural and laboring classes of society and producing a revenue
that could not be usefully employed within the range of the powers conferred
upon Congress, and in order to fasten upon the people this unjust and unequal
system of taxation extravagant schemes of ... were got up in various quarters
to squander the money and to purchase support... But, rely upon it, the design to collect an extravagant revenue
and to burden you with taxes beyond the economical wants of the Government is
not yet abandoned.
The corporations and wealthy individuals who are engaged in large manufacturing
establishments desire a high tariff to increase their gains. Designing politicians will support it to
conciliate their favor and to obtain the means of profuse expenditure for the
purpose of purchasing influence in other quarters... Do not allow yourselves ... to be misled on this subject. The Federal Government can not collect a
surplus for such purposes without violating the principles of the Constitution
and assuming powers which have not been granted. It is, moreover, a system of injustice, and if persisted in will
inevitably lead to corruption, and must end in ruin. The surplus revenue will be drawn from the pockets of the
people—from the farmer, the mechanic, and the laboring classes of society; but
who will receive it when distributed among the States, where it is to be
disposed of by leading State politicians, who have friends to favor and
political partisans to gratify? It will
certainly not be returned to those who have paid it and who have the most need
of it and are honestly entitled to it.
Some of the evils which arise form this system of paper [money and centralized
banking] press with peculiar hardship upon the class least able to bear it ...
The result of this ill-advised legislation was to concentrate the moneyed power
of the [United States], with its boundless means of corruption and its numerous
dependents ... as one body, and securing to it ... concert of actions throughout
the United States, and enabling it to bring forward upon any occasion its
entire and undivided strength to support or defeat any measure of the
Government. In the hands of this
formidable power, thus perfectly organized, was also placed unlimited dominion
over the amount of the circulating [money], giving it the power to regulate the
value of property and the fruits of labor in every quarter of the Union, and to
bestow prosperity or bring ruin upon any ... as might best comport with its own
interest or policy.
We are not left to conjecture how the moneyed power, thus organized and with
such a weapon in its hands, would be likely to use it. The distress and alarm which pervaded and
agitated the whole country when the Bank of the United States waged war upon
the people in order to compel them to submit to its demands can not yet be
forgotten. ... If such was its power in
time of peace, what would it have been in a season of war? ... No nation but
the freemen of the United States could have come out victorious from such a
contest yet if you had not conquered, the government would have passed from the
hands of the many to the hands of the few, and this organized money power from
its secret enclave would have dictated the choice of your highest officers and
compelled you to make peace or war, as best suited their own wishes. The forms of our Government might for a time
have remained, but its living spirit would have departed from it.
... You must remember, my fellow citizens, that eternal vigilance is the price
of liberty, and that you must pay the price if you wish to secure the
blessing. It behooves you therefore, to
be watchful in your States as well as in the Federal Government. The power which the moneyed interest can
exercise, when concentrated ... and with our present system of currency, was
sufficiently demonstrated in the struggle made by the Bank of the United
States. Defeated in the Central Government, the same class of intriguers and
politicians will now resort to the States and endeavor to obtain there the same
organization which they failed to perpetuate in the Union; and with specious
and deceitful plans of public advantages and State interests and State prides
they will endeavor to establish in the different States one moneyed institution
with overgrown capital an exclusive privileges sufficient to enable it to
control the operations of the other banks ... and the money power will be able
to embody its whole strength and to move together with undivided force to
accomplish any object it may wish to obtain.
You have already had abundant evidence of its power to inflict injury on
the agricultural, mechanical, and laboring classes of society, and over those
whose engagements in trade or speculation render them depending on bank
facilities ... It is one of the serious
evils of our present system of banking that it enabled one class of society—and
that by no means a numerous one—by its control over the currency, to act
injuriously upon the interests of all the others and to exercise more than its
just portion of influence in political affairs. The agricultural, the
mechanical, and the laboring classes have little or no share in the direction
of the great moneyed corporations, and from their habits and the nature of
their pursuits they are incapable of forming extensive combinations to act
together with united force ... They have but little patronage to give to the
press, and exercise but a small share of influence over it; they have no crowd
of dependents about them who hope to grow rich without labor by their
countenance and favor, and who are therefore always ready to execute their
wishes. The planter, the farmer, the
mechanic, and the laborer all know that their success depends upon their own
industry and economy, and that they must not expect to become rich by the
fruits of their toil. Yet these classes
of society form the great body of the people of the United States ... But, they are in constant danger of losing
their fair influence on the Government, and with difficulty maintain their just
rights against the incessant efforts daily made to encroach upon them. The mischief springs from the power which
the moneyed interest derives from a paper currency which they are able to
control, from the multitude of corporations which exclusive privileges which
they have succeeded in obtaining in the different States, and which are
employed altogether for their benefit; and unless you become more watchful in
your States and check this spirit of monopoly and thirst for exclusive
privileges you will in the end find that the most important powers of
Government have been given or bartered away, and the control over your dearest
interests has passed into the hands of these corporations.
The paper-money system and its natural associations—monopoly and exclusive
privileges—have already struck their roots too deep in the soil, and it will
require all your efforts to check its further growth and to eradicate the
evil. The men who profit by the abuses
and desire to perpetuate them will continue to besiege the halls of legislation in the General Government as
well as n the States, and will seek by every artifice to mislead and deceive
the public servants. It is to
yourselves that you must look for safety and the means of guarding and
perpetuating your free institutions. ... But it will require steady and
persevering exertions on your part to rid yourselves of the inequities and
mischiefs of the paper system and to check the spirit of monopoly and other
abuses which have sprung up with it, and of which it is the main support. So
many interests are united to resist all reform on this subject that you
must not hope the conflict will be a short one nor success easy. ... Enough yet
remains to require all your energy and perseverance. The power however, is in your hands and the remedy must and will
be applied if you determine upon it.
Knowing that the path of freedom is continually beset by enemies who often
assume the disguise of friends, I have devoted the last hours of my public life
to warn you of the dangers. ... It is from within, among yourselves—from
cupidity, from corruption from disappointed ambition and inordinate thirst for
power—that factions will be formed and liberty endangered. It is against such designs, whatever disguise
the actors may assume, that you have especially to guard yourselves.
My own race is nearly run; advanced age and failing health warn me that before
long I must pass beyond the reach of human events ... I bid you a last and
affectionate farewell.
[From the book, The
Compilation of Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Volume IV. James D. Richardson, 1897.]
2863. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Housing vote typical of system. Ojibwe
News.
Abstract: To the Editor:
The racist class system strikes again in Bemidji. The City Council has made decisions “for” the poor people. The don’t want housing for poor people in
Bemidji, although this housing is sorely needed.
As we look at the structure of the dominant society, the infrastructure of the
towns that you build, there is always a rich section and always a poor section
of town. Poor people come from the
“other side of the tracks,” and poor people are a necessary part of the
infrastructure of your society. The
class system is an integral part of the infrastructure, just as much as roads
and jails are. In the same way as roads
and jails are maintained using your money system—including poor peoples’
untenable position—is maintained and reinforced by the monetary structure. This is even justified by the Christian
establishment; the Nuns taught us that, “the poor will always be with us.” But then, if you look at reality, the class
systems are all man-made. How do you
make this class system? You use the
money system. And who runs this money
system? The upper-class white man. He decides which groups are going to have
access to his man-made money system and which groups are going to be poor. Certain groups of immigrants were imported
specifically to fill the lower ranks of the social hierarchy. The poor victims are blamed; told that they
are poor because they have no initiative, are weak-willed, or whatever. But, poor people are manipulated into taking
their place in a structure that has always included them, using the money
system.
Bemidji has already allocated millions of dollars for “housing for the poor,”
the fancy new jail. The people who will
be housed there are people who are excluded from the political and money
systems (how many rich people have ever spent even a night in jail, no matter
what their crime)? There’s more money
going through the economic system from a person in jail than from a person
living peaceably in their own house.
Crime is also a part of the infrastructure of the dominant society. Crime creates jobs and crime reinforces and
entrenches the white man’s class system.
Maybe I see things a little differently than whites do. Indian people never had a class system
(until the BIA tried to create one).
Poverty, crime, a centralized market economy are all institutions that
white immigrants brought with them, a necessary part of their imported European
neo-feudal social organization. Poverty
is a man-made problem. Poor people are
created and then victimized by your political and economic systems. (Welfare and other “social service” programs
give more benefit to the providers than they do to the poor people they are
supposed to serve.) Your society has
created this human suffering and profits from it. Why don’t you take responsibility for your actions? White racism has kept all but a few Indian
people from taking a place inside the white structure. So, we are not looking at you from inside
your structure, but looking at you from the outside, and analyzing your society
and how you govern. We see you for who
and what you are. We also see your
monetary system as one big crooked con game.
Francis Blake, Jr.
2864. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1990). I say what I can to make this a better
world. Ojibwe News.
Abstract: To the Editor:
Charles Murphey of Fort Yates wrote an open letter against H.R. 4033, which
would establish a Federal “Office of Indian Treaty Conflict Resolution.” Mr. Murphey’s letter was reprinted in the Lakota
Times.
We agree with Mr. Murphey that this unilateral and racist encroachment
legislation on the part of the U.S. Congress is just one more step by the
Judeo-Christian Church and the United States to abolish Indians, and our
Traditional, aboriginal sovereignty.
When we study the United States Congress and the laws that they pass
unilaterally, such as the 1889 Chippewa Commission agreement—we see that once a
piece of legislation is on the U.S. books, they can pass amendments, riders and
bureaucratic regulations forever. In
1889, the U.S. Congress passed the Agreement that the U.S. Government used to
steal eleven million acres from the Red Lake Anishinabe Ojibway people. The United States Government forgot to steal
some of our land with this “Act for the relief of the Chippewa Indians” [we
were “relieved” of our property]. “By
the way, we forgot to steal the western part of their reservation,” that is
what they said, and then they wrote an amendment. The 1902 delegation that went to Washington to sign over more of
our land were what the B.I.A. called “proper Indians”; many of them were
descendants of non-Indians packed onto the Red Lake rolls to replace Red Lake
Indian people who were victims of the Holocaust.
Once any legislation is passed, then the bureaucrats take over. The bureaucrats start interpreting the
legislation in their own way; writing bureaucratic mumbo-jumbo and collecting
“fringe benefits” for their family and friends. The way it looks to us, any time that the United States
Congress unilaterally passes a piece of racist “Indian legislation,” Indians
lose and the Indo-Europeans steal something else from us.
The United States Congress doesn’t have any business passing laws that apply to
Sovereign Indian people anyway. It’s a
human rights violation and a violation of International law for the U.S. to
pass these laws. What REAL Indian
leaders should be doing, is going to the United Nations about Treaty problems,
not to the United States. The Charter
of the United Nations begins,
“We the people of the United Nations determined
to save our succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our
lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind, and
to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the
human person, and in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and
small, and
to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations
arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained,
...”
Even though the United States wrote themselves a veto over all other nations in
the World in the United Nations, the United Nations building is built on Indian
land, using Indian resources.
I am not a “malcontent,” I am not a “dissident,” I am not a “protester,” but I
do have a Clan and a Dodem, and this is my land. This has to be a better place for Indian people, for our children
and our grandchildren. I can speak out
because I have Traditional sovereignty, so I say what I can to make this a
better world.
Sho-ne-ah-wub
Francis Blake, Jr.
2865. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1990). Indian's rights supported. Ojibwe News.
Abstract: To the Editor:
The Thursday, December 21 edition of the Bemidji Pioneer ran only a part
of an Associated Press story about Ester Nahgahnub (see page 2 [of the January
3, 1990 Ojibwe News] for the full AP version of that story), who was
rudely harassed by Federal Official Dave Duncan. The Bemidji Pioneer’s editors did not want to print the
last part of the story, beginning with: “As a Chippewa [sic], Nahgahnub
said, she believes she has the right to gather and sell items in northeastern
Minnesota, an area covered by the 1854 treaty.” She not only “believes,” she does have this right—maybe that’s
why the Pioneer didn’t print it.
Northeastern Minnesota, as well as the rest of the American Indian continents,
is Indian land, even though the United States and other European-generated
governments occupy our land by force and by Treaties written with the intent to
steal. Treaty or no treaty, it is still
our land—a Treaty (as forced on Indian Nations) is one of many European tactics
designed to steal. European-Americans
have written many volumes of racist legislation which names themselves as the
“keepers of the wildlife” (when these people are still terrified of the woods
and get lost even with a map and a compass).
However, looking at the way the European-American immigrants have kept
our resources since the beginning of their forcible occupation of Northern
Minnesota, it doesn’t seem like it will be very long until our land looks like
the barren rocks of Europe that these European immigrants came from. The Europeans left stone huts that they
shared with their cattle (to keep warm, they had cut down all the trees) in
their homeland; already we can see big rock-piles in the farmers’ fields. They must be getting ready for Robin HUD’s
new housing projects.
Under this imported European system, all of our land and resources have been
taken away from Indian people and used as capital and collateral to underwrite
the European-styled greed-culture $$ money system of the U.S.A.; $$ Dollars,
Euro-dollars and other European currencies are all part of the same
interlocking system. This crooked
system is owned and controlled by the so-called “elite” upper-class Europeans
and hyphenated Europeans. Under this
scrip scheme, the United States Government has had the audacity to print $$
money based on stolen Indian land and resources (and stolen Indian gold)—and
then try to “buy” Indian land, forests and hunting and fishing rights for a
tiny fraction of their value, when it is our land and resources which back up
their crooked $$ money system to start with.
So, what it comes down to, is that European immigrants haven’t had to
pay for anything, just the printing presses that they brought with them from
Europe.
According to the European—American $$ money scheme, a person is “no good” when
they don’t have any $$ money.
European—Americans value themselves according to their paper-$$ money
“net worth.” The upper class controls
the $$ money system, Indian people had no part in its design and, as intended,
have no access to it. Every continent,
everywhere the European has gone, he has designed the same kind of $$ money
system, to entrench his class system and to steal from the people that the land
and resources belong to. Indian people
are criticized for “living in poverty,” for not having any $$ money, but why
would the Europeans want to discredit an entire race of people? Maybe they are using a blame-the-victim
strategy to hide the fact that they are using stolen resources on stolen land;
this is what their printed $$ money is based on.
Upper-class Europeans have always been too lazy to do their own work; they
brought slaves and indentured servants with them when they came from
Europe. They use the class system to
make other people do their “dirty work.”
They try to discredit Indian people by saying we’re “too lazy to work,”
but what they’re really doing is trying to get slave-labor under the minimum
wage (or less, on most reservations for doing work that the upper-class
Europeans are too lazy to do for themselves.
The European-Americans have set up their racist $$ money system, with their
encroachment legislation and human rights violations, so that Indians cannot
have any $$ money. According to common
sense, there should be nothing wrong with using road-kill feathers to support a
family. If Red-tailed Hawks are
endangered, it is not because of Indians, it is because heir homes have been
destroyed and their food poisoned by European-American greed. What Esther
Nahgahnub has come up against is that Indian people are not supposed to use the
Dollar $$ money system which is based on Indian land and resources. This is part of the European colonial
strategy. Another part of the U.S.
colonial system is to force Indian people onto welfare and A.F.D.C. after
everything has been stolen from us, to silence and discredit us; so that
European-Americans can complain about how much they are “giving” us. Every few
months, certain racist writers of the Bemidji Pioneer get self-righteous
and write about welfare. But, these
smug writers live on and benefit from stolen Indian property.
Bullying people around and using terrorist tactics are a part of the
European-American heritage. The
Pilgrims at Plymouth Rock gratefully received Indian gifts—and we didn’t attach
any stigma of “welfare.” It wasn’t
until hordes of immigrants were imported to serve in the U.S. Army and
outnumbered Indian people 5,000 to 1, that the European-Americans got “brave”
enough to be bullies. Bullying, ripping
off, and stealing are still U.S. international policy from Panama and Nicaragua
to Libya and Palestine. Bullying is
just one part of the terrorist tactics that the U.S.A. has used against Indians
and other peoples since its colonial beginnings.
Another part of the devious European-American $$ money system is the
Indo-European idea of kidnapping people and holding them for ransom. Ever since the Treaties were signed (and
sometimes before), the United States Government has been kidnapping Indian
children, holding our young people hostage in Government schools, in foster
care, and for adoption. Indian children
are taken away from their parents because, as planned, their parents do not
have any $$ money. The ransom that our
children are held for (and that many of our children have been killed for) is
our Indian land and resources that back up the U.S. $$ Dollar. Indo-European people are held for $$
money-ransom. Our children are held for
land and resources ransom, and then brainwashed so they don’t know who they
are, so they become non-people who are neither Indian nor White.
This genocide is much worse than Hitler’s, worse than 500 million Indian people
destroyed over 500 years to steal two continents. A lot of European-Americans will say, “I had nothing to do with
it,” but there is such a word as “complacency,” and they continue to benefit
from our stolen Indian property—and these people are not lobbying their
European-American Congress to repeal the racist and genocide legislation that
is still on their law-books, that continues to give them European-style title
to Indian land and resources that they get personal benefit form. Christian people talk about “honesty,” but
the Christian churches unilaterally gave God’s stamp of approval to both the
Nazi German and the U.S. Government.
“Sacred Trusteeship” is supported by European-Americans and “Indian”
bureaucrats who have lost their values.
Former B.I.A. Commissioner John Collier called these people “friendly
Indians with a white-plus psychology,” and this is the kind of “Indian leader”
that European-Americans choose for us and put on their $$ Dollar-payroll. According to European law, what Trusteeship
means is taking property and $$ money away from people because they are
incompetent.” What kind of
Fascist-thinking is this, to call an entire race of people “incompetent,” when
under Indian people’s care and management, both of these Indian continents were
a beautiful and abundant paradise. The
European-American word “incompetent” seems like forked-tongue speaking; under
European-American management, everything has been wrecked, destroyed, polluted
and turns into trillions of $$ Dollars of printed paper $$ money, used to
entrench the imported European class system.
European-American “experts” who have no harmony with the land, have updated an
old scam. After most of our Indian
continent’s resources have been plundered, stripped and raped, then converted
into $$ money, we are told that $$ money can fix the problem. It was European $$ money-greed that
devastated our land in the first place.
Putting back a tiny fraction of what was taken out—in $$ money and
according to the European way of looking at the world, isn’t going to fix
anything except maybe public relations.
The $4 money-fix is just another crooked shell game. How can people who came with nothing, from a
land that had already been ravaged to the bedrock, say that they know anything
about managing wildlife and resources?
Their “land-grant” Universities are build on stolen Indian land, and
their professors’ research is subsidized by corporations whose purpose is to
steal Indian resources.
One more example of appointed leadership: the European-American logging
industry has always been a thieving enterprise. Certain lumber companies paid their Congressmen to take the
property that was stolen from Indians on Red Lake. Indian people never had—and never needed—police and jails under
our Traditional values and government.
So, the European-Americans used our Trust $$ money to build a jail, and
to pay a policeman backed up by the U.S. Army.
This “law enforcement” was to protect the thieves, the lumber companies
who were stealing the homes of our wildlife, plundering our timber. When a Red Lake Indian complained, they
drummed up charges against him and threw him in jail, and let the thieves go
right on stealing. This is the kind of
backwards system that the European-Americans brought with them from Feudal
Europe. This is the kind of system that
Ester Nahgahnub us up against, a crooked system that has no place for truth or
honest. If European-Americans were truthful
and honest, they would not be on stolen land.
But, their very culture is based on lies and treachery.
The time has come for Indian people to join together and once again accept our
responsibility as caretakers of this land.
We also need to teach the European invaders how to be civilized human
beings.
Thank you.
Sho-ne-ah-wub
Francis Blake, Jr.
2866. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Interview with new Fond du Lac chairman. Ojibwe
News.
Abstract: by Francis Blake
Ojibwe News Correspondent
Duluth, MN—Bob Peacock replaces Bill Houle as Fond du Lac Tribal
Chairman. We spoke with Chairman-elect
Peacock at the June Minnesota Chippewa Tribe meeting in Duluth.
Ojibwe News: You know I’m interviewing you for the Ojibwe
News. Our concerns include Tribal
Government. The issues that affect us
now, there has to be ...
Bob Peacock: Yeah, I’m familiar with it.
Ojibwe News: The Tribal Government, the State, and the Federal—we
need an organizational chart, to see just how Tribal Government functions.
Bob Peacock: I would like to see that myself.
Ojibwe News: Now, they’re going to have a Constitutional
Convention. What is the full
organization on that now?
Bob Peacock: I don’t even know if they’ve decided on how they’re going
to chose delegates. I can tell you this
much about it. Back in 1978 or so, when
this whole thing was done before, it came from the top, down, and it never
worked. And so, if they try and do it
from the top down again, I don’t think it will work either. Somehow or another, they are going to have
to pull the delegates that represent people, from the people. If the people are going to have to make
those decisions on a constitutional convention ... Uh, if you do it from the
top end, this is where the problem lies, as far as I’m concerned. If you continue to try and put a
Constitution Convention from the top, down, then it means that the elected
people are telling the people what to do for them, and that’s backwards. The people are supposed to be telling us
what we’re supposed to be doing, so it has to continue that way. We still have to get directives from the
people, telling us what they want to do.
If you do it the other way around, it’s not the premise of what we’re
supposed to be involved in.
Ojibwe News: They don’t have an organizational chart, for the
organization that we have functioning now, do we?
Bob Peacock: The organization that we have is, the people themselves,
and now ...
Ojibwe News: But it’s not.
Bob Peacock: It’s not cold list, because we don’t ...
Ojibwe News: How is it
structured?
Bob Peacock: How do other governments structure their institutional
organization? How do they choose
delegates? How is it done? We should review that, and take the good
from what they have, and utilize that in our own methods. That is .. We may have to go into districts
in each district of each reservation, and in themselves, select votes on,
select a delegate, um ... How about the
equality on delegation? Should each
reservation have, say X amount equally, and the rest based on area and
population? Somehow or another, if the
two larger reservations overcome the smaller reservations, it becomes a
two-reservation constitution. And the
small reservations’ voice is going to be drowned out. If it’s coming from the top, down, by the elected government
telling the people what they’re going to do, then the people are drowned
out. So there’s a lot of problem here,
and I think we’re just going to have to try to see what is best, for the best
of all. I haven’t researched it out, and
I don’t know where to go with it, and I’m looking for as much information and
assistance as anybody.
Ojibwe News: OK ...
Bob Peacock: So, what I do, is say, ‘OK, tell me, what direction do you
want me to take?’ A lot of my people
told me what they wanted, and my position on this is, that’s fine. We don’t see it. We’re fighting against having to take it. We may lose, but that’s the direction that
we’ve been directed to do, or told to take.
What do the people want in delegates, I don’t know. I’d be as interested to find out what’s
happening with that as anybody else. I
don’t think I’m in a position to make any kind of decision, because I don’t
have any input from anyone. I think
that it’s either going to make or break us.
Ojibwe News: Thank you.
2867. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1989). Is the Star Tribune into propaganda? Ojibwe
News.
Abstract: To the Editor:
In the last month, the Star and Tribune has referred to tribal people as
“vindictive,” published a large picture of a cigar-store Indian [would they
have done that with a statue caricaturing a Black man?], and erroneously
reported that Sanguinaria canadensis was used by Indians for “war paint”
among other things. Use of the media to
mold public opinion into racist stereotypes is probably almost as old as
Western “civilization”—these are just a few examples of this ongoing White
tradition.
On Saturday, May 13, the Star Tribune chose to print an
emotionally-loaded, one-sided piece of anti-Indian propaganda on the front
page, “Resort owners high and dry in spearfish fight.” It is unfortunate that innocent Whites were
misled about the potential for pursuing the white value system of “making
money” in Wisconsin’s so-called ceded—stolen—Indian land. However, the story did not report fairly
about the Indians to whom the land still legitimately belongs.
