Ojibwe Bibliography – part 8

[01-19-04]

 

 

3554.   United States. Indian Claims Commission. (1958). Docket no. 18-E, Red Lake Band, et al; Docket no. 58, Ottawa and Chippewa Indians of Michigan, et al., petitioners, v. The United States of American, defendant. Treaties: July 6, 1820, 7 Stat. 207; March 28, 1836, 7 Stat. 491; July 31, 1855, 11 Stat. 621 with the Ottawa and Chippewa Nations of Indians of Michigan ... Washington: Govt. print. off.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 38367360

3555.   United States. Indian Claims Commission. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal of the lands of the Red Lake Band of Chippewa Indians in Minnesota, 1879-1907.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602004

3556.   United States. Indian Claims Commission. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Ethnohistorical report on Indian use and occupancy from 1640 to 1808 of Royce Area 66 in Ohio and Michigan ceded by the "Ottoway, Chippeway, Wyandotte and Pottawatamie nations" under the treaty of November 17, 1807.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (Fall 1999 search)

3557.   United States. Indian Claims Commission. (1967). Red Lake Band and Pembina Band, Peter Graves, Joseph Graves, August King, Katherine Carl Barrett, Rosetti Villebrun, Eugene Bredois, Ex Rel Red Lake and Pembina Bands, John B. Azure and Severt Poitra, Ex Rel Chief Littleshell's Band of Pembina Chippewa Indians, plaintiffs, vs. the United States of America, defendant. Washington, D.C.  U.S. Govt. Print. Office.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search).  "No. 246." At head of title: Before the Indian Claims Commission. Includes index.

3558.   United States. Indian Claims Commission. (1949). Red Lake, Pembina and White Earth Bands, and Minnesota Chippewa Tribe, Peter Graves, Joseph Graves, August King, Katherine Carl Barrett, Rosetti Villebrun, Eugene Bredois, and Harold Emerson, plaintiffs, vs. United States of America, defendant. Washington, D.C.  U.S. Govt. Print. Office.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search).  "Treaties: April 4, 1864 [and] October 2, 1863, made by Red Lake and Pembina Bands." "No. 18A." At head of title: Before the Indian Claims Commission. Includes indexes.

3559.   United States. Indian Claims Commission. (1961). Red Lake, Pembina and White Earth Bands, et al., petitioners, v. the United States of America, defendant.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search).  Typescript. "Docket No. 18-A, 113, 191." At head of title: Indian Claims Commission, Washington, D.C., Jan. 13, 1961." Includes index.

3560.   United States. Indian Claims Commission. (1949). Red Lake, Pembina & White Earth Bands and Minnesota Chippewa Tribe, et-al., plaintiffs, v. the United States of America, defendant.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search).  Typescript. "No. 18-A." At head of title: Before the Indian Claims Commission of the United States. Includes index.

3561.   United States. Indian Claims Commission, & Davies, W. D. (William Donald), 1940- . Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Valuation study of the Red River Valley of the North, area in North Dakota and Minnesota ceded by the Red Lake and Pembina Bands of Chippewa Indians, October 3, 1863.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23668803 

3562.   United States. Indian Claims Commission , & Davies, W. D. (William Donald), 1940- . Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Valuation study of lands ceded by Minnesota Chippewa Tribe & others in 1855 and 1867.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23668805

3563.   United States. Indian Claims Commission, & Hall, R. B. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal of lands in northwestern Michigan and northern Wisconsin, Minnesota Chippewa Tribe.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602069

3564.   United States. Indian Claims Commission, & Hickerson, H., 1923-. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Anthropological report on the Indian use and occupancy of Royce Area 332 in Minnesota, ceded by the Chippewa Indians of Lake Superior and the Mississippi under the treaty of September 30, 1854.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23663200 ... accession: 23602084

3565.   United States. Indian Claims Commission, & Hickerson, H., 1923-. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Anthropological report on the Indian occupancy of Royce Area 242 in Wisconsin and Minnesota ceded by the Chippewa Nation of Indians under the treaty of July 29, 1837.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23595486

3566.   United States. Indian Claims Commission , & Knuth, H., 1912-. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Economic and historical background of northeastern Minnesota lands ceded by Chippewa Indians of Lake Superior, September 30, 1854, Royce Area 332.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession:: 23668729

3567.   United States. Indian Claims Commission, & Kuehnle, W. R. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal of Royce Area 242 in Wisconsin and Minnesota ceded by Minnesota Chippewa Indians, 1838.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23633249

3568.   United States. Indian Claims Commission, & Meltzer, B. C. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal of Chippewa Tract in Minnesota, 1866.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602102

3569.   United States. Indian Claims Commission, & Meltzer, B. C. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal of Chippewa Tracts in Minnesota, 1848.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602097

3570.   United States. Indian Claims Commission, & Murray, W. G. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal of Winnebago lands in Iowa and Minnesota, 1833 and 1846; in Nebraska, 1865 and 1874.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602095

3571.   United States. Indian Claims Commission, & Murray, W. G. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal of Winnebago lands in Iowa and Minnesota, Royce Area 267, in 1833 and 1846.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602090

3572.   United States. Indian Claims Commission, & Muske, H. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal report on land excluded from the Red Lake Reservation by erroneous survey in Minnesota, 1872, 1875, 1885.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602083

3573.   United States. Indian Claims Commission, & Nathan, R. R. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Valuation report on Royce Area 267 in Iowa and Minnesota, Winnebago Tribe, 1847.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession:: 23668716

3574.   United States. Indian Claims Commission, & Nathan, R. R. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Valuation report of Chippewa lands on Royce Area 242 (and 220), 1838, and Royce Area 268, 1848, in Wisconsin and Minnesota.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23668707

3575.   United States. Indian Claims Commission, & Newcombe, D. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal of Chippewa Tracts in Minnesota, 1855, 1864, 1867.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602099

3576