One of the justifications that Whites used for taking Indian land was that
Indians were “nomadic.” The Ojibway
people to whom the Wisconsin land belongs have been right there for hundreds of
thousands of years. (The Whites called
Indians’ ecologically balanced permaculture “wilderness” because they didn’t
understand it.) Whether Indian peoples’
land and subsistence base is taken by legislation, by fraudulently-intended
Treaty, by bureaucratic regulation, or by misleading immigrant “pioneers”
[there is more than one meaning in the dictionary] of the White middle and
lower classes and then writing newspaper articles to mould racist public
opinion toward sympathy for the Whites’ orchestrated plight, this Indian land
and resource base remains stolen property.
If the Star Tribune wanted to print news instead of propaganda, they
would have also given front page headlines to the Indian side of that
particular story. Simplistically, they
could have written about how many Indian people the speared and netted walleyes
would feed—and about the imported European economic system, which is a scheme
designed to create hardship in occupied indigenous Nations and facilitate the
theft of our resources (Communism comes from the same roots and is structurally
indistinguishable). Under the
White-planned economy of corporate-lobbied, Congressionally-mandated
bureaucracies, 90 percent unemployment on Indian Reservations is normal and
economic opportunities for Traditional Indian people are near-zero. Indian people are “red-lined” by the
White-controlled dollar money system.
United States dollars are underwritten by stolen Indian land, resources
and gold; but Indian people are forced to participate in this rigged system at
the bottom of the imported Indo-European hierarchy, on blame-the-victim
welfare, in below minimum-wage labor, through regressive and sometimes openly
fraudulent taxation (e.g., White Earth).
Like Communism, Democracy is run by the hereditary White so-called
“upper-class.” The “Tribal Councils”
which forcibly displaced our Traditional governments are run from Washington,
D.C., and as long as they continue to follow the exploitive and oppressive
mandates set in Washington, they receive a crooked stamp of approval from the
U.S.A. The current situation in Panama
is part of the same colonial pattern.
The Treaty to return the Canal Zone to the Panamanian people is coming
up—if the United States successfully ousts General Noriega it will be to put in
a puppet whose strings are pulled in Washington, just like the “Federally
recognized leaders” of Indian country.
If the Star Tribune truly aspires toward the quality of reportage which
they claim, Pat Doyle could have dug deeper into the story. Admittedly, many of the Indian owners of
this Wisconsin land would have been difficult to interview—their ancestors were
killed in the unmentioned Holocaust, the genocide of American Indians which
continues into the twentieth century.
However, there are surviving Traditional Ojibway Indians around. Many of the Indian people to whom the land
belongs were “relocated” by the United States to urban ghettos (including
Chicago and Minneapolis-St. Paul) in the 1950’s. Some Indians have managed to hold onto their roots; many live in
poverty on the Indian side of the tracks in Wisconsin “resort towns.” Fair reportage would have discussed the
economic and personal consequences of 150 years of White occupation and
resource exploitation in Wisconsin to the Indian people; it would have explored
White-caused pollution, environmental degradation and deterioration of fish
populations due to White (mis-)management.
From an Indian perspective, the White establishment’s “management” of Indian
resources includes the scorched-earth slaughter of millions of buffalo and
billions of passenger pigeons; it also includes depriving Indian children of
the right to eat their own fish so that upper-class “sportsmen” can aggrandize
their own egos with stuffed fish on their walls and so that White-owned resorts
can make money with fish-tormenting contests, “catch-and-release.”
Sooner or later, European immigrants to these Indian continents are going to
have to stop living lies, and face up to the truth. No matter how much the dominant society and religions lie about
reality, reality is still right here.
An honest story in the Minneapolis Star Tribune would not have
merely been a one-sided bit of propaganda about nomadic Whites whose ancestors
migrated over great bodies of water to these Indian continents, a sob-story
about unfortunate White victims of Indo-European colonization strategies. We don’t really blame the writer of the
story—that’s the way the news is almost always reported.
Sho-ne-ah-wub
Francis Blake, Jr
2868. Sho-ne-ah-wub
=, a. k. a. F. B. Jr. (1988). Letter to the Editor: More than two years ago, in
May of 1986, the Red Lake Independent published an article about the
epidemic of diabetes on the Red Lake Reservation. The response of the Indian Health Service ... Native American
Press/Ojibwe News.
Abstract: More than two years ago, in May of 1986, the Red Lake Independent
published an article about the epidemic of diabetes on the Red Lake
Reservation. The response of the Indian
Health Service was to start a public-relations newsletter in Red Lake, and to
launch a seat belt campaign.
In the same issue of the Red Lake Independent, excerpts from the 1979
backroom deals between the Bureau of Indian Affairs and Beltrami County were
published: unilateral White decisions to continue denying Red Lake Indian
people Food Stamps. The United States
Government admits that they are “studying” Indian diabetes. “The Congressional response to the diabetic
epidemic among American Indians” is to appropriate money for record-keeping
computers for use in their study, and to subsidize pharmaceutical corporations
for equipment, supplies, and experimental drug testing. What the I.H.S. won’t say publicly is that
they are doing medical experiments on Indian people. Red Lake has the “controlled conditions” that such experiments
need: White encroachment legislation has provided us with a
government-controlled hospital with sealed records, a population that the
United States Government has thoroughly studied and keeps track of through
“payments,” and a diet mandated by the United States Government (commodities
and no food stamps). Food stamps would
allow Red Lake Indian people to choose healthy foods, and would thereby abort
the diabetes experiments. Want more
proof? Why else would tuberculosis
epidemics rage in Ponemah, at a rate one thousand times higher than that of the
homeless people in New York City slums?
Germ warfare was one of the original tactics of genocide against Indian
people, and it hasn’t stopped.
Friday, August 26, the Bemidji Pioneer printed an interview with Dr.
Steve Rith-Najarian about Indian diabetes.
Rith-Najarian claims that the Indian Health Service provides, “the best,
most up-to-date health care in the world,” and blames Indian people for having
diabetes. He is covering up solid
documentation of on-going genocide of Indian people: Indian people have an
average life expectancy of less than 43 years.
Indian people are sent out of the Indian Health Service system to die—so
that a criminally high Indian death rate doesn’t show up in their
statistics. No matter what kind of
equipment the I.H.S. hospitals might have, they also have less than half the
number of doctors required by the Geneva Convention. Almost all of these doctors don’t have any experience at all;
they are literally “practicing” on Indian people. The doctors are not Indian, although there are plenty of Indian
people who would make good doctors.
Legitimate Indian medicine men under whose care our average life
expectancy was over 85 years (and nobody got diabetes, cancer, lice or
missionaries) are still being discredited and harassed. Indian people do not have the choice of
medical care and access to second opinions that all non-Indian citizens of the
U.S. have [civil rights do not apply to Indian people]. Dr. Kill-me-quick at the Indian Health
Service is well-known throughout the Indian community. This writer stays away from the I.H.S.
hospital (that’s why I’m healthy), and would not send my dog there. There is a reason that there is a law saying
that the I.H.S. is immune from lawsuit.
On the surface, Rith-Najarian sounds academic and educated, even
concerned. But, he is blaming the
Indian victims of White genocide legislation and United States occupation: he
calls Indians “weighs twice what he should,” and lazy “(wouldn’t) walk half an
hour,” people who “willfully destroy themselves.” By claiming the problem is, “how do we convince people to make
significant lifestyle changes,” he is focusing attention away from the real
problems.
What are the real causes of the epidemic rates of diabetes [according to a
non-government diabetes expert, much higher than the 35% the I.H.S. admits
to]. The real cause of Indian diabetes
is the multi-national corporations which lobby for, and the United States
Congress which passes, the encroachment, racist, genocide legislation
specifically designed to exterminate Indian people and steal Indian property.
Stress is the triggering factor of Type II diabetes. The conditions on the reservations created by the United States
Government, and the corporations behind it, cause an enormous amount of
stress. The power and authority that
should belong to the Indian community was fraudulently taken away by the 1934
Indian Reorganization Act (in 1958 in Red Lake). Powerlessness, and the community conditions created by
dictatorial outside control and colonial government, cause intense stress and
further disrupt the community. Indian land
and resources are still being stolen, and consequently most Indian people live
far below the poverty level, which is stressful. Our religion and our sacred philosophy of life are called “the
work of the devil” by institutions that they say are “Christian Churches”—this
U.S. created and supported religious persecution is stressful. Stress is put on Indian children at an early
age by lying sell-out Indian politicians, by racist mass media and by the White
teachers in the White-run educational system.
In the schools, our Indian children are fed a diet of racist lies about
our identity and origin; a diet of hostility and abuse just for being Indian;
and a nutritionally-deficient diet of commodities in the school lunch
program. The writer speaks from
experience, and could write a lot more.
The citizens of occupied Nations are always under stress.
Rith-Najarian blames Indian diabetes for not eating moose and wild rice. Most of us would rather eat moose, buffalo,
venison, elk, and passenger pigeon than store-bought or commodity meat from
imprisoned animals that have been force-fed chemicals to make them fat. We prefer maple sugar [which does not
raise blood-glucose] and other Indian foods to the White man’s cheap
imitations. But, or Indian Nations’
permacultural systems were systematically destroyed as a part of the
starvation-into-submission agenda of the United States Government. Most of our maple sugar trees were cut by
order of the U.s. Government and left to rot.
Almost all Indian “wild” rice beds have been taken away from their
rightful owners by racist encroachment legislation—which is a civil and human
rights violation. To harvest our own
rice where we planted it, where we maintained it for thousands of years, an
Indian must pay the White man for a “license”—and most of our rice beds have
been destroyed by Whites whose idea of power is to plunder and try to “conquer”
nature. Our hunting and fishing rights
are being sold by illegal colonial governments, and our permacultural system
which provided environment for the wildlife is being clearcut and
polluted. [Koochiching County’s
proposed toxic waste dump will leach mercury and other poisons directly into
Red Lake. As planned?]
Chronic malnutrition can cause Type II diabetes: vitamin (particularly
B-complex) and mineral deficiencies limit insulin production, unbalance the
body, and damage the pancreas.
Ironically, chronic malnutrition also makes people fat (craving the
nutrition they need, people eat more of what is available). The conditions legislated by the U.S.
Government on the Reservations to force Indian people to eat the U.S.
agricultural subsidy programs’ garbage: commodities (rations), which do not
provide good nutrition. Commodities are
inadequate in many ways, including B-vitamin deficiencies. Hence, the experimental material for
unethical researchers.
Rith-Najarian quotes a theory that Indians are diabetic because we had “times
of hardship.” This is absolute
nonsense. We were much better off
before the white man brought his trading posts, racist paper money controlled
by Feudal corporations, deforestation and pollution, 1924 forced citizenship
act, welfare systems, minimum wage slave-labor, rations, prisons and churches,
food stamps, and supermarkets. Scarcity
and famine were brought to these continents by the White people, whose
overpopulation of our land exceeds the capacity of our environment to sustain
them. Indian people were agricultural
people who lived in harmony with nature.
Our gardens and our forests provided more than enough for everybody—with
less than eight ours of work per week [the reason trade beads “sold” so well in
Manhattan was that traditional Indian people had lots of time for arts and
crafts]. The starvation that the White
man saw among Indians, was what he had intentionally created. Even the White man’s distorted history books
describe an “abundance of game, passenger pigeons that darkened the sky with
their number,” and Indian people who were robustly healthy, had good teeth, and
were almost all over six feet tall.
Just recently, the United States Congress passed legislation to repay Japanese
people for damages. But, the damages to
Indian people go on. Adolf Hitler of
the Third Reich said to his Cabinet that his ideas for the Holocaust came from
the “extermination of Indians” by the United States Government of Amerika.
Sho-ne-ah-wub
Francis Blake, Jr.
2869. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1987). Lincoln, a.k.a. "Honest Abe's"
Birthday: ... “English First” is one of the amply funded organizations behind
the “English as the ‘official language’” movement ... Bemidji Pioneer.
Abstract: The Bemidji Pioneer
Bemidji, MN 56601
To the Editor:
In today’s Bemidji Pioneer, Brad Swenson wrote an opinion about making
English the “official language” of the State of Minnesota.
“English First” is one of the amply funded organizations behind the “English as
the ‘official language’” movement. Many
of the early backers of “English First” are Texans, where legislators hope to
accomplish by law what they could not do otherwise—to intensify discrimination
against Spanish-speaking Texans (who were there before English-speakers even
knew there was such a place).
“English first” opens even deeper questions, also. However improved the “English” language might have been by the
addition of Native American words and concepts it is (along with French, Spanish,
Portuguese, Latin, Greek, etc.) foreign to this continent. Not “first.” Foreign. If you want to
legislate “English first,” you are going to have to re-name virtually every
city, county, town and state on the continent.
(What about potatoes? What about
canoes? What are you going to name the
city of Bemidji? Just “Crime Capitol?”)
If English is virtually the only language spoken here now, it is because it was
forced on speakers of other, beautiful and expressive, languages like
Ojibway. Not (as so many liberal
“Americans” excuse themselves) “a hundred years ago, so it’s not my fault,” but
up until 1945 on the Red Lake Indian Reservation, Ojibway people were
physically beaten by employees for speaking our native language. (In some places, this still goes on.)
Red Lake Indian people fought, and some of our people died, in World War I,
World War II, in Korea, in Vietnam. For
“freedom.”
The U.S.A. (Union of South Africa) has an official language (Afrikaans) which
is forcibly “first” over the Black African languages which belong to that
land. Perhaps legislating “English
first” in this U.S.A. (United States of America) is a good thing, and would be
even better if the law had “teeth”—90 days or $500 for speaking any other
language; with rewards for anybody who turns in violators. You could even have an 800 number called
“forked-tongue speaking” where people could call in and anonymously accuse
their neighbors and enemies of speaking “foreign” languages—like Ojibway. (And when you write up the laws, double the
fine if a person is caught speaking their own native language, be it Norwegian,
Swedish, Ojibway or Vietnamese.)
To the Red Lake Indian people, English is also a “boat peoples’ language.” Our old chiefs who signed the treaties told
us that English is a language of lies.
... [text missing] ... (“friend” of the Indians) used English to
tell lies in the name of the United States Government, and they spoke English
when they swore on the Bible to uphold the treaties (a premeditated lie). The White man has been using his imported
language to tell lies ever since.
I wholeheartedly and enthusiastically approve of “English first.” At least your racism and intolerance is
right out in the open where the whole world can see it.
Mee gwitch,
Francis Blake
Member, Red Lake Anishinabe Ojibway People
2870. Sho-ne-ah-wub
=(a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). An open letter to Ross Swimmer. Ojibwe
News.
Abstract: Assistant Secretary for Indian Affairs
Ross O. Swimmer
Dear Mr. Swimmer:
We thank you for taking the time to talk with the press, and to meet with us
while you were in Minneapolis on July 12th.
We also appreciate that, whatever you personal feelings might be, in
your present position as Assistant Secretary you are relatively powerless to
influence procedural processes which the United States Government has
established—for the specific purpose of disenfranchising Traditional Indian
people.
We are also quite aware that the Cherokee Nation made a serious attempt to
adapt to mainstream United States political/social organization—and that the
Cherokee Holocaust which followed was a consequence of the United States
Government needing money to pay for the Louisiana Purchase, as well as of
back-room negotiations between the Federal Government and the State of Georgia. You talk about “law”—and it seems that you
are talking about “laws” passed by the same institutions that passed the
Cherokee removal Act, rather than about Traditional Indian Law.
We are also aware that your apparent decision, as evidenced by your biography,
to look for “success” in the context of the dominant society is probably the
consequence of your ancestors’ decision to turn away from the Pipe and from
their identity as Traditional Indian people.
If the “Swimmer manuscripts” are from your family, we do not need to say
any more about “selling out.” We cannot
condemn people for making whatever decision they have made; we cannot know how
they perceived the circumstances. Our
reason for bringing this up is to note that you may not understand Traditional
Indian people, and thus not fully understand the issues which we were trying to
discuss with you on Tuesday.
The “mess” in Red Lake is not Red Lake’s fault. You should know that. The
United States Government unilaterally abolished our Traditional Council of
Chiefs. We did not need to vote for our
Chiefs: they were chosen by the consensus of the people, and our government was
more democratic [from the Greek words meaning “government of the people”] than
the United States Government can ever hope to be. The Indian Reorganization Act council and constitution that we
have now is an alien European structure forced on us without our informed
consent by the United States Government.
To “disavow” this, does not change the consequences of what has already
happened, nor the fact that Red Lake present “government” [trust ultimately
managed by the United States] is the one put into place by the
BIA/United States Government. The 90%
unemployment rate in Red Lake, and all of the accompanying social problems, are
a direct consequence of United States Government management of our resources,
the White political/economic structure, the tax structure, and deals involving our
economic resources made between the United States Government and certain
corporations. Stropping our people of
the power to do anything about the problems which are destroying our
community (as planned), and then blaming us for those problems may hold
some narrow kind of academic “logic,” but it defies common sense.
The United States Government created the Tribal Courts, and wrote the
ordinances and rules of that court. The
United States Government created the Red Lake I.R.A. Council, and the Red Lake
I.R.A. Constitution, and the laws/regulations under which that I.R.A. Council
(with no separation of powers) can appoint whomever it pleases to the
court. Telling us, the Red Lake Indian
people, that we are “responsible for [this] mess,” and that the only way that
you will provide out of it is to give up more of our sovereignty through the
Justice Department—how can we conclude anything but that the Bureau is out to
destroy us?
We realize that you cannot, probably, do much of anything in your official
capacity to help us. We also understand
that your term as Assistant Secretary is nearly up, and that you are not in
good health—we send our condolences. We
also understand that some of what you said on Tuesday was rather narrowly
constructed: when you said “I” it meant “myself personally in the capacities of
my office,” rather than “the Bureau of Indian Affairs.” You used the White man’s slippery English
(for example, when you talked about the “tribe”), and you were evasive. Also, it seems that you lied a few times—and
we thought White men were the ones who lied.
You claim Chieftainship.
A legitimate Traditional Indian Chief would not eat when his people are
hungry. Yet, you ate steak with fifty
Bureaucrats; you should have gone to Franklin Avenue (the Minneapolis Indian
ghetto), and seen our people in the soup lines that thousands of well-paid “Indian”
bureaucrats in the Federal government have created with their policies. A legitimate Traditional Indian Chief is not
afraid to be among his people.
You said that you “cannot help” us.
But, what you could do is provide us with information. If we know more precisely what was happening
within the Bureau, and the structure that the Bureau has created, we would have
a better chance of creating the decent community in Red Lake that our people
deserve. We can use: organizational
charts of the Bureau; flow-diagrams of the decision-making process; names and
addresses of the lobbyists and insiders with two hats who influence Indian
policy; audits of Red Lake Indian trust accounts (which you may not have
but which the Bureau certainly does); copies of all information (including
psychological, sociological, anthropological, and medical studies) which the
Bureau has on Red Lake, and any other information which you feel may be
helpful.
We are also reminding you of your agreement to try to set up a meeting between
the grassroots Ojibway Indian people and Secretary Hodel. We would like to meet with the persons who
formulate Indian policy as well. Your
policy of calling us “dissidents” and “poor losers [of elections],” and hoping
that we will go away, is in its fourth generation of twilight zone thinking;
reminiscent of “Death Valley Days.”
Traditional Indian people are here, and will remain here. If the U.S. Government’s policy-makers will
not meet with us, we will know that they have something to hide, and are probably
afraid of discussing their policies with the grassroots rank-and-file Indians
who those policies are designed to destroy.
Thank you again for your time. We look
forward to hearing from you.
Sincerely,
Sho-ne-ah-wub
Francis Blake, Jr.
2871. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). A political forum: A Right to Know. Ojibwe
News.
Abstract: Brad Swenson, in his Sunday June 12 Bemidji Pioneer article,
labelled the Ojibway People for Justice, “protestors.” He says, “30 to 50 protestors don’t
represent the MCT’s (Minnesota Chippewa Tribe’s) 36,000 enrollees.” These “protestors” are standing up for the
fundamental rights that were given to them by the Creator, and which Indian
people have exercised responsibly for hundreds of thousands of years. Under the 1934 Indian Reorganization Act
(every Indian Reservation has the same I.R.A. boilerplate Constitution written
by Whites to steal from Indians), the United States is using five men to sell
rights. Only an acculturated Indian
would listen to a crooked White man, and try to sell another Indian’s rights,
and only an acculturated Indian would believe that he had the authority to sell
another Indian’s rights. Five Indians,
part of the 1934 I.R.A. colonial government, are trying to sell everybody’s
rights. Fifty people are protesting
that they don’t want to sell any Ojibway Indian’s hunting and fishing
rights. In the Indian way, every person
is Sovereign, and no person can speak for another. Nobody can sell anything that belongs to other people.
As Chief Joseph of the Nez Perces tribe explained, “Suppose a white man should
come to be and say, ‘Joseph, I like your horses, and I want to buy them.’ Then, he goes to my neighbor, and says to
him: ‘Joseph has some good horses. I
want to buy them, but he refuses to sell.’
My neighbor answers, ‘Pay me the money, and I will sell you Joseph’s
horses.’ The white man returns to me
and says, ‘Joseph, I have bought your horses, and you must let me have
them.’ If we sold our lands to the
government, this is the way they were bought.”
This is the way that the State of Minnesota is trying to “buy” Indian
rights.
According to the U.S. Constitution, the State of Minnesota cannot make Treaties
to buy rights from Indians, only a National government can make Treaties. If the United States Government, the
Canadian Government, or some other Government wants to buy rights, they can buy
them by Treaty from the Traditional Indian Governments of the Ojibway Nations.
For these Traditional Governments to sell these rights, they would have to have
the consensus of EVERY Indian. Any
individual Indian, no matter what position the United States Government
“recognizes” him as holding, can sell only those rights which belong to him
personally. If five Indians sold their
rights for five million dollars, then these rights, according to the State of
Minnesota, are worth one million dollars per Indian.
If five Indians sold their rights, then there are five Indian
millionaires. But, the White
legislatures made several billions of dollars out of the deal (not counting the
underlying minerals that they aren’t taking about). Also, whether on or off of the Reservation, Indian people are
paying the Minnesota taxes that subsidize buying our rights. We are also paying more than 99.9% of our
Trust property and trust funds back to the U.S. Government, which takes it and
spends it without our consent. Once
again, the Whites are cheating the Indians, even if there are five Indian
millionaires. In the old days, just
Whites came out of Indian country as millionaires from stolen Indian
property. Times must be changing—now
acculturated indians also can be millionaires stealing from their Traditional
brothers and selling out to their greedy White friends.
There is a White law on the books of the State of Minnesota about buying and
receiving stolen property. The five
Indians sold stolen property, and the State of Minnesota legislature bought
it. So both sides are guilty of
committing a felony under Minnesota law.
There is also a law against Fencing”—that’s what the shyster lawyers for
the Tribal Council are doing. The
referendum doesn’t give Indian consent, because it’s a “heads I win, tails you
lose” proposition. (As former Secretary
McKay said, Indian consent sets a “dangerous precedent.”)
Francis Blake, Jr.
2872. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Political pollution contaminating process
of siting toxic waste dump, says reader. Ojibwe News.
Abstract: To the Editor:
We need to clean up the political pollution contaminating the process of siting
both toxic and atomic waste dumps in the Northwoods. Before negotiations go any further, we need to know exactly who
these people are, who want to put concentrated poisons in the headwaters of our
watershed.
This irrevocable decision which is being made not only for the present but for
thousands of generations into the future needs to be fully documented. The faceless anonymity of corporations,
bureaucrats and political hacks needs to be stripped away. The individual people who play a part in the
siting and dumping process need to be held to full personal
accountability. Their names, pictures,
and cities of residence need to be published, accompanied by a description of
the part they have taken, as well as a line-item accounting of the money,
favors and other gifts they’ve received to do it. We need a permanent and detailed record for posterity.
The toxic waste site, which the Red Lake Tribal Council publicly opposes, is
being openly discussed. Negotiations
for the atomic waste dump site are being held behind closed doors; the
forked-tongue implication by certain self-serving politicians is that it is no
longer under consideration. However,
last year’s audit shows payments for atomic waste dump siting (Ridge) are still
being received by the Tribal Council.
Neither the toxic nor the atomic waste will be contained permanently, and both
will eventually contaminate the ground and surface water. This is literally a brilliant idea. Hunters won’t have to shine because the deer
will glow in the dark. The deer may be
deformed because of the radioactivity and we may be weakened because of
radiation-induced cancer and thyroid problems, but if there are deer left we’ll
be able to see them at night with ease.
We won’t even have to pay light bills because we’ll glow in the dark
also. Pow-wows and bingo games will be
so bright from the glowing crowd that we’ll have to wear sunglasses at
midnight.
The atomic and toxic waste siting process needs to be fully illuminated. We, the people who are a part of this land
don’t need decisions made someplace else to destroy our land forever. We hope you can see the light at the end of
the tunnel—and that it’s not toxic or radioactive and glowing. Let’s preserve
this land in its natural beauty.
Sho-ne-ah-wub
Francis Blake, Jr.
2873. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1989). Rabbi Meir Kahane writes in the Friday,
April 14 newspaper about the Jewish claim to Israel ...
Abstract: Minneapolis Star and Tribune
To the Editor:
Rabbi Meir Kahane writes in the Friday, April 14 newspaper about the Jewish
claim to Israel, that the Jewish God gave them Israel 3,000 years ago and
therefor the Palestinian State has no right to exist. Apparently, the United States Government supports this concept of
divine gift of land title—at least as far as Israel is concerned.
As Indians, we are not in a position to judge whether Mohammed or Moses more
clearly interpreted the will of the God that Jews, Christians and Muslims
share. However, if the European
colonists who call themselves the United States Government want to recognize
ancient rights to the land given by the Creator, we urge them to do so
uniformly. That is, the American Indian
Nations on these two continents were given this land by the Great Creator,
Gitchi Manitou in the Ojibway language.
Our Indian religion is much older than Islam, Christianity and Judaism
put together. No matter what laws the
colonial government (on the Indian land that you call Washington, D.C.) writes,
the Great Creator gave Indian people this land over 100,000 years ago. No amount of laws, no Christian God or any
other God, can ever give Europeans clear title to this Indian land.
European colonists brought their concept of “war” with them to these Indian
continents. They use this scheme of
“war” to steal other peoples’ land, to plunder other peoples’ resources for
their non-sustainable and environmentally bankrupt economic systems. (Karl Marx came out of the same mold.) After they have over-run and devastated
entire continents, the pole locked into these Feudal European thought patterns
continue to use violence to hold our stolen Indian property by force. This violence permeates their entire
culture, and their own people as deeply as it hurts us.
All of the volumes of White European laws passed by the United States Congress,
all of the encroachment legislation, all of the B.I.A. bureaucratic
regulations, all of the Indian people imprisoned—these are all human rights
violations. And, using these genocidal
tactics only proves neither the United States Government nor any other
transplanted European government on these two Indian continents holds valid
title to our Indian land.
Sincerely,
Sho-ne-ah-wub
Francis Blake, Jr.
2874. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1989). Recommend Europeans return to Europe. Ojibwe
News.
Abstract: To the Editor:
The following letter appeared in the editorial pages of the Minneapolis Star
Tribune of May 21st.
P.C. Frederick writes that, “if the Indians insist on this treaty, they should
be required to fish with methods used when the treaty was agreed on.”
As Indians, we never did “insist” on the Treaty, it was a crooked European
tactic, and the United States Government used treachery to force us to be at
the forgeries of our signatures—at gunpoint.
It would be fine with us if the European immigrants, who are the “party
of the second part” to the Treaty, restored everything to the way it was before
the Treaty, annulled the Treaty and left.
You can get off our stolen land, you can put back the virgin forests and
our permaculture, replace all the fish Whites have taken out, and put back the
buffalo, passenger pigeons, eagles and everything else that has been plundered
and destroyed by European immigrants.
Put the ore, all the gold and copper and petroleum and everything else,
back in the ground the way it was kept by Indian people. Dig up your dead, take your pollution and
your diseases, and go back to Europe where you came from—and take your crooked
government, paper money system, and religion with you. Don’t forget all of the criminals emptied
from Europe’s prisons and brought here as indentured White slaves because the
upper class was too lazy to do their own work.
Go back to living in a stone hut with cows in the basement to keep your
hovel warm-—and remember not to eat potatoes, corn, and all of the other good
foods that Indians had here. See if
Europe wants all of her impoverished peasants back!
European immigrants have fattened themselves on Indian resources in Minnesota
and Wisconsin for 150 years; we’ve been hospitable, and what we’ve gotten in
return is greed, racism, and boorish bad manners. After seeing what you foreigners have done to us, I don’t know an
Indian who wouldn’t be delighted to have things back the way they were 150
years ago. Personally, there aren’t
many things I’d like to do better than spear by torchlight using a copper
spear—in the clear pristine waters that we could drink from anywhere.
We didn’t ask European refugees and immigrants to come to this Indian
continent, you forced yourselves on us, and have been acting arrogant and pushy
ever since. Indian people have been
polite long enough, and the White man has taken our good manners for weakness. No longer will we sit back and listen to you
distort the truth and malign us. Your
crooked culture, government, religion, and value system will be challenged.
Sho-ne-ah-wub
Francis Blake, Jr.
2875. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Red Lake sawmill court case. Ojibwe
News.
Abstract: by Francis Blake
NEWS correspondent
UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE EIGHTH CIRCUIT, Dockets Number
85-5272 and 97-5188. (Red Lake Band
of Chippewa Indians, Red Lake, Minnesota, and Roger A. Jourdain, Chairman, Red
Lake, Minnesota, v. Earl J. Barlow, Area Director, Minneapolis Area
Office and Rex Mayotte, Superintendent, Red Lake Agency, Bureau of Indian
Affairs, United States Department of the Interior, Donald Hodel, Secretary of
Interior, U.S. Department of Interior.)
Filed on May 2, 1988, the
United States Court of Appeals ruled on the Red Lake Tribal Council’s complaint
of August 3, 1983 to transfer $800,000 from the “Sawmill Account” [U.S. Trust
Account No. 14X7285] to the operating budget of the Red Lake Tribal
Council. The Court rules to “require
the Secretary [of the Interior] to determine the viability of a forest products
business on the Red Lake Reservation,” in “an informal decision-making
process.” If the Secretary of the
Interior feels that this $800,000 can be spent on forestry on Red Lake
Reservation, then this money will stay under the control of the United States
Government, in the “sawmill account.”
Approximately 11.9 trillion dollars ($11,900,000,000,000.00) worth of timber
has been taken off of the Red Lake Indian land which the Red Lake Indian Nation
kept under the 1863 Treaty (see map).
The United States Government has, under White European law, claimed
Trusteeship over Indian people since 1824, explaining, “But now take a
community that is not free ... a prison, an orphan asylum, a regiment of soldiers. That is not self-governing; that is under
control; that is a ward of the people. ... That is precisely the position which
we are in with reference to the Indians.
They are under control. They are
our wards. They are not free, not
self-governing.” Under this
trusteeship, the $11.9 trillion which should be in the Red Lake Indian forest
account has shrunk to $800,000.
According to the original complaint filed by the “Red Lake Band of
Chippewa Indians, Red Lake, Minnesota, and Roger A. Jourdain, Chairman, Red
Lake, Minnesota,” this $800,000 trust account includes “tribal income derived
from the sale and operation of tribal resources.”
This suit was filed by “Tribal Attorneys” Edwards, Edwards and Bodin of
Duluth. Tribal Attorneys are “duly
appointed” and approved by the Secretary of the Interior. Under White United States law, nobody can be
sued twice for the same thing. This
suit, along with all the cases heard by the United States Court of Indian
Claims, is orchestrated, by the United States Government and the attorneys
which the U.S. approves “for” Indian tribes, to protect the United States from
future lawsuits over the liabilities which the U.S. Government owes Indian
people: reparations, payment for land and resources stolen, damages, compensation
for genocide and forced acculturation.
The present case is also a red herring to divert public attention from
the legitimate claims of Indian people.
The Act of May 18, 1916 (39 Stat. 123, 137-8), amended on August 3, 1956 and
again on August 28, 1958, used White law to “create a forest reserve” out of a
forest which had already existed for hundreds of thousands of years on
sovereign Red Lake Indian land. This
Act, as amended, gives the Secretary of the Interior a blank check to
administer our forest and operate the Red Lake Sawmill. Section 9 of this Act reads, “... The Red
Lake Indian Forest shall be administered by the Secretary of the Interior in
accordance with principles of scientific forestry that will encourage the
production of successive timber crops for the benefit of the Indians of the Red
Lake Band, and he is hereby authorized to harvest, sell and manufacture such
marketable timber from any tribal lands within the Red lake Indian Reservation
as he may deem to be advisable and, if the timber is the growth of Red Lake
Indian Forest, in keeping with foregoing principles, ... (b) to establish
nurseries and otherwise provide for the reforestation of said lands, and to
construct sawmills and other facilities for the manufacture into marketable products
of the timber harvested from said lands ... and (e) to employ such persons and
use such means as he may find necessary to carry out the provisions of the
foregoing provisions. Any proceeds
derived from sales of timber or timber products under this paragraph may be
expended in payment of the expenses of any of the activities authorized by this
paragraph, including construction expenses.”
According to the Solicitor’s opinion (July 31, 1951), “Under a provision in an
annual appropriation act which states, without limitation or exception, that
tribal funds may be advanced to Indian tribes for ‘such purposes as may be
designated by the governing body of the particular tribe involved and approved
by the Secretary,’ it is legally permissible for the tribe, with the
concurrence of the Secretary of the Interior, to use the net proceeds from the operation of a tribal sawmill for the
purpose of meeting supervisory and scaling costs incurred in the sale of
reservation timber ... in connection with the sale of cordwood and cedar from
Little Pine Island.” [The money from
the Little Pine Island timber has disappeared.]
In 1958, the Bureau of Indian Affairs refused to recognize the Red Lake Tribal
Council, and the 1958 Amendment to the Forestry Act read that the Secretary of
the Interior could do whatever he wanted to Red Lake Indian Forests, “without
Tribal Consent,” “because there was no Tribal Council.” Under these White laws, the United States
Government can do whatever they want to do what they haven’t already destroyed
of the Red Lake Indian Nation’s forests, without our consent. Secretary of the Interior Douglas McKay
explained the U.S. Government’s attitude about “consent” in 1955, “In short, it
seems to me that the principle of Indian ‘consent’ ... has most serious
Constitutional implications... I believe it would be extremely dangerous.” The Forestry Act openly violates Indian
human and civil rights, as well as International Law. Instead of talking about this, the Tribal Council has
disenfranchised ourselves and our future generations, and participated in an
orchestrated suit about $800,000 which is already spent.
The 1916 Act as amended required the Secretary of the Interior to administer
the Red Lake Indian forests “for the benefit of the Indians of the Red Lake
Band.” According to Tribal Council
Resolution 236-82, during the six months between October 1,1 979 and March 31,
180, the operating loss of the Red Lake Mill under the administration of the
Secretary of the Interior was $314,752.62.
[According to the Department of the Interior, which published an account
for Congress on June 24, 1958, the balance of the Account on January 31, 1958
was $1,455,440.29.] The Tribal Council
requested a full audit of U.S. Trust Account No. 14X7285, the “sawmill account,”
but the U.S. Government would not provide it.
Using the Freedom of Information Act, this reporter and other members of
the Red Lake Indian community have also requested accounting of the four “U.S.
Trust Accounts” [including a second sawmill account, No. 14X7785] of Red Lake
Indian peoples’ money held by the U.S. Treasury under White law. The Bureau of Indian Affairs Trust Office
would not provide accounts of these trust funds to enrolled members of the Red Lake
Band and descendants of the signers of the Treaty (who the money belongs to),
claiming that “it would take too many man-hours,” [the B.I.A. has all the Trust
Accounts computerized], and then claiming that the Privacy Act prevented
release of the information. Whose
privacy does hiding how $11.9 trillion disappeared protect?
On May 30, 1985, Judge Miles Lord found in favor of the “Red Lake Band of
Chippewa Indians,” ruling that $127,788.61 should be transferred to the control
of the Tribal Council. The Tribal
Council accepted this $127,788.61 payment instead of the $800,000 they sued
for—and instead of the actual $11.9 trillion owned, and spent the money. The United States Government Department of
the Interior appealed the decision.
Among their assertions was that the “Doctrine of Sovereign Immunity
prevents the Red Lake Indians from suing the United States Government.” The Sovereignty of the Red Lake Indian
Nation was not considered. According to
the defense, release of Red Lake Indian Money from the Sawmill Trust Fund
“would expend itself on the public treasury,” although [they write two pages
later], “the United States merely holds the money for the beneficial owners,
here, the Red Lake Indians.” The U.S.
Government also said that the only way that they would even consider releasing
the Sawmill Trust funds would be as a per-capita payment [about $106 per
person]. The Tribal Council requested
transfer of the funds to Account No. 14X7284, which “is the general fund which
the Tribal Council uses for administrative purposes. Although the Bureau of Indian Affairs must approve the release of
funds from this account, this approval is essentially pro forma ... and
pursuant to the Tribal Council’s annual budget. The money is paid to the Tribal Council directly ...”
If this court case was legitimately in the interests of the Red Lake Indian
people, the case would be well-publicized on Red Lake Indian Reservation, ad
the Tribal Council would be calling on the Red Lake Indian people to back them
up n court. The copy of the court
proceedings which the Ojibwe News
obtained had fourteen pages of the Tribal Council’s exhibits missing.
2876. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1990). Reflections from Indian Country: In the
last column, I wrote about identities.
Wherever the Indo-European people have gone and stolen other peoples’
land, their elite has been giving people identities ... Ojibwe News.
Abstract: In the last column, I wrote about identities. Wherever the Indo-European people have gone
and stolen other peoples’ land, their elite has been giving people identities
which are created by Indo-Europeans.
These identities are designed to restructure the society of colonized
and occupied people, and put them under control. By control, they mean total slavery—owned by the Indo-European
upper class. It’s pretty well hidden
now by “land of the free, democracy” propaganda, but an 1891 civics textbook
explains that human beings are the personal property of the Sovereign Monarch. What it does not explain is that the
European monarchies are still theocracies.
Protestant people are the personal property of the Queen of England,
through the Church of England; Catholic people are the personal property of the
Holy Roman Empire and the Pope. Once a
person accepts an Indo-European man-made hierarchical identity as their own,
they are no longer free, and they no longer own either themselves nor any land.
Aboriginal Indigenous people hold our own personal Sovereignty and our
religious sovereignty as individual human beings. We are free people.
Sovereign Aboriginal Indigenous people do not need a broker to talk to
the Creator (as Christians do); there is nobody between us and the
Creator. We are free, and the beauty of
all Creation is our Sacred Cathedral.
One of the things that European Monarchs did is promote intense racism in order
to keep their slave-subjects from fraternizing with Sovereign Aboriginal
Indigenous people, in order to keep their subjects from finding out what
Sovereignty is. If European immigrants
had been “allowed” to associate with Aboriginal Indigenous people as human
beings, particularly when our traditional language and culture were still
intact, the entire Indo-European slave-system would have fallen apart as
subject European slave-people woke up and reclaimed their personal Sovereignty,
their Sovereign Traditional religions, and their European land. (A few people woke up anyway, but the
revolutions, civil wars and Great Depression were turned into restructuring
back under hierarchical European control.
Subject people can’t run away, because their slavery is built into their
language. They don’t know what freedom
is, nor how to be Sovereign.)
“Chippewa,” “Sioux,” “Eskimo,” etc. are insults, a part of this racism,
derogatory labelling and stereotyping.
This racist categorization is part of what was used to keep the
Europeans and the Aboriginal Indigenous people polarized and keep the Europeans
from learning what Aboriginal Indigenous people can teach them. This racism is still promoted, even against
mixed-blood people who have been trapped into the identity of “Indian,” because
of the Indo-European elite’s need to maintain the privilege that comes from
owning slave-people and to perpetuate their parasitic man-made value system.
When the Indo-Europeans came to these two continents that belong to the
Aboriginal Indigenous people, they found Sovereign and Free people. The Indo-Europeans were not free and they
were not Sovereign; they were under the control of the Pope and the European
Royalty. They had to answer to a series
of higher-ranking subordinates all the way to the Pope; they were and still are
slaves. When Columbus and those who
followed him “claimed” our land, they did not claim it for themselves, they
claimed it for the Kings and Queens, for the Pope. The Indo-Europeans had been slaves for centuries, and did not
know about freedom. If they did
question their slave rank, it was called anarchy or heresy and they would be
tortured and thrown in prison. There
are still laws against “anarchy” on the statute books, but they are not
enforced against the elite (who wrote the law).
Columbus called the people on these continents “Indians,” because he thought he
was in Indian.
Another one of the schemes that the Indo-Europeans used to steal and plunder
was Treaty-making. Under the
Traditional Aboriginal Indigenous economic system, money was useless, and the
land was held jointly by the Clans through the Midewiwin and couldn’t be sold,
anyway. The Europeans followed the same
strategies which had been used against hem by the Roman Empire, and by the
Greeks and other colonizers before them, and created mixed-blood people who
were owned by them and under their control.
The mixed-blood people’s Sovereignty was held by the Europeans because
they had European fathers, and under Indo-European law they were automatically
low-ranking subjects owned by the Indo-European empires. They did not have high-ranking status. (They were given the identities of “minorities”
and “ethnics.” The Aboriginal
Indigenous people are neither minorities nor ethnics, but instead are the
Sovereign owners of this land.) The
mixed-bloods did not own any land—but because these mixed-blood “Indians” were
owned by the Europeans under Indo-European patriarchal slave-thinking, they
could be forced to act as scouts against their mothers’ people—and to sign
“Treaties.” Mixed-blood people have
been absolutely necessary in the expansion of the Indo-European Empires
throughout recorded history, but because they do not own their own sovereignty
they have not benefitted from this. One
of the strategies that Indo-European hierarchies use is psychological control:
the mixed-blood people were pressured and manipulated in ways that made them
desperate to be accepted by their white fathers. These are the people who are called “Indians,” that’s why there
is a Bureau of Indian Affairs. There
isn’t any Bureau of Anishinabe Ojibway Affairs, nor Lakota Affairs, nor Inuit
Affairs—but Indian people were genetically engineered (this is genocide) by the
Indo-Europeans and are not Sovereign.
This is not Indian land and never has been, and never will be. Indians are from India, or they are people
who accepted the stereotyped, hierarchically-controlled identity given to them
by a lost Indo-European pirate and the Queen who hired him.
Indian children are not placed in foster care nor adopted out; it’s the
Anishinabe Ojibway children who are taken away from their community by the
Indians—the Indo-Europeans who hire Indians to do their dirty work, to break up
the Anishinabe Ojibway Nation. To be
blunt about it, I think that some of these United States Indian Citizens are
guilty of complacency in genocide, when they keep on “doing their job” of
fostering out and adopting out Anishinabe Ojibway and other Aboriginal
Indigenous children. Indians do not
adopt out their own children; that’s what the Indian Child Welfare Act is
about.
According to the Red Lake Chippewa “Tribal” Code, when a white person comes
onto the reservation, he is not subject to Indian law, and he does not
recognize the legitimacy of Traditional Aboriginal Indigenous law. But, when an Indian goes off the
reservation, he is subject to the Indo-European colonial laws under the United
States, the state, the county, the European mother/fatherland, and the
church. Most of the people walking
around with “Indian” identity cards have mostly Indo-European ancestry; maybe
that’s why the Indian Tribal Code is written like that. Crooked English.
I am not an Indian. I am not a
Chippewa. I am not a Red Laker, and I
am not an American. I am Sovereign of
the Anishinabe Ojibway Nations and of the Bear clan. I was born into the Midewiwin, and the Midewiwin religion is
Sovereign, and it is through the Clans of the Midewiwin that this land is
owned, jointly.
United States citizens are told that democracy is “of the people, by the
people, and for the people.” This is
crooked English, because “the people” means just for the privileged.
2877. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1990). Reflections from Indian Country: Stealing
personal Sovereignty and abolishing personal identity of Indigenous people is a
necessary part of Indo-European colonization ... Ojibwe News.
Abstract: Stealing personal Sovereignty and abolishing personal identity of
Indigenous people is a necessary part of Indo-European colonization and
Indo-European democracy. These
genocidal tactics are not included in the United Nations Convention against
Genocide. The people who wrote the
Genocide Convention were from the privileged class of Indo-Europeans (or the
people they had trained). Indigenous
people had no input into the Genocide Convention and the Indigenous people are
the ones against whom the most heinous crimes of genocide have been committed
over the last 500 years. The Genocide
Convention, the way it was written and very belatedly ratified by the United
States, is partly public relations and partially protection for ethnic peoples
who are already part of the Indo-European empires.
How did the Indo-Europeans steal Anishinabe Ojibway peoples’ identity? By the 1850’s, more than 90 percent of us
had already been killed by genocidal tactics including germ and chemical
warfare. Smallpox and forcing Indian
children to drink milk from tubercular cattle were among the germ warfare
tactics. After most of the surviving
Sovereign Indigenous people had been forced into the prison camps called reservations,
the U.S. used warfare-occupation tactics to, as President Roosevelt said, pulverize
the Tribal mass.
The US’s establishment of the court of Indian offenses was a part of
their long-range tactics of total annihilation of Sovereign Indigenous
people. As the commissioner of Indian
affairs explained in his 1889 annual report, “It was found that the longer
continuance of certain old heathen and barbarous customs [sic] ... were
operating as a serious hindrance to the efforts of the government for the
civilization [sic] of the Indians.
It was believed that in all of the tribes many Indians [sic—he
meant halfbreeds] would be found who could be relied upon to aid the government
in its efforts to abolish rites and customs. ... There is no special law
authorizing the establishment of such a court ... The policy of the
government for many years past has been to destroy the tribal relations as fast
as possible, and to use every endeavor to bring the Indians under the influence
of law [steal Indigenous Sovereignty].
To do this the agents have been accustomed to punish for minor offenses,
by imprisonment in the guard-house and by withholding rations; but by the
present system the Indians [halfbreeds appointed by the government] ... pass
judgment [as directed by the Agency superintendent].”
The US brought in foreign courts and they used a foreign currency, the
Indo-European dollar money system, for court-imposed fines. Where were Sovereign Indigenous people going
to get US dollars? It was a completely
alien system, not part of our Traditional economy, and people had to serve
time. This one-sided promotion of the
dollar-money system broke up a lot of families—as planned. The whole court system was foreign: the
Roman Empire’s law, the money system, forcible confinement, even the
language. Most people didn’t even know
why they were in jail, except for being a Sovereign Indigenous person—the
Indo-Europeans were jealous of our sovereignty and our land and resources, and
we were jailed because of Indo-European greed.
The Tribal Court in Red Lake is a direct descendent of these
Courts of Indian Offenses established by the Secretary of the Interior (order
of April 10, 1883).
The Tribal Courts and the people who the US government hired for both these
courts and the police are not and never have been Sovereign people of the Red
lake Anishinabe Ojibway Nation. The
“courts” and the people hired by the US to administer them have no business
being on Sovereign Anishinabe Ojibway land.
Almost all of the Indian people employed by the US in the Tribal Court and law
enforcement system have been mixed-blood people whose Sovereignty was already
held by the US government, people brought in from other places under the Nelson
Act, or Indo-European Indians given Indian identity by the government. This group of people is the same group as
the government used in the treaty-making process—and it is quite clear that the
US considered these people to be their citizens. They were enumerated in the Minnesota Territorial and first state
census: “in the summer of 1849, John Morgan, sheriff of St. Croix County, was
directed to take a census of the population of the territory, as provided in
the Organic Act. ... it was very desirable that a full count should be made,
and no pains were spared to enumerate all the white and mixed-blood [half-breed
quarter-breed, and French] inhabitants.”
Full-blooded, Sovereign Indian people, the people of the Clans, were not
counted, because they were not citizens and not under the jurisdiction of the
US nor of the State of Minnesota because they were Sovereign. Many sovereign Indian people are still not
counted in the census; we are not citizens of the US and this is our land.
Many of the same families who were enumerated in the 1849 census, and who were
citizens of the US, also signed the 1863 Old Crossing Treaty, and received
payment for selling land that wasn’t theirs.
These same people were then drafted—not volunteers—into the US Army
during the Civil War, because they were citizens of the US. A citizen of the US cannot sign a treaty for
another nation with the US. There were
no Sovereign lawyers representing Sovereign Indigenous people at the treaties,
just crooked priests and politicians, and halfbreed “interpreters” who were
getting their cut of what was being stolen.
There were a few honest Europeans who got caught up in the treaty-making
process. They said, “These treaties are
going to come back to haunt us.”
It is an old colonial strategy to create halfbreeds whose Sovereignty is held
by the colonizing power. The halfbreeds
were created by the government intentionally, and they have served the
government well as Century 19 real estate agents. Some of these same families who were paid for Red Lake land on
the few annuity payments actually made for the Old Crossing Treaty, received halfbreed
scrip out of both the treaty with the Mississippi band and the Red lake
Treaty, and sold that. They were given
Mahnomen Township and sold that, along with most of the rest of White
Earth, Under the 1889 Nelson Act, some
of them signed three or four different times on different reservations to sell
much of what remained of Red Lake. Now,
some of these same families are back in Red Lake, trying to sell what little we
people of the Clans have left. After
the Confederacy lost the Civil War, the Union sent hordes of carpetbaggers into
the South to destroy the Confederate infrastructure, occupy the South, and sell
off the Old Plantations. After they
finished in the Old South, the government bought covered wagons out of the
crooked Sacred Trust Funds, and sent the carpetbaggers West. They were called “settlers” but they were
carpetbagging both Indigenous peoples’ land, and the Spaniards who had
colonized them. Many of the
government’s “card-carrying Indians” still fill the same role of carpetbagger
in occupied Indigenous Nations including Red Lake.
Orchestrating conditions which create an owned and controlled class of “mixed
bloods” is an ancient Indo-European colonial practice designed for destroying
Indigenous people—that’s why it’s not in the Genocide Convention Act. It needs to be there. The way the Indo-European laws are written,
Indo-European men have the tacit right to father illegitimate children with as
many Indigenous women as they can. But
when an Sovereign Indigenous man marries an Indo-European woman, it’s called
miscegenation. When a Sovereign
Indigenous man marries any woman, he takes her into his patrilineal Clan and
gives her Sovereignty; that’s what the US didn’t want. When Indo-European men had children with a
Sovereign woman, their children were not Sovereign, but they were useful to the
Indo-European colonial government and it was encouraged. Half-breeds were created for specific
purposes: to sell and; to infiltrate the community; to act as interpreters,
clerks and intermediaries. Even though
Indo-European society is also patrilineal, and even though the fathers of some
of these mixed-blood children had high hierarchial rank including European
titles of nobility, the mixed-blood children did not inherit from their
fathers. These mixed-blood people
played a vital role in treaty-making (even though they had no business there
because the Indo-Europeans had already taken away their birthright) and other
Indo-European colonization tactics—but where are the mixed-blood bankers, the
mixed-blood Senators, the mixed-bloods in the upper class? The colonizing power is trying to disown
responsibility for the mixed-blood children they created: by telling lies,
saying that Indian society is matrilineal—but Anishinabe Ojibway Clans are
patrilineal. Some of these mixed-bloods
have legitimate claims to estate land, castles, noble titles, and other
valuable (although stolen) property in Europe through the
patrilineal—primogeniture—line.
Although they have no claim to Sovereign Indigenous peoples’ land, who
knows, some of the people who call themselves Red Lakers might own a vineyard
in France ... they could wreck their livers with vintage French champagne.
[continued next time]
2878. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1990). Reflections from Indian Country: The
original game plan of the government, as outlined in the Lake Mohonk Conference
of “Friends of the Indians” and other places ... Ojibwe News.
Abstract: [Started last time]
The original game plan of the government, as outlined in the Lake Mohonk
Conference of “Friends of the Indians” and other places, was to used the
Mixed-bloods to destroy Sovereign Indigenous people, and then assimilate them
into the melting pot of the Indo-European population—although near the bottom
of the hierarchy (because of racism).
This strategy continued until Hitler’s genocide against Slavic, Gypsy,
Jewish and other people aroused world outrage.
The US had almost succeeded in wiping out Sovereign Indigenous people,
and they needed Indians, quick, to show the world that they weren’t the role
model that Hitler claimed they were. So
the plan changed, and the U.S. government had to create Indians. Some of these created Indians on tribal
rolls all over the US have nothing but
European ancestors, but they have a little laminated card that they carry
around showing that they are a federally recognized Indian. (In working on a genealogy of Red Lake, I
found that several families of these people didn’t have any Ojibway relatives,
but that most of them were closely related on the European side.) These people’s identity is defined and
controlled by the US government; they are blackmailed into following orders by
being told, “with one stroke of the pen, you will no longer exist.” (Real Anishinabe Ojibwe people don’t need a
laminated card to know why they are. We
obviously have ancestors who were Native Indigenous people. We don’t need to be federally recognized or
federally defined, and “one stroke of the pen” and we will exist,
regardless.) The card-carrying Indians
are sentenced to being Indian by the U.S. government to cover up the genocide;
many of them hate being “Indian” but that’s how the colonial system works. Their identity is controlled by the
government; they don’t know why the are.
They act out the roles given to them in cowboy-and-Indian movies, they
are living caricatures of the Indo-European stereotypes of Indians. These victimized people are the real Indians
(Indians is a category invented by a lost European pirate who thought he
was in one of the far corners of the Earth—he didn’t now the world was round);
we few Sovereign Indigenous people of the Anishinabe Ojibway Nations who
survive are not Indians, and have nothing to do with this Indo-European created
identity.
The Indo-Europeans tried to destroy everything Indigenous on these two
continents, and mutate what was left into something that fit with their way of
looking at the world; to take our peaceful, harmonious and balanced society and
make it over into a clone of Indo-European violent and brutal slave-states.
One of the places where intense attacks on Sovereign individuals—and thus our
culture and values—was carried out was in both the government and [Trust Fund
subsidized] church boarding schools.
Language is an essential part of any culture; it is a pattern carried
inside of each person for understanding the world. The Anishinabe Ojibway language is a powerful language. During the fur trade and colonization it
existed along with the mixed-blood’s language, Chippewa, which is a different
language mutated into an Indo-European world-view. The Sovereign Indigenous children who spoke Ojibway were beaten
every time we spoke a single word of our language; for a period of fifty years,
three generations of Indigenous children were isolated from their parents and
held prisoner in boarding schools to change their identity, to program and
brainwash us. Mixed-blood children,
however, often lived at home with their parents and were allowed to speak
Chippewa. Ojibway music, dancing,
pow-wows, and other parts of our Indigenous culture were only permitted by the
US when they were mutated into Chippewa by mixed-bloods. Most of what is presented as “Indian” is a
deformed parody, patterned after Indo-European ideas of what “Indian” should
be. They are insulting and making fun
of Traditional Sovereign Indigenous people.
Having men dance in jingle dresses is an example.
Another attack on our peaceful, egalitarian society was also at the boarding
schools. Every Ojibway child was scared
to go to bed at night because, when they shut the lights out at night, we knew
that the prefect would come and turn the lights back on in about ten minutes. Some of us would get beaten by a strap while
we laid in our beds. The prefect kept a
roster of all of our names, and he put check marks on it during the day. If we did something, he would wait until the
night-time, and walk through the dormitory with his list. We never knew as he walked by our bed,
whether he would stop and beat us or not.
Sometimes, when the lights were turned out after the beatings and some
of the children were crying from being beaten, a few minutes passed and the
lights would be turned on again. The
prefect would go through the dormitory again.
This was to give us our new identity, so that we would become violent
like them; some of the children used to say, “when I grow up, I will come back
and knock the hell out of that son-of-a-bitch.” When that child said that, he had already been changed, and he
was already made violent. He was
civilized the way the Indo-Europeans define it. Those people who grew up in the boarding schools know what I am
writing about. They almost took my own
identity; I had to come back to the land and find my roots.
The violent psychological warfare of the boarding schools changed the identity
of many egalitarian and non-volent people into a violent one defined by
Indo-Europeans as so-called civilization.
When the child who had been trapped into accepting violence as a part of
his own identity grew up and went back into his community and raised a family,
there would be domestic violence, and then the violence became
self-perpetuating. The people who had
been forced into this violent identity hated themselves, but they were caught
in a web; many turned the violence against themselves in one of many
self-destructive paths that are a part of Indo-European culture. The psychological warfare had worked and he
had lost his egalitarian identity. He
had taken violence as a part of his own values, and he lo longer had a
non-violent defense against the violence of alcoholism, drug abuse, prisons and
violent propaganda on T.V. and in the newspapers. After three generations, the government thought that enough
egalitarian Indigenous people had been civilized into violence, and the extreme
and obvious violence of the boarding schools was discontinued in the 1940’s;
the goals and objectives had been almost accomplished. But, the Circle of Life comes around. Black Elk said that the Tree would almost
wither and die, but then it would bloom again.
Part of stealing our Anishinabe Ojibway identity was what was done with our
names. Because we were not allowed to
speak our own Anishinabe Ojibway language, we could not even say our own
name. Giving us Indo-European
(“Christian”) names was part of trying to force us into a new identity under
Indo-European control. The whole
regimented, militaristic institutionalization of the boarding school was
preparing us for colonially-defined identities: cannon-fodder in the military,
cheap and slave-labor, jail and prison inmates, alcoholics and drug addicts—all
of the at-the-bottom-of-the-hierarchy identities that are under strict control,
and necessary to maintain the hierarchy.
These controlled identities are changed at the pleasure of ranking
subordinates of the hierarchy: if an alcoholic or drug addict is picked up and
sent to prison, he immediately loses his identity as “ drunk” or “alcoholic”
and becomes just a number. He can’t
complain, that’s how the system works. Hitler tattooed numbers on his
concentration-camp inmates to take way their identities; nobody could complain. Now that people have been sentenced into the
identities of “drug addict” and “alcoholic,” the government is promoting Fetal
Alcohol Syndrome to rub salt into the wound.
The consequences of the chemical warfare—which is how drugs and alcohol
are still used on Indian reservations—might play a big part in Fetal Alcohol
Syndrome. But, it is also a convenient
blame-the-victim strategy for hiding the effects of acid rain, toxic pollution,
nuclear waste dumping, malnutrition, and all of the other Indo-European-created
environmental hazards that hit people who live close to the land first.
I went to a garage sale the other day and bought a chimookomon from a
wabishkiwe-inine for fifty cents.
That’s identity.
2879. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1990). Reflections from Indian Country: The real
issue in the standoff between the Mohawk Nation and Canada/England is
Sovereignty ... Ojibwe News.
Abstract: The real issue in the standoff between the Mohawk Nation and
Canada/England is Sovereignty. The
Mohawk Nation, part of the ancient Six Nation confederacy, has been asking for
Indo-European recognition of their Sovereignty as a Nation ever since European
Nations withdrew recognition of the Mohawks after signing Treaties with
them. The Europeans recognized Mohawk
Sovereignty but their intentions were not honorable. The Mohawks were a peaceful people and peaceful, egalitarian
Sovereign people cannot exist side-by-side with warlike Indo-European piracy
and plunder empires—peaceful and harmonious ideas are subversive to
hierarchical societies and Hitler didn’t invent “the Final Solution.”
There is another Canadian issue in the news that directly relates to the
refusal to recognize Mohawk Sovereignty that led to the Euro-Canadian army’s
invasion of the Mohawk Nation. With the
rejection of the Meech Lake Accord, the French-speaking people of Quebec are
once again talking about leaving the Canadian Confederation. One of the strategies which has been
discussed to keep Quebec within the Confederation is using the Governor General
to block Quebec’s moves toward “Sovereignty association.” The Governor General is appointed by and
responsible to the Queen of England; in spite of “repatriation of the
Constitution,” the Queen of England still holds the sovereignty of the English-speaking
European people in Canada. The conflict
between the French (most Catholic) Quebecois (whose sovereignty is held by the
Pope of the Holy Roman Empire) and the English-speaking Canadians (whose
Sovereignty is held by the Queen and the Protestant-Episcopal Archbishop of
Canterbury) has it roots deep in European history. This conflict has been reinforced over the centuries by European
wars and the ethnic violence which is embedded in their language, their
culture, and in Indo-European traditions which are so detached from the real
and natural world that virtually all Europeans cannot see for themselves what
is real, what is man-made, and what is propaganda.
The European people do not hold their own Sovereignty; their ancestors lost it
at least a thousand years ago, and some of them lost it four or five millennia
ago. The Sovereignty of European people
has been held by a series of theocracies (alleging separation of church and
state is legerdemain—Crooked English).
The Church/Royal property and slave (“subject”) people are administered by
an elite who is allowed to hold enough “wealth” to give them almost
unquestioning allegiance to the system.
Part of the way in which the Indo-European hierarchies (including those
under the sovereignty of the Queen of England and of the Pope) have deepened
their control and expanded their territory for six thousand years is by
disrupting the people on the lower levels of their artificial hierarchies with
factions and violence. The courts, the
police, and the rest of the hierarchial infrastructure keep the oppressed
people from either seeing clearly or dealing effectively with where their
problems are really coming from: that’s why they are there. This kind of control includes taking away
whatever identity people do have, and manipulating them into Indo-European
hierarchically controlled identities: “drunk,” “drug addict,” “gang member”
“welfare recipient,” criminal,” “minority,” “our Indian,” etc. Racial stereotypes are part of these
projected identities and Indo-European psychological warfare. T.V. violence reinforces the context of
these artificial, imposed identities.
If people do not know who they are, they can’t figure out the world
around them, and they are predictable and under control, “programmed” and regimented
into the identity that was created for them, owned by the elite, slaves. Both jails and United States Government
“Indian” boarding schools are part of the strategy of stealing people’s
identity which as been refined by Indo-European hierarchial slave-states over a
period of 5,000 years.
If a Euro-Canadian tries to say they are “independent from England,” they
should look at whose picture is on their money. England maintains control over virtually all of her “former”
colonies through their economic system, among other ways. Land stolen from indigenous people
throughout the world is still called “crown land.” Prices for products coming from “former” colonies are controlled
in Europe. Commonwealth territories are
administered by people trained in Europe, using Indo-European bureaucratic
structures, Indo-European social infrastructures, and crooked Indo-European
languages. The legitimate aboriginal
peoples’ title to land—all over the world—is not recognized by either the Pope
or the Queen. This is one of the many
methods used to steal: others include crooked English, genocide, and forced
education in boarding schools to take away Indigenous peoples’ identity and
thus their knowledge of their Sovereignty; as well as their harmonious
egalitarian stewardship religions. Many
Indigenous people are forcibly starved [this is part of what ecological
destruction is about] into rigid hierarchical exploitive “religious”
world-views, for example Christian Manifest Destiny. “My brother’s keeper” is abused as just another way of stealing
from Indigenous peoples.
Indo-Europeans have subsisted without their own Sovereignty for so long, that
they do not understand what the Mohawks are talking about. Hundreds of centuries of violent
hierarchical Indo-European history have obliterated almost every trace of
personal Sovereignty for Indo-European people and their societies. The Indo-European hierarchial system is
designed so that Sovereign people, including the Mohawks will get absolutely
nowhere talking to flunkies, lackeys and political hacks. Part of the role of these high-level
subordinates is to maintain the power structure, absorb the responsibility for
the Euro-Canadian and other Indo-European subordinates’ refusal to recognize
Mohawk Sovereignty. Their subordinates
do not have Sovereignty, it has been beaten out of them by thousands of years
of the same kind of violent repression that they are trying to do to the
Mohawks, and so they do not understand what the Mohawks are talking about.
Traditional Algonquin society, including both the Mohawk Nation and the
Anishinabe Ojibway Nations, is egalitarian society. Every single member of all the Traditional Algonquin societies
held their own personal Sovereignty.
Indo-Europeans may hold their property “in common” as a group of
non-Sovereign people, and that’s why they pay taxes up the hierarchy. The Indigenous people, including the
Anishinabe Ojibway people, held their land jointly, through the Clans. The land is held jointly by Sovereign people
who cannot sell it. Both the Anishinabe
Ojibway Midewin and the Six Nations Longhouse are a part of this joint
stewardship of the land by egalitarian Sovereign people.
Both the people of the Midewin and the people of the Longhouse had writing
which inherently recognized joint, Sovereign stewardship of the land by all of
the People. Both the Midewin and the
Longhouse have had many of their sacred writings stolen by Indo-Europeans in
the early 1900’s. Bank robberies are
good public relations for the Indo-European monetary system; Indo-Europeans
realized that our writing was valuable enough for crooked people to steal. Also, but ethnocentrically, they refuse to
recognize its legitimacy as writing.
Apparently the Queen of England is cross-culturally illiterate; she only
recognizes land titles she or her predecessors had written in crooked
English. (Reading all of their invented
land titles written in Crooked English is enough to make a person want to throw
up.) The Royal Families and Religious
Sovereigns of Europe have been isolated, fawned upon, and pampered for so long
that maybe they can’t see the humanity of other people or feel the magnitude of
the suffering created in their name and called “unique” all over the
world. The privileged class just
underneath them on the hierarchy helps to maintain the myths that their
parasitic artificial class system depends on; it seems as though the only
Sovereign people left in Europe are so coddled by pomp and ceremony that even
they have lost sight of their roots as human beings.
Machiavelli, in his cunning textbook for dirty politics, The Prince,
wrote about Sovereign people. What he
said was that Sovereign people were extremely dangerous to an hierarchial state
because Sovereign ideas are infectious.
Just about every Indo-European political figure since then has followed
Machiavelli’s guidelines, and tried to annihilate Sovereign people and their
knowledge of the world. Mahatma Gandhi
recognized this. He wrote, “European
democracy as it functions today is deluded Fascism and Nazism.” The Indo-Europeans who call themselves
Canadians surrounding the Mohawks with tanks, rockets, machine guns, and
bombs—on Sovereign Mohawk land—are a crystal-clear example of this
Indo-European/Canadian Hitler complex.
2880. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Satire--Wanted: There is an urgent need
for volunteers and donated equipment for the Anishinabe Maanashigan Project ...
Ojibwe News.
Abstract: WANTED: There is an urgent need for volunteers and donated
equipment for the Anishinabe Maanashigan Project. Ojibway Indians and persons from the Red Lake Area are especially
encouraged to apply, although we are an equal opportunity employer. The most important criteria for volunteers
are plenty of enthusiasm and physical agility.
The Anishinabe Maanashigan Project needs donations of a large tank with
oxygenator and temperature control, and a 3-ton truck capable of hauling the
tank and equipment. Also needed are a
boat and motor, and a fish-trap and nets for handling fingerlings.
The goal of the Anishinabe Maanashigan Project is to share with less fortunate
persons off of Red Lake Indian Reservation.
Due to the extensive stocking programs and efficient management of the
Minnesota Department of Natural Resources, the Department of Interior Fish and
Wildlife Bureau, and the Army Corps of Engineers, we at Red Lake have been
blessed with an overabundance of an introduced species, Solver Bass,
colloquially known as “Sheephead.”
The Minnesota Department of Natural Resources has been using Red Lake spawn and
the facilities of the Red Lake Hatchery to stock numerous Minnesota lakes with
Red Lake Walleye, Red Lake Northern Pike and Red Lake Muskies for many
years. We do not want to discriminate
against our neighbors, and in the Indian way will share our good fortune in
Sheephead with White fishermen and tourists.
The Anishinabe Maanashigan Project will stock Minnesota lakes with ample
Silver Bass.
These fish are delicious eating—we have included a few recipes below—but we
must caution newcomers to this delicacy that Silver Bass are extremely
susceptible to accumulations of PCB’s and Mercury. We urge all Northern Minnesota Whites to contact your elected
representatives and the Minnesota DNR to assure the purity of your lakes and
groundwater, and to make sure that your area does not receive acid rain, which
leeches mercury and other toxic materials into lake water. The Red Lake Indian people are pleased with
the opportunity to stock your lakes for you, but we will not be responsible for
the consequences of the White man’s pollution.
We should also like to caution “sportsfishermen,” particularly “jocks” who like
to “catch and release,” that the Silver Bass is not a fighting fish. The Silver Bass is a gourmet fish who will
eagerly follow your bait and jump into your boat. If your frying pan is close enough to the water, he may even leap
into the frying pan!
To our deep regret, Red Lake Indians cannot share our bounty of Silver Bass
with off-reservation persons through normal commercial channels. Under Title 25 of the United States Statutes,
we cannot sell these excellent fish for any price off of the Reservation, nor
can we even donate them to the needy.
Under present statutes, we are forced to either bury our bountiful
catches of Silver Bass, return them to the lake, or upon occasion sell a
gourmet delicacy for two cents a pound as animal food. This is contrary to our Indian values but is
forced on us by White legislators.
Although Title 25 Statues may change at any time due to bureaucratic
whim, we would like to assure our friends and neighbors of a permanent and
reliable supply of Silver Bass. We will
stock every lake in Minnesota that has ever received Red Lake spawn, minnows,
or fingerlings—as well as any other lake that requests stocking—with sufficient
Silver Bass to assure the same ratio of Silver Bass to all other fish that we
are endowed with in Red Lake itself: fifteen pounds of Silver Bass to one pound
of other fish.
We are including with this article a few recipes to introduce you to this
delicacy. A recipe booklet containing
twenty-five delicious Silver Bass recipes can be bought at the address below
for five dollars. The Silver Bass is a
very versatile fish, and can also be used in traditional European recipes,
including Lutefisk.
Volunteers and donations of equipment, please also contact the address below.
May you rejoice, and enjoy your abundance of Sheephead! Happy fishing and happy eating.
The Anishinabe Maanashigan
Committee
Department S
The Ojibway News
P.O. Box 903
Bemidji, MN 56601
2881. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). A traditional perspective: Democratic
government on Indian land. Ojibwe News.
Abstract: “Assimilated” is defined by the New Century Dictionary as: to
make like, accordant, or conformable; liken or compare; convert into a substance
suitable for absorption into the system; appropriate and absorb or incorporate,
as the body does food.
The United States Government has had numerous studies and schemes for the
assimilation of Indian people. U.S.
policy-makers have never explained openly whether they use “assimilation” to
mean destroying Indian culture and making Indian people “like” Europeans, or
whether they mean appropriating, absorbing and incorporating and thus
destroying our resources and our people.
Either way, assimilation is a con game designed by crooks with a
criminal mentality. They have made it
clear that the goal of assimilation is to take Traditional Indian people away
from the land and resources that belong to us; to turn us into robots and
regimented mechanical men [the ideal citizen of the Corporate Feudal State[
that will believe the lies and propaganda handed down to them, and thus make us
disappear into the “melting pot” of immigrants that occupy these Indian
continents. This paves the way for the
“Big Lie” that this land belongs to White European immigrants. But we won’t disappear. We’re not the “vanishing American” like our
teachers tell us in school. Thousands
of generations of our ancestors are a part of this very land, and our spirits
are still with us. Indian roots grow
deep in this land.
The dictionary makes it clear that assimilation mans destruction of our
culture, our religion; the stealing of our land and resources by the crooked
upper-class elite. Assimilation can
only be accomplished by violating our human rights; and the end result of
assimilation is always genocide.
Just recently, the United States Supreme Court handed down a ruling on a case
from the Hoopa Valley Indians. In their
ruling, the Supreme Court “found” that creating conditions which make it
impossible for Indians to practice traditional religion was not a violation of
the freedom of religion clause of the Bill of Rights. The Court case involved land which has belonged to the Hoopa
Valley Indians for thousands of centuries; the Supreme Court sided with the
White Christian men’s timber-products corporations, and did not even question
the made-up title that the United States used to steal this land. [And they told us their own Bible, that
they’re always swearing to tell the truth on, says “thou shalt not steal.” But what’s to be expected from people
without morals or conscience. How else
could they preach about liberty, justice and freedom, when the very Supreme
Court building is on stolen Indian land.]
The scheme is that, by making Indian people citizens of the United
States, Indian people lose all rights that lower-class, immigrant, [Christian]
citizens of the U.S.A. do not have. In
one breath, we are told by whites that the United States has separation of
Church and State, and then in the same breath we are told that the United
States is a Christian Nation.
The United States Government funded Christian religious organizations in Indian
country for more than a hundred years.
Their mandate specifically included destroying Indian culture and
traditional religion. In the early
1960’s, a self-proclaimed Christian institution (which still occupies 360 acres
of stolen Red Lake Indian land which the United States Government “gave” them
in 1889 as part payment for destroying our Indian religion, language, and
culture), decided that their assimilation program was in high gear. So, the Christians bulldozed our cemetery
and used our ancestors’ gravestones as road fill. What if the Church had done this to a White cemetery? What would happen? The Bible is used to justify slavery [local example: $3.35 an
hour minimum wage]; to mandate Manifest Destiny and genocide around the
world. Christians tell us that the Bible
is the literal Word of God; in studying the way the White man uses the Word of
God we haven’t been able to figure out what he means by “good” and “evil.”
Democracy apparently has a thousand meanings, like the Bible does. Democracy as a political system came from
Greek slave-states; only the elite male citizens had any voice at all in
government. This foreign concept called
“democracy” still works in the same way, although our teachers did not make it
quite clear in school that “the people,” the way the imported European says “of
the people, by the people, for the people,” means only the few Whites of the
upper class. In the Anishinabe Ojibway
language, “we the people” means everybody. “Democracy” is a slippery, forked-tongue word.
After 50 years of seeing the 1934 Indian Reorganization Act (IRA) “democratic”
form of government that the United States forced onto Red Lake Indian
Reservation as a part of their assimilate-the-Indians agenda, it becomes quite
clear that “democracy” means government for, by and of the White corporations
and upper-class (and excluding farmers).
Since 1959, nearly all of our beautiful forests have been clear-cut, and
our permaculture has been destroyed.
Multi-national corporations have made billions of dollars, jobs for
Whites and off-reservation economies have been subsidized by Indian resources,
and what the Red Lake Indians have gotten is 90% unemployment, a devastated
land, and the same old “democratic” propaganda tactics and colonial resource
plunder. No amount of money could ever
compensate us for what’s been taken by unilateral and encroachment legislation
under “democracy”—but we haven’t been paid except in rumors. I’ve heard about “the big payment coming”
for these past 60 years, and none of us will probably ever see it, since it’s a
deception. It’s too bad we can’t buy
junk cars and cheap furniture with rumors.
The IRA “Tribal” chairman, after he colluded with the BIA to get the colonial
“democratic” IRA onto then-sovereign Red Lake Indian land, keeps hollering
“duly elected,” and “federally recognized”—this is what the BIA tells him to
say. When we complain about our civil
rights being violated, we are told, “you voted for it.” So-called “democratic government” steals the
Traditional Indian peoples’ sovereignty and resources, and then turns around
and uses our stolen sovereignty against us.
An example is, destroying our traditional food system, and then not
allowing food stamps on the Reservation.
Any legitimate Traditional Indian government would stand up for our
people, our land and our treaty rights, and defend our people against human rights
violations. The IRA “Tribal” Councils
can’t stand up for Traditional Indian people because they are colonial
“democratic” governments ultimately controlled by the corporations.
The Indian Reorganization Act split up our community into four “democratic”
districts or wards, and took away the community participation and
accountability in government that we had with our Traditional Chiefs
Council. Red Lake Indian people had
seen what the “democratic” Indian Reorganization Act did on other reservations,
and we didn’t want an IRA “democratic” government. So, the United States government had to use trickery, deception
and fraud to get it passed. Their
shenanigans would make any snake-oil salesman green with envy. They also used the word “revised” on the boilerplate
IRA constitution that was put in here—the implication was that they were
revising the old Chiefs Council Constitution, but they were not. It seems like the “democracy” on the Indian
Reservations I’ve seen isn’t very different from the gunpoint democracy of
other United States colonies like El Salvador, the Philippines, Korea, the
Shah’s Iran, etc. The kind of
“democracy” that the upper-class White male citizens of the United States have
for themselves is very different from the “democracy” they promote to the
subject peoples of their colonial empire.
The United States’ “democracy” is a divide and rule scheme when it is
forced on other people. What it works
out to is, “let’s you and him fight.”
The kind of democracy advocated by the United States doesn’t work for
Traditional and Tribal peoples, but it works for the USA. While the factions that they’ve created and
precipitated are distracted by the fighting they’ve mandated, the U.S. meets
little resistance to their stealing and oppression. [And, weapons manufacturers are subsidized—upper-class
“welfare.”]
The South Africans come right out and admit that they have a racist, apartheid
social structure. The reason that the
U.S., Great Britain, and other colonizing countries cannot do more than gently
scold the South Africans is that everywhere the Europeans have colonized, all
over the world, they have imposed something quite similar to apartheid on the
Traditional peoples to steal their land and resources, to enslave them in
exploitative money-economics, and to destroy their identity, traditions and
permaculture. Maybe they can’t help it;
it’s embedded very deeply in Indo-European language, religion, culture and
economics. Adolf Hitler studied the
United States—he said he was going to do the same thing to the Slavic Russians
as the “U.S. did to the Indian people” [Albert Speer—Inside the Third Reich]. “Democracy” works for Uncle Sam, but it
doesn’t work for the people that the land really belongs to, and it never will.
Cold war propaganda is a diversionary tactic.
Communism is set up at one end of the political spectrum and
“Democratic” Capitalism at the other.
Tribal governments are not even talked about, as though we do not
exist. Both Communism and Capitalist
Democracy come from the same Feudal, hierarchial traditions. One has “colonies” and “client states,” the
other has “satellites.” Both systems
violate human rights and plunder other peoples’ lands. Both Communism and Democracy are doing the
same thing; they are buying time to steal.
Any government, whether “satellite,” “ally,” or colonial “democracy,” which is
forced onto another group of people is designed to oppress and to plunder. Any so-called “civilized” nation which
passes laws for another people is committing human rights violations. Any nation or corporation which
steals—openly, covertly, militarily or using their money system—the subsistence
base of Tribal peoples is committing genocide.
This heinous crime of genocide is condoned, endorsed and abetted by
so-called “Christians” around the world.
“Assimilation” programs are an attempt to cover up crimes against
humanity by destroying the victims, then blaming them for their own
destruction.
Sho-ne-ah-wub
Francis Blake, Jr.
2882. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1990). Treaty rights are a news issue again. Ojibwe
News.
Abstract: To the Editor:
Treaty rights are a news issue again.
The European-Americans who want to abrogate the Treaties have been
orchestrating demonstrations and supporting racist organizations like Stop
Treaty Abuse. As far as this treaty
Indian is concerned, if the European-Americans want to abrogate the
Treaties—and return all of our land and restore the resources that they have
abused for over a century because of the Treaties—that’s just fine. Put all the buffalo, all of the trees and
fish and passenger pigeons and everything else back. Then, show the European-American members of Stop Treaty Abuse
whose fault it is that there aren’t very many fish.
The 1863 Old Crossing Treaty hasn’t been brought to national attention by
racist anti-Treaty organizations, yet.
We extend an invitation to the Stop Treaty Abuse people to come up here:
we’d like some national attention focussed on the mindless clear-cutting of our
forests by the non-Treaty 1934 Indian Reorganization Act Tribal Councils.
Part of the problem is that not all Indians have Treaty rights. There are Treaty Indians and there are
non-Treaty “Indians” (in Canada, these non-Treaty people are called
“metis”). The people hat the United
States Government allows to serve on the 1934 I.R.A. Tribal Councils that the
U.S.A. invented and controls, are almost all Metis.
The Bureau of Indian Affairs has used many methods to define and identify who
is an Indian for the U.S.A.’s purposes.
These have included measuring people’s heads, taking blood samples, and
fancy fraction “blood quantums” down to 3/64th. The Bureau of Indian Affairs says that it is, “very difficult to
determine who is Indian,” and they have a lot of different definitions to fit
every crooked deal that might come up.
In the European-Americans’ greed, through organizations like Stop Treaty Abuse,
it has become very simple to identify who is Indian and who isn’t. There are Treaty Indians and there are
non-Treaty “Indians”—Metis. (There are
also “generic Indians” who do not have any Indian ancestors at all. These people do not have any Treaty rights,
Indian land or sovereignty. It’s very
simple.
A Meti, non-Treaty “Indian” has a father or patrilineal grandfather who was
European-American or some other hyphenated-American. The Bureau of Indian Affairs called these men “squaw men,” and
brought these low-class European scoundrels onto Indian reservations for the
exact purpose of having as many Meti children as possible: people without Treaty
rights. This Indo-European strategy of
screwing Sovereign people out of their land, their Sovereignty, and their
birthright has been used by Indo-European colonizers over all the world they
knew about, for more than 2,000 years.
The racism that has been a part of hierarchial Indo-European society
since it was invented, keeps these Meti people in the more tolerant traditional
Sovereign communities, where they marry back in and keep on creating more
people without Sovereignty, land, or Treaty rights.
Many people have the illusion that “tribal enrollment” gives enrolled people
Treaty rights and Sovereignty, but it does not. The United States Government controlled tribal enrollments until
they had their puppet 1934 I.R.A. Tribal Councils in place and under their
thumb. Almost all of the people on
these 1934 I.R.A. Tribal Councils do not have Sovereignty or Treaty
Rights. In Red Lake, almost all the
people who worked for a quarter of a century to disenfranchise the remnants of
our Traditional government and put the I.R.A. in here, did not have Treaty
Rights. The people who forced allotment
of White Earth did not have Treaty Rights.
(These outdated tactics to steal land have run their course.) The European-American men went through all
that trouble to abrogate the Treaties individually by bringing in Squaw men,
and he’s not going to “give” any land or other Treaty rights back. That’s not how he acts. “Tribal Enrollment” doesn’t mean anything,
it’s just European equity that the European-Americans used to illegally sell
Indian land. (How can these Metis
without Treaty Rights sell something they do not own? They cannot sell Indian land or Treaty Rights. Even the Clans cannot sell land, it belongs
to the Indian religion and cannot be sold.)
After the land is allegedly sold, government funding is cut off, and the
Metis are taxed right off of the land they helped steal—and then they feel the
full force of Title 25 and the other Jim Crow laws and regulations. This has already happened in White Earth and
other parts of the country where the Metis claim to have sold the land.
Treaty Indians are the patrilineal descendants of the Indian people who were
part of the Treaties. Treaty Indians
still have their patrilineal Indian Clan and their Dodem. (Indian society is matriarchal but
patrilineal. Traditionally, it is
balanced.) Treaty Indians are sovereign
people—through their clan and through the Indian Religion [in the same way, the
White man’s sovereignty is held by the Judeo-Christian religious empires]. Treaty Indians own the land jointly as a
part of their Clan. (Under the United
States’ enrollment scheme, the Bureau has been trying to say that the land is
held in common, but it’s not.) The
Clans—Treaty Indians—have an egalitarian society where government is by the
consensus of all the sovereign people who belong there. Metis, non-Treaty Indians have their
fathers’ European clans, even though the racist European-Americans might
recognize them as members. Metis do not
own themselves or their sovereignty, they are under control. According to unjust European hierarchial
systems, everything European is jointly owned by the Holy Roman Empire, the
Church of England, and the Sovereigns of the European Nations. European-Americans do not own any land,
that’s what property tax and eminent domain is all about. Red Lake is STILL
a Sovereign nation held by the Indian Religion and jointly by the Clans, AND
THE LAND IS NOT FOR SALE AND NEVER WILL BE. This is Red Lake Anishinabe Ojibway land and cannot be sold.
The United States Government refused to recognize the Traditional, Clan
government of the Red Lake Anishinabe Ojibway Nation when they deceptively “put
democracy” onto Red Lake like a thief in the night. We, the Traditional Red Lake Anishinabe Ojibway are still here,
and we are still Sovereign, and, for that matter, we don’t have to recognize
the United States, either. As far as
we’re concerned, the territory they claim is all stolen Indian land illegally
sold by Metis who did own it.
Title 25 of the United States Statutes (and all the rest of the United States
Statutes) apply to non-Treaty Indians, to Metis who are United States citizens
under the jurisdiction of United States law.
What’s amazing is that this Jim Crow legislation was ever written. (If you’ve never read Title 25, get a copy
and go to the back of the bus to read this Jim Crow crap.) Why in the world would the
European-Americans want to write such totalitarian racist legislation for their
own clansmen, for a group of their own relations that they planned and
fathered? While they’re at it, why
don’t they write several volumes of racist legislation for the descendants of
Scandinavian women, they could call it the “Uff-dah Statutes,” or maybe for the
Vietnamese mixed-bloods.
All of the Chippewa (another word for Metis) 1934 I.R.A. Tribal Councils, all
of the appointed Chippewa leaders that are in public view, do not have Treaty
rights and do not have Sovereignty.
Yet, they say that they are speaking for the Traditional Sovereign
Ojibway Indian people who still have land and who have Treaty rights. This is a conflict of interest, and also
fraud. We can speak for ourselves.
The issue in Red Lake right now is not spearfishing off of the Reservation, it
isn’t even U.S.-created elections. (I
don’t have to vote, this is Sovereign Indian land and we Clan members and
Treaty Indians already have our Sovereignty and the Traditional government we
have had for many thousands of years.)
The issue is trespassers and land thieves on the Reservation. We are over-run with Metis who are
fraudulently claiming to be Treaty Indians, who have abused our wildlife,
clear-cut our forests, and been greedy with our fish. These Metis are illegally claiming Sovereign Red Lake land, in
violation of the Treaty. They are politically
embarrassing us by pretending to be sovereign Treaty Indians. These Metis were intentionally created by
the United States Government, and they are citizens of the State of Minnesota
and of the United States. They are
trying to hide behind our Sovereignty, and some of them are even trying to
claim 40 acres each of our Sovereign land.
They are violating the Treaties.
If the Clans tell the Sheriff or the D.N.R. that they want Meti
troublemakers removed from Red Lake Indian land, then the Sheriff has to come
and get them. They are subject to all
of the laws that the European-Americans have written, and the U.S. is
responsible for their European clansmen.
We asked a high-ranking European-American bureaucrat about Indian
Sovereignty. He told us that the reason
that Indians couldn’t have full Sovereignty was that “criminals and gangsters
would hide out on the reservations.”
We’ve got news for you, these impostors and crooks and land thieves are
already hiding out on the Reservations.
For example, Metis on White Earth posed as Indians, and sold the land
out from under the Indian people although they had no right to sell it. The United States Government has the same
plans for Red Lake, that’s why the Chippewa Metis without land or Treaty rights
are given jobs, houses and money by the United States Government to keep them
in our community. That’s also why they
want us to have their kind of Judeo-Christian Democracy, rather than our
Traditional, Sovereign egalitarian and free society.
The Metis have legitimate complaints against the United States Government:
cultural genocide is one of them. Part
of the reason that the I.R.A. councils were put together the way they are is to
hide this cultural genocide. Both the
Nuremberg Principles and the United Nations Genocide Convention were written by
Indo-Europeans, in European languages, with no input whatsoever from Tribal
peoples. The Genocide Convention needs
an addendum or an amendment. There
needs to be a provision against bringing European males into Sovereign
communities to hybridize the community and destroy their Sovereign rights. This Christian tactic is a very popular
European colonial strategy, that’s why it’s not in the Genocide Convention—it
was mostly Judeo-Christians who wrote it.
The International Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of
Genocide must be rewritten to protect all people around the world. There has been an enormous amount of damage
done to Tribal peoples everywhere in the world by this racist genetic and
cultural “engineering” (destruction).
The Genocide Convention and all other International Law must have the
full participation of all Sovereign Tribal peoples, and must also be written in
Tribal languages. The European
languages that International Law is written in now are crooked and have racism
built right into them.
Sho-ne-ah-wub
Francis Blake, Jr.
2883. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Welfare Concerns: The politicians are
warming up for November’s elections, and already letters to the editor are starting
to wave the WELFARE! flag ... Ojibwe News.
Abstract: The politicians are warming up for November’s elections, and already
letters to the editor are starting to wave the WELFARE! flag. Behind the rhetoric of “bad families,”
Indian people are being blamed for something that we didn’t create, don’t want,
and which is causing us a great deal of harm.
In October of 1986, just before the last round of elections, the Bemidji Pioneer
ran some blame-the-Indian “Welfare” articles, including one (on the 24th) with
the headline, “Red Lake Reservation welfare programs cost $640,000.” If the reader remembered the facts and
figures from other articles published around the same time ... from the
Minneapolis Star and Tribune as well as the Pioneer, read the
October 24 article very critically, and had a calculator, it would have been
clear that the actual amount that Beltrami County taxpayers paid for Red Lake
welfare services was $0.00 (zero dollars and zero cents). According to the Pioneer’s article,
“both funds combined fell $1,200 short of expenses with the county having to
pay the difference. What actually
happened is that money from the State of Minnesota was transferred from one
column on the books to another—Beltrami County’s out-of-picket expense was
ZERO.
Welfare is a favorite election-year subject.
The 1987 budget for Beltrami County Social Service’s branch office in
Red Lake was $635,000. Red Lake funding
was $487,000. Minnesota State
Equalization Aid was $148,000. Cost to
Beltrami County was $0.00 (zero).
However, benefit to Beltrami County is quite considerable.
The 1987 “Program Costs” for Beltrami County Social Services, Red Lake Office
were $509,000. The administration costs
were $132,000 (25%). Of this, at least
$123,000 were salaries—to non-Indian people who live off the Reservation and
presumably pay Beltrami County property taxes, as well as spending the rest of
the salaries off of the Reservation, for a cost of $0.00 (zero). These Beltrami County residents have seven
jobs, and an influx of at least $123,000 into their economy.
The 1987 “Program Costs” were $509,000.
Of this, over 47% went for Foster Care: providing “services” to 60
children at $4,000 per child (and leaving $3,219 unmentioned). (The Foster Care portion of Minnesota’s total
$1.2 billion 1987 welfare budget was so small as not to appear in a category
budget.) The actual foster-care
payments, at least to Indian foster parents, are considerably less than $4,000
per child per year. “Placement” of Red Lake Indian children outside of their
homes is also handled by several other agencies (and is funded by a number of
sources including the Federal Government, private foundations, and the
churches); the total number of Indian children removed from their families is
not available, and the total number of Indian children taken away from the
Indian community and “placed” in White homes or institutions is also not
available. Most of the money spent on
“foster care” goes outside the Reservation economy: either directly through
payments to White agencies and White foster parents, or directly as Indian
foster parents buy groceries, clothing, and other necessities in Bemijdi. The guidelines for Foster Care in Red Lake
conform to White Minnesota standards, and thus forcibly remove Indian children
from the Red Lake Indian community.
[This is in violation of Article II, section e of the International
Convention on Genocide.]
The second-largest “Program cost” of the Beltrami County Social Services, Red
Lake Branch, is A.F.D.C., $144,616 in 1897.
This is 2% (two percent) of Beltrami County’s total A.F.D.C. costs. The population of Red Lake Reservation is
(using the Bemidji Pioneer’s figures) around 16% of the Beltrami County
population. Beltrami County’s
unemployment rate is slightly less than 10%.
Red Lake Reservation’s unemployment rate is over 90%, mostly because the
White man’s economic system drains money off of the Reservation and into the
White economy. Not considering the
differences in unemployment, Red Lake Indians would have to have eight times as
many A.F.D.C. recipients as there are now, to even reach Beltrami County’s
non-Indian A.F.D.C. rate. The next time
somebody in Bemidji wants to write an article about Indian “welfare mothers,”
they should look in their own backyard first.
After all, the White man brought in their welfare system.
The balance of $121,165 of the Beltrami County Social Services, Red Lake branch
budget is used for community social services, semi-independent living skills,
elder alternative care, and “other.” This
money also quickly leaves the Reservation economy and is absorbed by the
non-Indian economy—as was planned. The
need for all of the services provided by the Beltrami County Social Services,
Red Lake Branch, was created by the White man.
Blaming Indians, in article after article, for the social conditions
created by this system is nothing less than racist propaganda.
Whatever problems that there are in Red Lake Indian Nation are a direct result
of the White economic system (including stealing our land, our timber, and our
other resources—and destroying our permacultural system of agriculture); of the
White governments’ taking control of our community away from the people that it
belongs to; of Machiavellian motive, slimy tactic policies of assimilation,
integration, and acculturation [destroying Indian culture]; and of the
documented effects of the Welfare system (which was forced on us) of destroying
community economies, personal initiative, and families.
Furthermore, through the tax structure, Red Lake Indian people are actually
PAYING the entire $640,000 budget of the Beltrami County Social Services, Red
Lake Branch—and a lot more. In
cigarette taxes alone, we pay over three-quarters of a million dollars a year
to the State of Minnesota. The money comes
back to Beltrami County through Welfare “equalization funds,” spends less than
thirty days on the Red Lake Indian Reservation, and then goes right back into
the outside economy as Indian people buy food, clothing, utility services and
the other bare necessities of life. Red
Lake Indians also pay gasoline taxes ($.17 Minnesota Tax per gallon); income
tax, alcohol tax; 6% Minnesota Sales Tax (directly and indirectly) ... and the
resources which have been stolen from us are the very foundation of Northern
Minnesota’s White-controlled economy.
The Red Lake Indian people did not ask for, and do not want the welfare system
which as been forced on us so that our resources could be stolen—by “blaming
the victim.” The colonial Indian
Reorganization Act government which has agreed to the welfare system,
commodities, and other insults to human dignity was described by a State
bureaucratic wag, “A corrupt government is better than no government at all”
[most likely they meant the Minnesota Legislature also].
Sho-ne-ah-wub
Francis Blake, Jr.
2884. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1988). Who says Indians don't pay property tax? Ojibwe
News.
Abstract: By Francis Blake, Jr.
Columnist
“Indians don’t pay taxes.” That’s what
Congressmen, county commissioners, certain political reporters and non-Indians
living near reservations like to tell Indians (even though this assertion is
rarely printed so openly). The U.S.
Constitution even has a couple of phrases referring to “Indians not
taxed.” This is one more piece of
propaganda that needs to be cross-examined; one more myth that needs to be
debunked.
The white man says that “nothing is certain but death and taxes,” but this is a
feudal European point of view. Before
the white man came to our continents, Indians had never heard of taxes (or
jails). Indians have also never taxed
the hordes of European people who have wandered across the oceans to our land
in the past 496 years.
There are different categories of taxes, all of which entrench the stratus quo
of a non-feudal class system (including the ‘have-nots,’ the people just
getting by, and the ‘haves’ who control the money and pay few taxes). Taxes that Indians pay directly in hard,
white cash include income tax, sales tax, utility tax, gasoline tax, tobacco tax
and liquor tax. It is true that Indians
are not directly taxed and openly assessed property tax on “trust property”
(trusteeship is a European apartheid concept and illegal non-recognition of
Indian nations), and some political reporters point this out with regularity
while molding public opinion, particularly about welfare. However, this is a strategic
ambiguity—Indians call it “forked-tongue English”—that only reflects a surface
appearance.
Taxes are paid with money, U.S. dollars.
How did this money system come about?
The 13 colonies had quite a few printing presses, but went heavily into
debt during the Revolutionary War. Just
a few years after the revolution, people started saying “sound as a dollar”
(they don’t say that any more, and “a penny saved is a penny earned” (and
nobody would work for a penny anymore, either). Paper money is just so much kindling without collateral to back
it up. What has backed up U.S. Currency
during the past 212 years?
Early in the first session of the 1st U.S. Congress, a big scam began: treaty
making with Indian nations. More than
400 treaties were made, and in every one Indians lost a lot of property. This property backed the U.S. dollar, both
as collateral and through direct payments into the U.S. Treasury from the
General Land Office, which sold stolen Indian property. And people say Indians don’t pay property
taxes? The present value of Indian
property (even polluted and clear-cut) that has been stolen this way is worth
more than the total U.S. dollars that have ever been in circulation. The real irony is that the few “treaty
payments” that were actually made, were made in U.S. dollars backed by Indian
property. If the colonists would have
been honest, Indian people would have been a major part of the money system,
because it was Indian land and Indian resources which made it possible. The U.S. could have had all the printing
presses in the world, but without collateral, their paper money would have less
value than one of Hitler’s Reichmarks after World War II.
Even though the U.S. unilaterally broke off diplomatic relations with Indian
nations (after they had stolen almost all our Indian property) by passing a law
against making any more treaties (encroachment legislation), the scam
continues.
The U.S. government has an idea how much they’re liable for under international
law, and so they’re trying to “close the books” by suing themselves under the
U.S. government’s “Indian” Claims Commission.
When a person tells a lie, they often have to tell a lot more lies to
cover the first lie, and this is exactly what the U.S. government is doing.
In government and government-supported mission boarding schools, we were told
that the U.S. dollar was backed by the gold in Fort Knox. The white teachers and nuns lied to us while
calling us “savage” and “uncivilized.”
If basing an economic system on stolen property is “civilized,” then
maybe abandoning our identity and taking on the values that the European nomads
have shown us isn’t such a good idea.
The gold in Fort Knox came from two places: stolen from Indians (mostly
by vagrant Conquistadors who plundered many galleon loads), or else mined from
Indian property by roving bands of white immigrants and their indentured
slaves.
“Balancing the budget” is something that candidates talk about after every
election campaign. This is either
strategic ambiguity or outright lying, or probably both. Deficit financing is a con game which puts a
lot of money into the pockets of certain influential people through interest
payments, and the inflation it creates is a politically acceptable way of
reducing the real minimum (slave) wage, pensions, middle-class savings
accounts, and social security payments.
The U.S. national debt is just another way of entrenching the feudal
class system which the roaming immigrants brought with them from Europe. Big deficits redistribute wealth (the rich
get richer), steal from people who aren’t born yet, and create a fraudulent
illusion of prosperity when it doesn’t exist.
The last time that the U.S. budget balanced was under President Andrew
Jackson. “Stonewall” Jackson relocated
the Cherokee nation in the Trail of Tears.
The Cherokee nation’s stolen land was sold, and the proceeds were used
to pay for the Louisiana Purchase, with enough left over to balance the U.S.
federal budget. (And they told us in
school that only criminals bought stolen property.) The land covered by the Louisiana Purchase was, n turn, used as collateral
to print more money, which funded armed invasions of Indian nations farther
west, and was used to “buy” more Indian property including Alaska.
The tactic of using treaties to steal Indian property whenever the U.S. needed
money was used until 1887. The reason
that Abraham Lincoln had people in the western Ojibway nations making treaties
during the Civil War was because the Union needed more money. In 1863, the Red lake Anishinabe Ojibway
nation made a treaty with the U.S. in which we ceded over 12 million acres in
exchange for “perpetual peace and friendship” between sovereign nations. This property included the Red River
Valley. General Land Office “sales” of
this fertile land financed the last year of the Civil War and paid for
Sherman’s march into Atlanta. After the
Civil War was won, the U.s. Congress passed a unilateral “amendment” to the
1863 treaty which abrogated that treaty (the U.S. made only a down payment on
this Red Lake Indian land). However,
the U.S. government printing presses are still cranking out dollars with the
Red River Valley as collateral.
While social scientists have made whole careers analyzing the “mystique” of
tribal economic systems, they don’t look at the hocus-pocus, flim-flam, voodoo,
con games and criminal activity in inherent in their own monetary system. Why would any sane person sell their soul,
destroy the earth that sustains them, fight wars, kill their own family, betray
human values, for pieces of printed paper?
Because it is Indian property that is used by the U.S. to back U.S.
currency, Indian people have a responsibility to speak out against the evils
that this currency creates. What kind
of economic system do you have where a priest would threaten people’s spirits
with torture forever, if they don’t give his church pieces of printed paper? Reservation missions still call Indian
people “lazy” and “no-good” if we don’t give the church money, but Indian
people have never had access to the white man’s money. He prints it, controls it, and it’s his
crooked value system even though stolen Indian property is used as collateral.
Worldwide, U.S. collars are used to create a camouflaged colonial empire based
on economic exploitation and on using paper dollars to steal other people’s
property. The U.S. colonial strategy
was developed against Indian nations, and continues on the remnants of Indian
nations. The white, feudal dollar
economic system is sued to entrench the Bureau of Indian Affairs and their
bureaucratic arm, the 1934 I.R.A. tribal councils. It is used to subsidize “sellouts” (traitors), to create a hidden
agenda of forced assimilation and try to create a feudal class system like the
noble/serf system that the foreign nomads who stole this continent knew so
well. White dollars are even used to
commit genocide: traditional Indian people are denied access to the dollar
economic system based on their own stolen and “trust” property, and then,
Catch-22, their children are taken away from them and placed in white homes
because Indian parents suffer the effects of poverty as planned. Criminal encroachment legislation by the
U.S. Congress has stacked the deck, and uses the white values and white, feudal
paper dollar economic system to make them winners and us losers.
The U.S. Congress just passed “Indian gaming” legislation. What they are saying is, “Dollars belong to
whites, not Indians.” Whites have
claimed for a long time that “the power to tax is the power to destroy.” The Indian gaming bill is just another
crooked piece of racist encroachment legislation, another illegal assault on
Indian people. Nobody but the U.S. gave
the U.S. Congress (or the states) authority to pass laws governing Indian
nations. Every single “Indian” law
(including the June 6, 1924 Citizenship Act) was passed without Indian consent
(the 1934 I.R.A. tribal councils are not legitimate Indian government). All of these encroachment laws are illegal
under International Law, and all of them are human rights
violations. Indian people have never
been part of any of these laws. At
least some whites are ashamed of the laws that they have passed. That’s why political science is not taught
in reservation schools, is why the corporate media observes a “hands off”
policy, and is why the U.S. Congress periodically has white-wash investigations
of “Indian Affairs.”
In the Indian way, the Great Creator owns the land. The people of each Indian nation occupy the land jointly, and are
responsible for maintaining the permacultural systems that were so
bountiful. Property tax originated in Indo-European
feudal systems: the serfs paid the noblemen, and the nobleman paid the king for
“protection.” Al Capone extended to the
pattern to Chicago, and called it “insurance.”
(As Mark Twain wrote, the churches also sell “protection”—they call it
indulgences, Mark Twain called it “fire insurance” and we call it “sin
tax.”) The word “county” is a feudal
term meaning the land controlled by one nobleman. Present-day serfs pay in white dollars not in grain, but the idea
is the same. The king condoned bandits
and criminal activity—after all people needed some threat so they’d be willing
to pay for “protection.” From an Indian
point of view, it doesn’t seem as though this strategy has changed much. We remember one election year when Bemidji
was hailed as a “crime capitol,” and the subsequent funding of a new
multi-million dollar jail. Crime
supports the myth that the printed pieces of paper called dollars are
valuable—people willing to risk their lives robbing banks are one example. Crime is a necessary part of the way that
the white man governs. Thousands of
hours of propaganda called “crime shows” are broadcast on TV networks each
ear. These provide role models and
lessons for future “criminals,” and a background of terror for taxpaying social
classes. The media also encourage drug
use (for example, beer commercials), and then crime and whole paramilitary
bureaucracies are created through high illegal drug prices. Criminals terrorize the lower classes and
keep them from organizing while the upper class exploits them, justify civilian
military operations called “police,” and has been part of the U.S. culture ever
since they started printing dollars against stolen Indian property. Indian people didn’t have criminals and we
didn’t need jails.
White people don’t even have clear white man’s title to any land. Four (five counting the multinational
corporations at the top) levels of government claim “eminent domain” over
stolen Indian property, and if “landholders” don’t pay their taxes (feudal
rent), they lose their right of occupancy.
People living under a paper money economy are slaves—they must sell
themselves by the hour instead of being sold by the lifetime, but they still
must be sold in order to survive within that system. Welfare, as its tout
Franklin Roosevelt told J.D. Rockefeller, is just a buffer to maintain the status quo. (Communism and Capitalism have their roots in the same feudal
structures, and from an Indian point of view there doesn’t seem to be much
difference.)
Indian people have been taxed, literally, out of almost all of our
property. Indian resources still
support Minnesota’s dollar economy. The
few dollars that do come into Indian hands don’t make it into our pockets (as
planned), they go right off the reservations and back into the white economic
system. We don’t even get our fair
share of the white cash dollars that we pay in direct taxes. U.S. dollars are
the white man’s currency system, and the way it is organized the money returns
to upper class White people’s pockets.
U.S. dollars are based on racism and have always used property stolen
from Indian people as collateral.
Saying “Indians don’t pay taxes” is parroting malicious propaganda.
2885. Sho-ne-ah-wub
= (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1986). With regard to Mr. Aaron Beauchamp’s
letter ... Bemidji Pioneer.
Abstract: [letter to the
Bemidji Pioneer]
To the Editor:
With regard to Mr. Aaron Beauchamp’s letter published in Friday’s Pioneer:
Aaron Beauchamp writes, “Why should special attention be paid to a minor
language? [meaning Ojibway]” His
(perhaps unconscious) arrogance and bigotry stand out loud and clear. He does not explain how a “monolingual
society is necessary for unification.”
He also does not clarify his slippery English and forked-tongue
speaking—there are many possible meanings for “unification.”
He says, “‘Oppressed’ people normally cry out for unity.” On the Red Lake Reservation, we are treated
as a colonially occupied nation, with indirect rule completely controlled from
outside the community by the United States Government. The U.S. Government has written policies
[accessible to any non-Indian: carefully read the 27 volumes of present B.I.A.
policies] of divide and rule on the Red lake Indian Reservation. So, the kind of unification which we would
like—which would eliminate much of our oppression and the resultant problems—is
impossible. More “official” English
will only make it worse.
But, what kind of English is Aaron Beauchamp using? What he probably means by “unification,” implied by “monolingual
society,” is “unification with the dominant society.” The United States Government has been using considerable force
over nearly a century to make Red Lake Indian people “unify.” Explaining this forked-tongue speaking and
slippery English, what this kind of “unification” means is assimilation,
integration, and ultimately losing our identity and becoming non-persons hidden
among the helots in the dominant forked-tongue English-speaking feudal society.
Black people have been “crying out” for more than a hundred years for the kind
of “unification” that Aaron Beauchamp seems to advocate. Blacks have risked their lives for
integration and assimilation. And yet,
obscured by forked-tongue English and the bureaucracy, the de facto
apartheid U.S.A. (America) retains an unwritten policy of segregation and
discrimination. Here “lies” “unification.” They say that “actions speak louder than
words”—in any language. We wrote
earlier that English is a foreign language on this continent. As any linguist understands: language,
customs, religion and the way a society is put together are inseparable. The uses to which the English language
(which Aaron Beauchamp advocates as our only language) has been put together
include domination of feudal England and then exploitation and colonization
over the entire world by the British Empire.
The form and function of any tool, including the English language, are
also inseparable.
We realize that the “English first” people are saying only that they want an
“official language.” This alone will
“inflict punishment” on non-English-speaking citizens: disenfranchisement,
economic loss and abuses in a legal system which uses slippery English and
forked-tongue speaking. I’m not “making
accusations.” Just one example is the apartheid laws forced on Indian people,
written in very slippery “monolingual” forked-tongue English in title 25 of the
United States Code. These racist laws
impose forced “unification” of Indian people into the bottom of the feudal
social hierarchy which exists in the United States today.
“English first” is a small first step—on a very short path. Do you “recollect” the Holocaust, Aaron
Beauchamp? Any surviving speaker of
Yiddish, Romany, or the Slavic languages will be glad to clarify. We are not “accusing.”
Also, there are still volumes of genocide laws against Indian people on
the books in the United States of America [another example: Public Law 280]—and
they are written in deviously-worded bureaucratese, slippery English and
forked-tongue speaking. Go to the
Library of Congress and see for yourself.
We repeat, English is a language of inherent lies. “Bring me your tired, your poor, etc.,” is written on the
Statue of Liberty. Refugees from feudal
Europe were lured to the “land of milk and honey” with forked-tongue promises
and slippery words. In the “new land,”
they found transplanted the same exploitive European feudal structure they had
fled from. They were “given” land, only
to discover that the White “American” descendants of European feudal lords,
merchants, and clergy are the real “Indian givers.” Who owns the land? Not the
farmers. Just don’t pay taxes on “your”
land, and the feudal structure will become quite clear.
How about your President or your Vice President, would they lie to you? Or would they beat around the bush, using
slippery English and forked-tongue speaking?
Mee gwitch.
Francis Blake, Jr.
Ojibway Anishinabe
2886. Shoemaker,
N. (1991). The American Indian recovery: demography and the family,
1900-1980 (population recovery). Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
University of Minnesota.
Abstract: European settlement of the Americas initiated a devastating decline
in the native population. In the area now lying within the United States, the
American Indian population dropped from an estimated several million people in
the 15th century to fewer than 250,000 in 1900. Since then, however, the Indian
population has increased until now there are over one and a half million
Indians in the United States. Research in American Indian historical demography
has focused on the catastrophic population loss caused by European contact. We
know considerably less about the population recovery, the phenomenal growth of
the Indian population in the twentieth century. This dissertation explores the
reasons behind the population recovery, relying primarily on analysis of
individual-level U.S. census data spanning the years 1900 to 1980. The
dissertation has two parts, divided chronologically. The first half compares
five Indian tribes at the turn of the century: the Seneca Nation in New York
State, the Oklahoma Cherokees, the Red Lake Ojibways (or Chippewas) in
Minnesota, the Yakimas in Washington State, and the Navajos in the southwest. I
compare changes in their population growth in the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries, their demographic rates in 1900 based on data samples collected from
the 1900 U.S. Census manuscripts, and the cultural and economic differences
among them which explain why some tribes were able to recover from population
loss earlier and more rapidly than others. The second half of the dissertation
uses a national data sample for Indians, whites, and blacks from the 1940
through 1980 U.S. Census Public Use (Microdata) Samples. Since 1940, increases
in the rate of urban migration, Indian intermarriage with whites, and other
factors have brought Indians more into the mainstream of American society, but
at the bottom or near bottom of the socioeconomic ladder. Simultaneously,
Indian family and demographic patterns have increasingly come to resemble those
for whites and blacks. Also, the differences apparent in these three groups are
increasingly explainable by gaps in income and education levels.
2887. Shoemaker,
N. (Nancy Lynne). (1988). Urban Indians and ethnic choices : American Indian
organizations in Minneapolis, 1920-1950 . Western History Quarterly, 19(4),
431-447, ill., 24 cm.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 24837554
Abstract: Title from caption. Discusses the American Indian Association and
Tepee Order, Twin Cities Chippewa Council, Minnesota Wigwam Indian Welfare
Society, Twin Cities Indian Republican Club, Sah-Kah-Tay, Ojibway Tomahawk
Band, and the Ojibway-Dakota Research Society of Minnesota.
2888. Shore,
F. J. (1993). The Canadians and the Metis: the re-creation of Manitoba,
1858-1872. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Manitoba
(Canada).
Abstract: The modern history of the Canadian West began prior to 1860 when
local peoples created a political, economic and social framework for themselves
within the old Hudson's Bay Company territory. The early 1870's saw the re-creation
of the North-West into the image of Ontario. The problem for the new Canadians
arriving in what they perceived as an extension of Ontario was that the Metis
had previously laid claim to the territory as their national homeland. The
actions of the first arrivals from Ontario in the 1860's politicized the
nascent Metis bourgeoisie who organized to form their own local government. The
Metis then forced the negotiation of the Manitoba Act containing terms
favourable to themselves and the other Half-Breed peoples living around the
Forks of the Assiniboine and Red Rivers. Metis success subsequently caused the
politicizers to resort to violent methods after 1870 to regain Ontario's
control over the area with the execution of Thomas Scott providing the motivation
for such actions. The Red River Expeditionary Force (RREF) of 1870, the
Canadian Party's answer to Metis political acumen, was nothing more or less
than armed settlers invading 'their' colony to wrest control of the land and
its politics from the Metis. The actions of the RREF represented a will to
violence not unlike that which had created the 'Bleeding Kansas' scenario
earlier in the United States of America. The ensuing history of Winnipeg in the
early 1870's, shows how the West was won for Ontario by these early Canadian
immigrants and their counterparts, the Red River Expeditionary Force. It also
demonstrates how the political unity of the Metis was destroyed. Inadvertent
politicization failed and the continuation of the informal process was the
subsequent intimidation of the Metis in Red River using the Ontario volunteers
as the tool to remove Metis influence and to allow the Canadians to establish
their empire in Rupert's Land.
2889. Shrofel,
S. M. (1982). Island Lake Ojibwa morphophonemics. Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, University of Toronty (Canada).
Abstract: Within the framework of Standard Generative Phonological Theory a
phonology of Island Lake Ojibwa is proposed. The phonology accounts for the
alternations apparent at three morpheme boundaries: the boundary between a
prenoun/preverb and a stem, the boundary between a stem and inflectional
affixes and the derivational boundary between roots, medials and finals.
Arguments are presented to support the positing of abstract segments, to
support restructuring hypotheses in verb paradigms, one of which appears to be
a restructuring of a set of stems so that the underlying forms are abstract,
and to support various phonological rules, some of which are morphologically
conditioned. As well, alternative analyses are proposed where warranted by the
data and arguments are posited for the acceptance or rejection of the analyses.
In one case, two analyses are presented for derivational data and, because the
two analyses are equally capable of capturing the generalizations, neither
solution is advanced as the best solution. While Island Lake Ojibwa, spoken in
Northeastern Manitoba, shares features with other Ojibwa languages, most
notably the Northern Ojibwa languages such as Severn Ojibwa and Round Lake
Ojibwa, it is unique in that it contains rules not found in other Ojibwa
languages: for example, in Island Lake a surface rule fronts sibilants,
converting underlying /s/ and /s/ to surface [(OMICRON)] and [s]; a
palatalization harmony rule ensures that sequences o sibilants, separated by a
vowel, are similarly palatalized; a process of diminutive consonant symbolism
converts /s/, /t/ and /s/ to [s], [c] and [c], respectively. The study
contributes to phonological theory by addressing the question of abstractness
of underlying representations and by addressing restructuring phenomenon. The
study contributes also to Algonquian studies by providing a first complete
generative phonology of a Northern Ojibwa language and by including as much
language data as possible
2890. Shroyer,
S. M. (1991). Growth Of Red Lakes Walleye From The 1940s To The 1980s.
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota, From Masters Abstr.
Int. 29(4):605. 1991. Order No. MA1344876. FR 40(1).
Notes: Source: Fish & Fisheries Worldwide databases: Fisheries Review
[University of Minnesota onlinedatabases], August 29, 1999 search
2891. Shulstad,
M. R. (1980 July). [Letter to Bureau of Indian Affairs, Minneapolis office].
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
2892. Sibley,
H. H., 1811-1891. (1850). Speech of Hon. Henry Hastings Sibley, of
Minnesota, on the territories and our Indian relations, delivered in the House
of Representatives, Friday, August 2, 1850. Congressional Globe Office.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23681446 ...
accession: 14264683 ... accession: 8402702
2893. Siebert,
J. (1960). Sacagawea: Guide to Lewis and Clark. New York: Houghton
Mifflin Company.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers (1967:92),
"Annotated list of selected teaching materials"
Abstract: "A story about the Shoshoni girl and her important role in the
success of the Lewis and Clark expedition.
For teen-agers."
2894. Sieciechowica,
K. Z. (1983). 'We are all related here': the social relations of land
utilization in Wunnummin Lake, northwestern Ontario. Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, University of Toronto (Canada).
Abstract: The land tenure and occupancy literature on Northern Algonquians has
focused on the influence of the fur-trade on forms of Indian land tenure. This
study of Wunnummin Lake, a Cree-Ojibwa community in North-western Ontario,
examines the social relations of land tenure and occupancy. The primary
methodological concern of the study is to articulate the composition and
formation of production groups with the forms of land utilization and modes of
occupancy in Wunnummin Lake, in order to demonstrate the range of land tenure
forms, only one of which became partially adapted to the exigencies of the
fur-trade. The study therefore, defines the relationship between the commensal
unit, the co-residential unit, the patronymic group, the community, the band,
and, the trapline, trapping area, territory and homeland, respectively. The
relationship between marriage choice, and access to and control of territory
are discussed, as well as the incorporative role of affinal terminology, which
is especially marked on ego's generational level. Affinal terminology is either
formal, marked by few mutual economic responsibilities, or, selectively
incorporative modeled on kinship behaviour and demonstrating a high degree of
economic interdependence. The principles governing marriage choices, access to
land, creation of factionalism, or maintenance of political equilibrium are shown
to be structurally integrated features of the present day community of
Wunnummin Lake, and are instrumental in the creation of new communities in the
Kayahna Region. The conclusions drawn from this study indicate that rather than
the north-west of Ontario being populated by recent 'Ojibwa' immigrants, the
north-west of Ontario was populated in pre- and post-contact times by small
highly mobile named territorial bands. The established Indian pre-contact trade
and visiting networks facilitated segments of these populations to associate
more closely with either of the two European trading interests. The extension
of European knowledge of trading groups has been erroneously interpreted as
'immigration' into the north-west of Ontario. The Cree-Ojibwa dichotomy is
viewed as a post-contact fur-trade separation, and later an administrative
separation rather than as an internally significant division. The range of land
tenure forms indicates a structural flexibility and at the same time an
internal consistency which has both historical antecedents and predictable
future correlates. In view of proposed development projects for the northern
regions of Ontario, the continued control of land by specific production units
is seen as seriously threatened.
2895. Sieciechowicz,
K. (1997). Social Aspects of Reading Environmental Physical Health Stress: a
Case Study From Chemical Valley. American Journal of Physical
AnthropologySixty-Sixth Annual Meeting of the American Association of Physical
Anthropologists, St. Louis, Missouri, USA, 0(Suppl. 24), 211.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
2896. Sieciechowicz,
K. (1986). Northern Ojibwa land tenure. Anthropologica, N.s, 28(1-2),
187-202.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2897. .
(1979). D. I. Siegel, 1947- Potential hydrologic effects of peat mining in
the Red Lake Peatlands, north-central Minnesota : a project plan . St. Paul, Minn. U.S. Geological Survey.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search). : Prepared in cooperation with the Minnesota Department of
Natural Resources. Bibliography: leaf 9.
2898. Sikand,
J. S. (1981). Acculturation and psychological stress among the northern Cree
and Saulteaux of Manitoba with reference to group identification and
differentiation. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Regina,
Ottawa. National Library of Canada, Canadian theses on microfiche = Theses
canadiennes sur microfiche, 44676 0227-3845 ; Canadian theses ; 44676.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search)
2899. Silvern,
S. E. (1999). Scales of Justice: Law, American Indian Treaty Rights and the
Political Construction of Scale. Political Geography, 18(6), 639-668.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Source: http://www.webofscience.com/CIW.cgi -- subject search on all indexes,
Fall 1999
Abstract: The organization of political scale has served to facilitate the
power of the dominant society to control, exclude and marginalize indigenous
populations. This paper examines how geographical scale has shaped the
historical and contemporary geography of indigenous peoples in the United
States. More specifically, discussion will center upon the importance of scale
in shaping natural resource conflicts between American Indians and state
governments. Using the case of the Wisconsin Ojibwe treaty rights conflict,
this study shows how scale informed the historical development of an
exclusionary state natural resource policy and the state's legal effort to
protect its monopoly over policy making during a 17 year court case over
off-reservation hunting and fishing treaty rights. At the same time, Ojibwe
Indians sought to use the dominant society's legal system to gain recognition
of their hunting and fishing treaty rights and to alter the existing scale
organization of power by decentralizing natural resource decision-making and
creating a resource co-management regime. This paper shows how both the state
and the tribes were active producers of space and scale and how attempts to
restructure geographical scale represent attempts to restructure existing power
relations. Although geographical scale and power relations are never fixed and
are subject to contestation, this paper shows that the ability of marginalized
populations to reshape scales of power is limited by the persistence of
assimilationist attitudes and normative assumptions about the scalar
organization of political life. (C) 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights
reserved. [References: 45]
2900. Silvern,
S. E. (1996). Nature, territory and identity in the Wisconsin Ojibwe Treaty
Rights Conflict (Native Americans, resource management). Unpublished
doctoral dissertation, The University of Wisconsin--Madison.
Abstract: In 1983 the United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit
affirmed the Wisconsin Ojibwe's right to gather certain natural resources on
northern Wisconsin lands that they ceded to the United States in nineteenth
century treaties. Since that decision the Ojibwe have exercised their legal
right to fish, hunt, and gather from these off-reservation lands. In response
to the exercise of these rights, anti-treaty rights groups organized rowdy, and
sometimes violent protests at the boat landings during the spring Ojibwe
spearing season. This dissertation explores the relationship between
territoriality, nature, and cultural identity in the conflict over Indiann
treaty rights in northern Wisconsin. It examines the importance of territorial
control for the definition of cultural identity and for the conception and use
of nature. Nature and culture are connected through place; who controls place
or territory, at least partially controls this relationship. Territoriality is
a strategy facilitating the creation and shaping of place so that it reflects
the ideologies of the dominant culture. As used by the state, territoriality is
a very effective means to enforce specific conceptions of nature and natural
resource use. Territoriality was used by the State of Wisconsin to limit Ojibwe
subsistence and commercial uses of nature in northern Wisconsin. The Ojibwe,
however, legally challenged assertions of state territoriality and have pursued
an alternative vision of place and the nature-culture relation. They seek to
share power with the state in order to shape culture-nature interactions in
northern Wisconsin according to their own vision. The tribes' quest for
co-management and their opposition to metallic mining in northern Wisconsin are
just two key examples of their struggle to be included in the decision making
affecting the human use of nature. Understanding the role that place plays in
such conflicts--how place weaves together nature and culture--may help to
promote resolution to this and other social conflicts. This dissertation
contributes to the geographical discourse on the social construction of place
and nature and expands understanding of territorial conflicts between
indigenous communities and the dominant societies within which they reside.
2901. Silverstein,
C. (1995). Ojibwa Thunderbirds: persons of power [summary in Italian]. Uomo,
VIII(1), 107-127.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XLI (1996:127)
2902. Silverstein,
C. C. A. (1996). Gifts of Nokomis: spiritual power in the arts of Ojibwa and
Cree women. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, York University (Canada).
Abstract: This study is concerned primarily with the spiritual dimensions of
Anishnaabe (Ojibwa and Cree) women's arts, and on a more general level, with
Anishnaabe women's roles, perceptions, experiences and history. It is, in part,
addressing the need to correct an academic record which tends to exclude and
devalue women. To this end, I have reviewed and re-evaluated the literature in
the fields of anthropology, religious studies and Native art history. Critical
analysis of androcentric and ethnocentric representation opens the way to
re-evaluating the spiritual contribution of women through their arts in the
traditional life-ways, as well as the importance of their art to the
revitalization of Anishnaabe spiritual traditions in the context of
contemporary society. I found that contemporary urban Anishnaabek have applied
certain core concepts of traditional Anishnaabe spirituality to their
transformed environment. In general, they have maintained the idea that 'self'
is an integral part of a cyclic whole which consists of a network of social
relations among humans and spiritual entities in the environment. In the same
manner as their ancestors, contemporary bead and leather workers express these
spiritual principles in their artistic creations. I also found that Anishnaabe
women's arts are a very important factor in the revitalization of traditional
spirituality. Contemporary Anishnaabek conceive this process in terms of
personal and community healing journeys. Learning traditional arts is often one
of the first steps that lead individuals back towards traditional spirituality.
Although many of the forms of specific practices, arts and designs have been
transformed to meet contemporary needs, women's arts are still expressive of
women's experiences of reproduction, nurture and communal social patterns.
(Abstract shortened by UMI.)
2903. Simeon,
G. (1994). Maldeveloppement socio-economique dans les communautes
Attrkameks-Montagnaises et la question de l'autonomie gouvernmentale.
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Universite du Quebec a Chicoutimi, Canada.
Abstract: Au Quebec, les communautes autochtones font face a divers problemes
tant sociaux qu'economiques. Parmi ces problemes on retrouve, entre autres, un
taux de decrochage eleve chez les jeunes autochtones (d'ou un faible niveau de
scolarite), un taux de chomage eleve pouvant creer un taux de dependance a la
drogue et/ou l'acool. Toutes ces difficultes creent un malaise social qualifie
de 'maldeveloppement'. En effet, ce terme implique qu'il y a quand meme un
developpement dans les communautes autochtones mais que beaucoup d'individus y
reagissent en un 'mal' de vivre qui se veut une non-conformite avec les
attentes culturelles. Cette situation trouve ses sources dans les decisions
gouvernementales passees et presentes; decisions qui ont souvent nie aux
Autochtones leur droit a s'autogouverner en tant que nation. L'Histoire a parfois
reconnu ce terme de nation en parlant des Amerindiens mais d'autres epoques
l'ont vu relegue aux oubliettes. Les raisons a ceci ont varie selon les besoins
du moment. D'abord acceptes comme partenaires commerciaux avant la decouverte
officielle de l'Amerique, les Amerindiens se sont vus tour a tour consideres
comme obstacles a la conquete de
richesses, puis, de nouveaux, partenaires commerciaux a titre de nation a
l'epoque des fourrures jusqu'a ce que les richesses forestiere et
hydroelectrique les amenent a l'etat de 'nuisance au developpement blanc'. Tous
ces changements de l'Histoire ont peu a
peu amene les Indiens a vivre a l'interieur d'un cadre socio-juridique
determine par l'homme blanc dans un but d'assimilation. Malgre tout, a
l'interieur de ce cadre, les Amerindiens ont toujours resiste en maintenant
fermement leurs liens d'attachement a leur culture, a leur identite et a leur
territoire ancestral. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
2904. Simon,
P. W., & Peloquin, S. J. (1980). Inheritance of Electrophoretic Variants of
Tuber Proteins in Solanum Tuberosum Haploids. Biochemical Genetics, 18(11-12),
1055-1063.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: Soluble tuber proteins were separated by discontinuous polyacrylamide
gel electrophoresis on vertical slabs. Banding patterns of proteins stained
with Coomassie Blue in 7.5% acrylamide gels (pH 4.3) were few and distinctive
for haploids (2n = 2x = 24) derived from several cultivars (2n = 4x = 48). Katahdin
and Chippewa haploids have only three different banding patterns for the eight
fastest moving bands. The haploids have either the parental pattern (all eight
bands) or one of two complementary banding patterns (four bands). The frequency
of these patterns among the haploids indicates that the eight bands are
controlled by one locus which is duplex (A1 A1 A2 A2) in the parents. Haploids
with the genotype A1 A2 have eight bands. A1 A1 haploids have four bands, and
A2 A2 have the other four bands. Tawa haploids have in equal numbers either the
eight (A1 A2) or four (A2 A2) band pattern. Thus the genotype of Tawa is A1 A2
A2 A2. The control of four bands by one allele could be explained by assuming
that these alleles are involved in posttranslational modification or assembly
of one or two protein species. Another explanation is that pseudoalleles or
redundant genes produce the groups of protein bands. The eight proteins studied
apparently are of similar molecular weight but differ in charge.
2905. Sims,
C. A. (1993). Algonkian-British relations in the Upper Great Lakes region:
gathering to give and receive presents, 1815-1843 (gatherings, Great Britain).
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Western Ontario (Canada).
Abstract: Within the context of the Upper Great Lakes region, this thesis
analyzes Algonkian-British relations primarily through an examination of the
gatherings at British posts where presents were given and received. The study
focuses on the period between 1815, when inhabitants of this region learned
that British and American officials had formally ended the War of 1812, and
1843, the final year in which members of the British Indian department
officially gave presents to all Algonkian visitors regardless of their place of
residence within the region. During this period, the British government
distributed presents to Algonkians of this region on Drummond Island
(1815-1828), on St. Joseph Island (1829), at Penetanguishene (1830-1835), and
on Manitoulin Island (from 1836). Families from the Ojibwa, Ottawa, Menominee,
and Potawatomi Nations residing along the north shore of Georgian Bay, along
the north shore and the nearby islands of Lake Huron, the west shore of Lake
Huron north of Saginaw Bay, around most of Lake Michigan, and around Lake
Superior travelled to these locations. These annual gatherings were important
forums for Algonkian leaders and British officials. Algonkian leaders presented
the concerns of their communities at these meetings and attempted to ensure
that British actions would fulfil British promises; British officers announced
governmental policies and tried to retain connections with these Algonkian
peoples. Throughout these years, Algonkian-American relations and
British-American affairs influenced Algonkian-British interactions. Because
Algonkians regarded the giving and receiving of presents as vitally important
to maintaining relationships, the British government's decision to stop
distributing presents after 1843 to those Indian people residing primarily within
what American and British officials regarded as the United States signified to
these Algonkians that their historic connection with the Crown formally ended
in 1843. This study demonstrates the high calibre of Algonkian leadership.
Recalling British promises, Ojibwa, Ottawa, and Menominee spokesmen insisted
that the British government was morally obligated to continue giving presents
to Algonkian peoples. These leaders also raised issues connected with rapid and
irrevocable changes stemming primarily from non-Indian settlers' demands for
more land. Algonkian leaders dealt with officials representing British and
American governments and resisted the efforts of these authorities to classify
Algonkian peoples as either British or American: Algonkian peoples had their
own identities. The commitment of Algonkian leaders to retaining their peoples'
territories, resources, and culture defined the core of their beliefs and
shaped their active participation in the tripartite dynamics of this region.
2906. (1921).
Material Culture of the Menomini, (20).
Notes: Source: bibliography in Ritzenthaler and Ritzenthaler (1970)
2907. Skinner,
A. (1911). Notes on the Eastern Cree and Northern Salulteaux. Anthropological
Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, 9(part 1), 1-179.
Notes: Source: bibliography in Ritzenthaler and Ritzenthaler (1970)
published in New York
2908. Skinner,
A. (1912). Notes on the Eastern Cree and Northern Saulteaux. New York:
American Museum of Natural History.
Notes: Source: Human Relations Area Files Index, Category NG6 "[as of July
1, 1975]", identified as "(M)", page 1, item 3
2909. Skinner,
A. (1913). Political and ceremonial organization of the Plains Ojibwa.
New York: American Musuem of Natural History.
Notes: Source: Human Relations Area Files Index, Category NG6 "[as of July
1, 1975]", identified as "(M)", page 1, item 11
2910. Skinner,
A. B. Folklore of the Menomini Indians.
A M S Press, Incorporated.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
2911. Skinner,
A. B. (1914). The cultural position of the Plains Ojibway. American
Anthropologist, 16(2), 314-318.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2912. Skinner,
A. B. (1916). European tales from the Plains Ojibwa. Journal of American
Folk-Lore, XXIX, 330-340.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2913. Skinner,
A. B. (1919). Plains Ojibwa tales. Journal of American Folk-Lore, 32,
280-305.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2914. Skinner,
A. B. (1919). The sun dance of the Plains-Ojibway. American Museum of
Natural History. Anthropological Papers, XVI, 311-315.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2915. Skoog,
B. P. with Justine Kerfoot. (1996). A Life In Two Worlds. Paper Moon.
Notes: Source: Women’s Resources International [University of Minnesota online
databaseNew Books on Women & Feminism Database], August 29, 1999 search
2916. Skubi,
D. (1988). Pap Smear Screening and Cervical Pathology in an American Indian
Population. Journal of Nurse-Midwifery , 33(5), 203-207.
Notes: Source: Biomed (Cinahl) electronic database, Fall 1999 search. (13 Ref)
Abstract: Death from cervical cancer is 6.7 times more common among Native
American women in South Dakota than among white women in the state. This is
probably related to an increased incidence of the disease. Only 37% of women
aged 20 to 65 have received a pap smear in the preceding two years, indicating
suboptimal screening for the disease, which is especially acute among older
women. Difficulty assuring that appropriate diagnostic tests are obtained after
discovery of an abnormal pap smear, barriers to appropriate treatment, and
inadequate follow-up after treatment may contribute to excess mortality. The
epidemiology and etiology of cervical cancer is discussed and a program for
reducing excessive deaths is outlined.
(13 ref)
2917. Slate,
M. (1970). Eastern Ojiwa. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University. Department
of Linguistics in American Indian Linguistics.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2918. Slavcheff,
P. D. (1988). The temperate republic: liquor control in Michigan, 1800-1860.
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Wayne State University.
Abstract: During the first six decades
of the nineteenth century growing numbers of Americans became temperance
advocates. Historians have yet to explain the relative significance of the
forces that produced this change and the ideological assumptions underlying
it. Neither have scholars adequately
addressed how the growth of temperance sentiment affected the formation of liquor-control
policy. Moreover, they have paid virtually no attention to the West, a region antebellum Americans believed held
the key to the future of the republic. Traditional historical techniques and
computer-assisted analysis provide interesting answers to liquor-related
questions in Michigan, a vitally important area of the West. Until the early
1830s the fur trade dictated Michigan's liquor-control policy. Despite a policy
prohibiting liquor sales to Indians to obtain their furs, government officials allowed the sales to
continue in the interest of protecting the territory's leading industry and
maintaining Indian loyalty to the United States. Government officials developed
a separate set of regulations for whites which became stricter as the fur trade
declined and an organized temperance movement appeared. Using the rhetoric of
the Puritan jeremiad to enunciate a philosophy grounded in revolutionary
republicanism, temperance advocates argued that Americans had to revolt against
'King Alcohol.' This message attracted people regardless of political party and
from all socioeconomic groups, including substantial numbers of artisans and
Catholics. The growing popularity of temperance in the 1840s and 1850s enabled
reformers to secure enactment of several important laws aimed at eliminating
drink consumption in bars, beginning
with local option in 1845. In 1853 the legislature prohibited all sales of
beverage alcohol in Michigan. The statute became inoperative when the state
supreme court split on its constitutionality. A second law also became moribund
once Michiganians realized that it posed a greater threat to liberty than
drink. During the late 1850s the Republican-dominated legislature repealed its
most stringent provisions, thus bringing to an end Michigan's antebellum
temperance movement.
2919. Sleeper-Smith,
S. (1995). Silent tongues, black robes: Potawatomi, Europeans and settlers
in the southern Great Lakes, 1640-1850 (Michigan). Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, The University of Michigan.
Abstract: This dissertation analyzes cross-cultural encounters between
indigenous and intrusive societies along Lake Michigan's eastern and southern
shores. The primary focus is on the St. Joseph River valley, which was the
principal fur-trade portage from the Great Lakes to the Mississippi. The French
and British vied for control of this river valley; the Potawatomi and French
became allies. An analysis of the St. Joseph Baptismal Register, kept by the
Jesuits from 1720 to 1773, shows the evolution of a metis society.
Intermarriage between French and Native Americans cemented their alliance and
fostered demographic stability. The metis served as intercultural mediators.
They kept Catholicism alive despite Jesuit demise and helped negotiate treaty
provisions that later protected many Potawatomi from removal 'on account of
their religion.' By the nineteenth century, the Potawatomi were a prosperous
agricultural society. The first American settlers, primarily blacks, Irish, and
Germans, settled near the Potawatomi. But diversity brought disunity. The
midwestern frontier became fertile ground for conservative movements that
resisted social change. The increasing Catholic presence--an academy,
university, and convent--brought a nativist backlash. Invisibility became conducive
to survival. Midwestern history has been written to emphasize the role that
eastern pioneer families played in settling this frontier. Farmers displaced
Potawatomi, black robes, and metis as the settlers of the St. Joseph River
valley. By telling a different story--a story about a time and place where the
sequence of events has gone unexamined--this dissertation exposes the
multiplicity of narrative viewpoints and their involvement in larger narratives
about ethnicity and culture, autonomy and interdependence, and maleness and
femaleness.
2920. Sletto,
J., & Sletto, B. (1992). Sugar Mapling. Native Peoples : the Journal of
the Heard Museum, v 6(n 1), 50.
Notes: Source: UnCover database (Aug 1999)
Abstract: Anishinabe sugar mapling on the White Earth Reservation in Minnesota
is described by free-lance writer Jacqueline Sletto and photographer Bjorn
Sletto.
2921. Small,
C. (1980). Justice in Indian country : a summary and analysis of
investigative hearings on the administration of justice in Indian country,
January 1980 . Oakland, CA : American Indian Lawyer Training Program.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search)
2922. Smiley,
C. A. S. W. C. (1904). The Eleven Towns, a statement of conditions
surrounding the opening for settlement of the Red Lake Indian reservation and a
description of the land. Thief River Falls, Minn.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 19331996. Cover-title. Includes advertising matter.
2923. Smith,
B. A. (1997). Systems of subsistence and networks of exchange in the
terminal woodland and early historic periods in the upper Great Lakes (Ontario,
Michigan). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Michigan State University.
Abstract: The ethnohistoric documents from the Early Historic Period (A.D.
1615-1650) in the Upper Great Lakes make reference to extensive exchange
networks among native groups. The Odawa tribes of the Bruce Peninsula and
Manitoulin Island and the Ojibwa bands in the northern portions of the region
were important participants in this network. Archaeological models have
envisioned each Upper Great Lakes culture as economically self-sufficient and
regional exchange as infrequent. This research examines in nature of the
regional exchange network and reveals that the network was a vital,
economically based, system of regional balanced reciprocity. The analysis of
faunal remains from archaeological sites dated to the Terminal Woodland and
Early Historic Periods provides evidence of the preferred meat species in each
area. An understanding of human nutritional requirements and alternative
strategies to fulfill dietary needs is critical to understand food preferences
and choices made in a subsistence system. Considerations of nutritional
requirements of the human population and the available number of preferred
animals that could be exploited in sustainable yields reveal that the exchange
networks observed by Europeans were critical to the Odawa. To acquire the
desired animals and maize, they engaged in a complex network of relationships
throughout the Great Lakes, especially with the people of northern Lake
Superior. This analysis demonstrates that subsistence systems may not
necessarily be designed as localized and self-sufficient. Societies can be
politically independent and also employ socially, economically and logistically
complex systems, including a regional network of balanced reciprocity, to
support their way of life.
2924. Smith,
B. K. (1998). Wabaseemoong community case study: appropriate education in a
First Nations reserve school (Ontario). Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
Mount Saint Vincent University (Canada).
Abstract: The Anishnabe community of Wabaseemoong in Northern Ontario has
suffered, and been terribly splintered, because of the incursions of
Euro-Canadian society and culture. The community school once was an agent of
cultural invasion, and is still being seen and treated that way by some. But it
is proposed here that an affirmation by the school of the Ojibway language and
elements of traditional culture could result in greater ownership of the school
by the people of the community. This in turn could produce improvements in the
school's ability to assist in meeting all the developmental needs of the
children, including the need for an positive sense of self, or identity.
2925. Smith,
D. M. (1973). Inkonze: Magico-religious beliefs of contact-traditional Chipewan
trading at Fort Resolution, NWT, Canada. Musée National De L'Homme
Collection Mercure. Division
D'Ethnologie, 6, 1-23.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXI (1978:252)
2926. Smith,
D. B. (1984). Historic peace-pipe. Beaver, outfit 315(1), 4-7, ill.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2927. Smith,
D. B. (1987). Sacred feathers : the Reverend Peter Jones (Kahkewaquonaby)
& the Mississauga Indians . Lincoln : University of Nebraska Press.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (Fall 1999 search)
2928. Smith,
E., & Norrgard, P. (1987). [Audiovisual]. E. Smith (Producer and editor),
& I. Greensky. (narrator). [Minnesota] : Minnesota Indian Mental Health
Advisory Committee.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 18287431. Other:
Smith, Ed. Norrgard, Phil. Minnesota. Indian Mental Health Advisory Committee.
Fond du Lac Indian Reservation (Minn.). Human Services Division. Issues in
Minnesota Indian mental health.
2929. Smith,
H. I. (1896). Certain Shamanistic ceremonies among the Ojibwas. American
Antiquarian, xviii, 282-284.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2930. Smith,
H. I. (1897). The monster in the tree. An Ojibwa myth. Journal American
Folk-Lore, 10, 324-325.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2931. Smith,
H. I. (1894). An Ojibwa cradle. American Antiquarian, xvi(5), 301, 302.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2932. Smith,
H. I. (1894). Ojibwa in the Saginaw Valley, Michigan. Archaeologist, II(10),
297-298.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2933. Smith,
H. I. (1906). Some Ojibwa myths and traditions. Journal American Folk-Lore,
19, 215-230.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2934. Smith,
H. H. (1970). Ethnobotany of the Menomini Indians. Greenwood Publishing Group, Incorporated.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
2935. Smith,
H. H. Ethnobotany of the Meskwaki Indians. A M S Press, Incorporated.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
2936. Smith,
H. H. (1925). Botanizing among the Ojibwe. Milwaukee. Public Museum.
Yearbook, III, 38-47, illus. 19-22.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2937. Smith,
H. H. (1932). Ethnobotany of the Ojibwe Indians. Milwaukee. Public Museum.
Bulletin, 4, 327-525, pl. XLVI-LXXVII, tables.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
2938. Smith,
J., 1737-1812. (1979). An account of the remarkable occurrences in the life and travels of Col. James Smith during
his captivity with the Indians .
New York : Garland Pub.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (Fall 1999 search)
Abstract: Reprint of the 1799 ed. printed by J. Bradford, Lexington. Issued with the reprint of the 1797 ed. of
Griswold, A. V. A short sketch of the
life of Mr. Lent Munson. New York,
1979.
2939. Smith,
J. G. E. (1974). Kindred, clan and conflict: continuity and change among the
southwestern Ojibwa. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of
Chicago.
2940. Smith,
J. G. E. (1973). Leadership among the Southwestern Ojibwa. Musée National De
L'Homme. Publications in Ethnology, 7, 1-36.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XX (1976:153)
2941. Smith,
J. G. E. (1974). Prescription of cross-cousin marriage among the Southwestern
Ojibwa. American Ethnologist, 1(4), 751-762.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XX (1976:169)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August
1999 search
2942. Smith,
L. L., & Pycha, R. L. (1960). First-year growth of the walleye,
Stizostedion vitreum vitreum (Mitchill), and associated factors in the Red
Lakes, Minnesota. Limnology and Oceanography (Grafton), 5(3), 281-290.
Notes: Source: Fish & Fisheries Worldwide database, FishLit [University of
Minnesota onlinedatabases], August 1999 search
2943. Smith,
L. L., Jr. (1997). Walleye
(/Stizostedion Vitreum Vitreum/) And Yellow Perch (/Perca Flavescens/)
Populations And Fisheries Of The Red Lakes, Minnesota, 1930-75. J. Fish.
Res. Board Can., 34(10), 1774-1783.
Notes: Source: Fish & Fisheries Worldwide databases: Fisheries Review
[University of Minnesota onlinedatabases], August 29, 1999 search
2944. Smith,
T. S. (1990). The island of the Anishnaabeg: an interpretation of the
relationship between the Thunder and Underwater Manitouk in the traditional
Ojibwe life-world (Native Americans). Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
Boston University.
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct
1999 search [review]
Abstract: The traditional Ojibwe life-world as experienced and described
through religious symbols, beliefs and practices is alive with the presence of
powerful beings. These beings, manitouk, are experienced as other-than-human
persons whose behavior necessarily affects human life. The relationships which
humans (Anishnaabeg) formed with these
persons traditionally determined their failure or success in life. Additionally,
certain manitouk are judged to be constitutionally and structurally aligned as
protectors of or threats to human life. It is my thesis that the protective
Thunder and threatening Underwater manitouk are determinative beings and
symbols in the Ojibwe life-world. Their complex relationship with one another
does not constitute a simple dualism but inscribes a dialectic which both
reflects the lived reality of the world and helps to determine the position and
existence of the human subject therein. The human is suspended between heights and
depths both literally and figuratively and the radical awareness of this
vertical dimension reduces the earthly realm to a precarious island at the
middle of a dialectical cosmos, subject to protection and assault from above
and below. The myths of the Ojibwe people stand at the center of this study and
sources include traditional and post-contact writings and art. These sources
are supplemented by and judged through the words of contemporary Ojibwe
consultants contacted during field studies on Manitoulin Island, Ontario. For
while traditional beliefs here, as in every culture, have changed, the symbols
of the Thunder and Underwater manitouk continue to express meanings and values
consonant with those described in the earliest sources. Methodologically, I follow
the general movement of Paul Ricoeur's hermeneutic, which combines
phenomenological analysis with a synthetic phase of interpretation whereby one
may judge the relevance of the symbols of this foreign culture for
post-critical Euro-American thinkers. In short, the structures of the cosmos,
of human existence and of personhood expressed in and through the symbols of
the manitouk provide ontological, epistemological, and moral alternatives for
those who stand outside the Ojibwe life-world.
2945. Smith,
T. S. (1989). Ojibwe Persons: Toward a Phenomenology of an American Indian
Lifeworld. Journal of Phenomenological Psychology, 20(2), 130.
Notes: Source: UnCover database (Aug 1999)
2946. Smith,
T. S. (1999). 'Yes, I'm Brave': Extrordinary Women in the Anishnaabe (Ojibwe)
Tradition. Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, 15(1), 40 (15).
Notes: Source: UnCover database (Aug 1999)
Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999
search
Abstract: This article examines the role women warriors played in Ojibwe
tradition. Native American views of women who adopted an
"extraordinary" nature, their dominance in battle, and their
connections to the spirit realm are presented.
2947. Smith,
T. s. (1991). Calling the Thunder, Part One: Animikeek, the Thunderstorm as
Speech Event in the Anishinaabe Lifeworld.
American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 15(3).
Notes: Source: UnCover database (Aug 1999)
2948. Smithsonian
Institution. National Anthropological Archives catalog.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
indexes "official
records and manuscript collections amount[ing] to approximately 4,000 cubic
feet;" there are 14 pages of catalog entries under the category
"Chippewa."
2949. Smithsonian
Institution. Bureau of American
Ethnology. Catalogue of Manuscripts
(collector). (1882). Legend of the Deerfield Massacre, and the events leading
to it, including the story of the bell
in the tower of the church at Deerfield, and its transfer to the Mission at Caughnawaga. Smithsonian
Institution.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (Fall 1999 search)
2950. Smucker,
B. C. (1966). Wigwam in the city. New York: E.P. Dutton and Company,
Incorporated.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers (1967:95),
"Annotated list of selected teaching materials"
2951. Book
(Print, Microform, Electronic, etc.)S. Snake, & [et al.]The Adventures
of Nanabush : Ojibway Indian stories 1st American ed. ed., ).
Notes: Source: Library Of Congress Online Catalog [Library of Congress, 101
Independence Ave., SE, Washington, DC 20540] (November 1999 search)--LC Control
Number: 83460068
Abstract: Sixteen stories of the mighty magician Nanabush, who created the
world and was able to asssume any shape simply by wishing.
2952. Snelling,
W. J., 1804-1848. (1945). An Indian tale. Minnesota History, 26,
211-221.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 19274792. Other: Emch, Lucille B. (Lucille Bertha),
1909- ed.
Abstract: "The last of the iron hearts, by the author of 'Tales of the
north-west,'" reprinted from the American monthly magazine, March 1836, is
edited with introduction and notes, by Lucille B. Emch.
2953. Snow,
D. R., 1940- (Analysis of the
petroglyphs of Cottonwood County, Minnesota ). (1960). Archive/Manuscript
Control.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 4308024
2954. Sochay,
S. G. (1999). Newspaper images of Native Americans: Michigan newspaper
coverage of treaties and compacts affecting Indians in the territory and state of
Michigan. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Michigan State University.
Abstract: This study uses an ethnohistoric approach to explore how Indians were
portrayed in Michigan newspapers of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries with
regards to coverage of the major treaties (1836 and 1842) and compacts (1993)
that affected Indians in the Territory and State of Michigan. It seeks to
answer the questions “How were Indians portrayed in Michigan newspaper coverage
of treaties between whites and Indians in the Territory and State of Michigan?”
and “What has changed in this coverage from the nineteenth century to today?”
Chapter two looks at attempts to answer this question in the context of
newspaper coverage of Indians in general. Chapter three examines treaties from
both white and Indian perspectives to provide the proper context for
understanding treatymaking. Chapter four explores the specific treaty processes
within Michigan to refine the treaty making context. Chapter five looks at
newspaper coverage of Native Americans in general in the United States in the
nineteenth century, followed by a more detailed look at Michigan newspaper
coverage of Indians in Chapter six. Chapter seven looks at specific Michigan
newspaper coverage of the Treaty of 1836 with a brief follow-up look at the
treaty of 1842 in Chapter eight. A summary of Michigan newspaper coverage of
the nineteenth century treaties follows in Chapter nine. Chapter ten is a
follow-up study looking at Michigan newspaper coverage of gaming compacts signed
in 1993 by Gov. John Engler and seven of Michigan's Indian tribes. These
compacts were the first agreements signed between state officials and Indian
tribes since the end of the treatymaking period. This study reaches the
conclusion that while Native Americans received less than objective or balanced
coverage in nineteenth century Michigan newspapers, the coverage they did
receive was about as good as could be expected. Coverage from the present,
taken as a whole, provided more thorough and balanced coverage of Indians, but
taken city by city showed parallels to nineteenth century coverage suggesting
that Indians still have not receive balanced coverage from Michigan newspapers
with respect to treaties andcompacts.
2955. Soldier
in Company "H," 6th Regiment . (1980). A journal of Sibley's
Indian Expedition during the summer of 1863 and record of troops employed (Limited ed. ed.). (Rare America series No. no. 1). Minneapolis : J. D. Thueson.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 22260152. Spine
title: Daniel's Journal. Written by Arthur M. Daniels, first published in
1863.-- Publisher's note. Water color scenes of the expedition reproduced from
19th cent. photos of original paintings by Henry Frederick Knieff. Limited
edition of 300 copies. Other: Knieff,
Henry Frederick Jacob, 1822-1888 Daniel's Journal.
2956. Sollors,
W. (1986). Beyond ethnicity: consent and descent in American culture.
New York: Oxford University Press.
Notes: Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)
2957. Sommer,
L. J. (1993). Indian Days in Minnesotas Lake Region - a History of the Great
Sioux-Ojibwe Revolution, Vol 1 - Zapffe, C. A. Montana-the Magazine of
Western History, 43(4), 88-89.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
2958. Sorenson,
D. J. (1973). A spring waterfowl population study of the commercial wild
rice paddies of the Red Lake area. Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
Bemidji State College, MN.
Notes: Source: Wildlife Worldwide database,Waterfowl And Wetlands Bibl.
[University of Minnesota onlinedatabases], August 1999 search
Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search)
2959. Sosin,
J. M. (1981). Whitehall & the Wilderness: The Middle West in British
Colonial Policy, 1760 to 1775.
Greenwood Publishing Group, Incorporated.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
2960. South
High School (Minneapolis, Minn.). (1970). Footprints . Minneapolis,
Minn. South High School .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 14926826
2961. Southcott,
M. E. (1984). The sound of the drum: the sacred art of the Anishnabec.
Erin, ON: Boston Mills Press.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. XXX (1987:210)
2962. Sozzari,
R., Cruciani, F., & Torroni, A. (1997). mtDNA and Y Chromosome-Specific
Polymorphisms in Modern Ojibwa: Implications about the Origin of Their Gene
Pool (letter to the editors). American Journal of Human Genetics, 60(1),
241-244, bibl., il.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Source: University of Minnesota Biological & Agricultural Index [electronic
database], Fall 1999 search
2963. Spaulding
John M. (1985). Recent Suicide Rates
Among Ten Ojibwa Indian Bands In Northwestern Ontario. Omega, 16(4), 347-354.
Notes: Source: Family Studies database [University of Minnesota
onlinedatabase], August 29, 1999 search
Abstract: This study was designed to investigate the rate of completed suicides
for ten Ojibwa Indian bands in northwestern Ontario for the years 1975 to 1982.
Records from medical services, health and welfare Canada (1), were reviewed for
suicide data and individual interviews were conducted with nine native health
workers to corroborate these data. Results indicated an overall rate of 61.7
suicides per 100,000 population. Suicide victims tended to be young males who
used firearms as a method. Alcohol or drug use was directly involved in over
half of the suicides.
2964. Spaulding,
P. T. (1970). The Metis of Ile-a-la-Crosse. Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
University of Washington.
2965. Speck,
F. G. (1914). The family hunting band as the basis of Algonkian social
organization. American Anthropologist, 17, 289-305.
Notes: Source: bibliography in Ritzenthaler and Ritzenthaler (1970)
2966. Spector,
J. D. (1993). What This Awl Means: Feminist Archaeology at a Wahpeton Dakota
Village. Minnesota Historical
Society Press.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
2967. Speer,
A. Inside the Third Reich.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
page 304. Speer writes, "Hitler often cited the
fate of the Indians [sic] in the United States as a quite practicable
solution when taking over a territory. 'We need not feel any pangs of
conscience,' [Hitler] said ..."
2968. Spicer,
E. H. (1969). A short history of the Indians of the United States.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
2969. Spicer,
P. (1998). Narrativity and the Representation of Experience in American Indian
Discourses About Drinking. Culture, Medicine & Psychiatry, 22(2),
139-169.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: This paper explores the impact of American Indian people's
experiences on the kinds of accounts they offer for their drinking. Based on
the analysis of three transcripts that are representative of open-ended
interviews with 48 self-defined problem drinkers from the Minneapolis American
Indian community, it develops the argument that narrative is neither a
necessary nor inevitable way to talk about illnesses and other difficulties.
Distinguishing between narratives, which are marked by the element of
evaluation where the implications of a person's drinking are clearly stated,
and chronicles, in which this element is absent, this paper discusses the implications
of non-narrative accounts for our treatments of culture and experience in
anthropology. (Abstract by: Author)
2970. Spilde,
K. A. (1999). Acts of sovereignty, acts of identity: negotiating
interdependence through tribal government gaming on the White Earth Indian
Reservation (Minnesota). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of
California, Santa Cruz.
Abstract: 'Acts of Sovereignty' is an ethnographic, linguistic, historical and
political analysis of tribal government gaming on the White Earth Indian
Reservation in Northwest Minnesota. Employing the linguistic theory of 'acts of
identity' to explore tribal 'acts of sovereignty' at the local level, it
focuses on the negotiation of sovereign rights. Tribal sovereignty is discussed
not as a commodity to be distributed through Federal Indian Policy but as a
process of negotiating interdependence at the federal, state and local levels.
By examining the contemporary tribal gaming phenomenon on the White Earth
Indian Reservation, 'Acts of Sovereignty' establishes a language for discussing
the processural, rather than essentialist, nature of tribal identity at the
national and individual level. Providing the historical, legal and political context of White Earth
as a case study of the effects of Federal legislation on Native Americans, my
analysis explores the ways contemporary Native realities are often shaped, but
not determined, by forces external to tribal jurisdiction. This line of
reasoning includes an examination of the ways Native counter-narratives of
survival and cultural recovery rely upon and subvert master narratives of
Native extinction or inauthenticity.
Through extensive ethnographic fieldwork on the White Earth Reservation,
this work explores the methods and messages of
anthropological research past and present. My study of White Earth
communities concludes that issues of identity and difference, especially as
they relate to economic subjugation or political powerlessness, must be
addressed from a position that allows for the partial and situated nature of
contemporary tribal identities rather than one insisting on cohesive or
essentialist images derived from colonial models. I link the stereotypical
images of reservation life with an attempt to overlook how non-Indians have benefited
and continue to benefit from resources reserved for tribal members. Exposing
the link between Indian images and Federal policies designed to limit sovereign
actions provides a first step in a new understanding of negotiating
interdependence in 1990's America.
2971. Spindler,
G. D. (1958). Research design and Ojibwa personality persistence. American
Anthropologist, 60(5), 934-939.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. IV (1960:4623)
2972. Spindler,
L. S. (1984). Dreamers with Power: The Menominee. Waveland Press, Incorporated.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
2973. Spurgeon,
D. (1999). "Thrifty gene" identified in Manitoba Indians. British
Medical Journal, 318(7187), 828 (1).
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct
1999 search
Abstract: A study conducted in a reservation in northern Ontario has identified
a genetic mutation that seems to have allowed the Indians there to survive
famines in the past but to have triggered diabetes when food became plentiful
and their lives became sedentary.
The study appears in the current issue of the Journal of Clinical Endocrinology
and Metabolism (1999;84:1077-82).
Dr Robert Hegele, coauthor of the study and a geneticist at the University of
Ontario's John P Robarts Research Institute, says that the "thrifty
gene" exists in 40% of Indians with diabetes at Sandy Lake, an Ojibwa-Cree
reservation near the Manitoba border. That proportion includes those with the
most severe cases of diabetes and those whose diabetes appeared at earlier ages
of onset, which has been as young as 10 years. Within the past 30 years, the
reserve has developed the third highest rate of diabetes in the world; about a
quarter of the 2000 residents are affected.
Indians who were homozygous for the mutation developed diabetes by the age of
30; those who were heterozygous became diabetic by age 40. No link has yet been
found among those who develop the disease after age 50.
Dr Hegele worked with clinicians Dr Stewart Harris in London, Ontario, and Dr
Bernard Zinman at the University of Toronto and Mount Sinai Hospital. He says
that although the mutation's action is not yet fully understood, its discovery
could lead to new treatments for Sandy Lake residents.
He suspects that the mutation works by enabling the body to conserve energy
when the source of food is hunting and food is scarce but results in the
storage of too much energy when food becomes plentiful.
Researchers could find no evidence that the mutation exists in other North
American aboriginals. But Donna Lillie, national director of research at the
Canadian Diabetes Association, which partly funded the project, says that the
study is important because of the high incidence of diabetes among aboriginals.
David Spurgeon, Quebec
Full Text COPYRIGHT 1999 British Medical Association (UK)
2974. Spurgeon,
J. H., Meredith, H. V., & Onuoha, G. B. I. (1984). Skin Color Comparisons
Among Ethnic Groups of College Men. American Journal of Physical
Anthropology, 64(4), 413-418.2.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999
search
Abstract: Reflectance readings of skin color were taken on the medial aspect of
the left upper arm. The subjects were
USA college men between ages 18-27 yr attending the University of South
Carolina. Using the DSL 99 Reflectance Spectrophotometer, readings were
obtained under controlled conditions at 5 settings (601, 603, 605, 607,
609). Ethnic groups studied included
young men of Northwest European White ancestry, West African Black ancestry and
Afro-Black/Amerind ancestry. Means and
variability statistics serve to describe the skin color distributions. Means were near 12 and 32 for filters 601
and 609 on men of West African Black ancestry, with corresponding means near 36
and 64 on men of Northwest European White ancestry. There was no overlapping of comparable frequency distributions
from these 2 ethnic groups.
Significance tests at P = 0.01 allowed acceptance of the hypothesis that
skin color on the medial arm surface was darker for young men of Afro-Black
ancestry than for those of 75% Afro-Black ancestry and 25% Amerind ancestry.
Means from original data were compared with means from earlier studies on black
and white males in Africa, America and Rurope.
2975. Spurrier,
J. (1989). Lake of the Woods: Red
Devils, Lazy Ikes, and Deep Hogs. Islands : an International Magazine, 9(2), 112.
Notes: Source: UnCover database (Aug 1999)
Abstract: In the waters between Minnesota and Ontario, the search for wily
walleys is serious fun. And even the fishing stories are true.
2976. Squire,
M. R. (1996). The contemporary western Abenakis: maintenance, reclamation
and reconfiguraiton of an American Indian ethnic identity (New England, Quebec).
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, State University of New York at Albany.
Abstract: Less than thirty years ago, history texts in northern New England
maintained the region had no indigenous people and that it had been uninhabited
prior to European colonization. These statements were false. Northern New
England was and is home to the Western Abenakis, whose ancestors stayed in
their homeland by strategically adapting to the dominant Euro-American culture.
Since the 1970's the Western Abenakis have asserted themselves publicly,
revitalizing their indigenous heritage, reclaiming ethnic connections with
Abenakis in Quebec; and forging a public space within New England' s ethnic
mosaic. They have revived the ancestral language, crafts, practices, and beliefs.
In reconfiguring their collective and individual identity, the Abenakis are
also undermining the Anglo-American and French-Canadian domination of the
region. The Western Abenakis exist among many dimensions of ethnic and racial
identity. Two of their six bands are federally recognized by Canada, with
reserve territories in Quebec. No American band has either state or federal
recognition, despite the common culture, family ties, and language between the
recognized and unrecognized groups. Over half of the collective are American
citizens and anglophone, but at least a third are francophone Canadian. Many
are Christian, some of the more ethnically active leaders are not. While some
are full-blood, most Abenakis are mixed-race (metis). Families live in urban
ethnic enclaves, in small towns, on reserves, and scattered throughout the
rural northeast. Despite the differences of residence, citizenship, language,
faith, legal status, band history, and class, this Native American ethnicity
collectively maintains its identity as distinct from English or French. This
ethnic revival and renegotiation of Abenaki Indian identity in New England has
implications for the wide fields of ethnicity, ethnic revival, and the
renegotiation of collective identity. It is also important to the study of
contemporary east-coast Native America and American race relations. This text
is also a contribution to indigenous scholarship. It is written by an Abenaki
storyteller and ethnic activist.
2977. Squires,
P. (1963). The legend of Kitchitikipi. Manistique, MI.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. X (1966:140)
2978. SRI
International. (1980). An Evaluation of the judicial training program of the
National American Indian Court Judges Association . Washington, D.C. National American Indian Court Judges
Association .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search). Cover title. Prepared by SRI International. "September,
1980."
2979. St.
Mary's Indian Mission (Ed.). (195?). Red
Lake Benedictine (Vols. v. illus. (incl. ports.) 22 cm. ). Redlake, MN: St.
Mary's Indian Mission.
Notes: cited by Wub-e-ke-niew
Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 32110376
2980. St.
Mary's Mission, R. M. (Baptismal Records.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
2981. St.
Onge, N. J. M. (1991). Race, class and marginality: a Metis settlemetn in
the Manitoba Interlake, 1850-1914. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The
University of Manitoba (Canada).
Abstract: This dissertation examines how, since the 1850s, capitalist
development in Manitoba's Interlake area and the interpretation of this
region's history have been heavily influenced by a western racist ideology.
This ideology, coupled with the other political-social-economic dynamics of
capitalism, led to the development and maintenance of racially distinct
marginal communities. Racism alone, however, was used to explain the existence
of these communities in terms of a perceived racial difference that affected
the residents' culture, world view, and work habits. The specific community
examined is a Metis settlement on the southern shores of Lake Manitoba.
2982. .
(1841). St. Regis Indian TribeCommunication from the St. Regis Indians . Albany.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (Fall 1999 search)
Caption title. On Cover: Document H. A petition to the governor of New York.
Master microform held by: McA. Microfiche. Sanford, N.C. : Microfilming
Corporation of America, 1978. 1
microfiche ; 11 x 15 cm. (Pamphlets in
American history. Indians ; I 1393).
2983. Stan,
S. (1989). The Ojibwe. Rourke
Publications, Incorporated.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
2984. State
Historical Society of Wisconsin. Library. (1992). [Information guides/guides
to collections]. Madison, Wis.: State Historical Society of Wisconsin
Library.
Abstract: African-American history sources -- Canadian federal government
publications -- Canadian provincial and territorial government publications --
Cemetery records -- Church records -- Finding government publications in
UW-Madison libraries -- Finding Native American history sources -- Genealogical
resources, information guide no. 4 -- General library information -- Government
information on CD-ROM -- Government publications for the genealogist --
Interlibrary loan -- Non- Wisconsin state and territorial government
publications -- Selected sources for Wisconsin information -- Sources for
business statistics in U.S. government publications -- Sources for the study of
U.S. foreign relations -- Sources for the study of the U.S. economy --
Statistical information sources in U.S. government publications -- U.S. federal
government publications users' guide -- Women in American history: a selected
list of reference sources -- Wisconsin county and municipal government
publications -- Wisconsin state government publications.
2985. .
(1869). States. Quartermaster's DeptRoll of honor names of soldiers who died
in defence of the American Union, interred in the national cemeteries at
Baltimore, Maryland, Petersburg, Virginia, New Berne, North Carolina, Florence,
South Carolina, (additional), Baton Rouge, Louisiana, Fort St. Phillip,
Louisiana, Jefferson City, Missouri, and various posts in the states of
Minnesota and New Mexico, and Arizona, Colorado, Dakota, Indian, Montana, Utah
and Washington territories . Washington : G.P.O.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 19476564. At head of
title: Quartermaster General's Office, General Orders No. 36, September 11,
1868.
Abstract: Names of soldiers who died in defence of the American Union.
2986. Steckbauer,
W. E. (1900). A souvenir in photogravure of the Upper Peninsula of Michigan
: Calumet, Red Jacket, Laurium, Houghton, Hancock, Lake Linden, etc.
Brooklyn, N.Y. Albertype Co.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 10252255. "Copyright, 1900, by W.E. Steckbauer,
photographer, Calumet, Mich. Albert Quade, associate publisher." Title on
cover: The Upper Peninsula.
2987. Steegmann,
A. T., Jr. (1977). Finger Temperatures During Work in Natural Cold: the
Northern Ojibwa. Human Biology, 49(3), 349-362, graphs.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online
database, August 1999 search
Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
2988. Steele,
W. O. (1957). Flaming arrows. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World,
Incorporated.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers (1967:94),
"Annotated list of selected teaching materials"
Abstract: "This story revolves around the fallacy in blaming a son for his
father's wrongdoing."
2989. Steele,
W. O. (1964). Wayah and the real people. New York: Holt, Rinehart and
Winston, Incorporated.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers (1967:94),
"Annotated list of selected teaching materials"
Abstract: "A young Cherokee attends a white man's school where he must
strive to remain true to his heritage.
Excellent. Grades 4-8."
2990. Steering
Committee on Native Justice Issues (B.C.) (Ed.). (1990). Native Justice
Report. (Vols. Vol. 1, no. 1 (Feb. 1990)-). Victoria, B.C. Steering Committee on Native Justice Issues.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23263734. Title from caption.
Stephenson, J. (1996). For some
American Indians, casino profits are a good bet for improving health care. JAMA,
The Journal of the American Medical Association, 275(23), 1783 (3).
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct
1999 search
Abstract: Casinos have provided the means for many Native American tribes to
lift themselves out of poverty, but many tribes are investigating other
businesses in case states refuse to renew their gaming licenses. One such tribe
is the Mille Lacs band of Ojibwe Indians 100 miles north of Minneapolis-St.
Paul. The band used revenues from two casinos to build a new health center in
1993. Two or more health care professionals are available at the Ne-Ia-Shing
Clinic every weekday and some evenings. The tribe's Department of Health and
Human Services received almost half a million dollars from the casinos in 1996.
Casino revenues have also built two new schools and rebuilt the crumbling
reservation infrastructure. The Oneida tribe of Wisconsin will also use casino
revenues to build a new health clinic. Native Americans have very high rates of
diabetes, tuberculosis and alcoholism.
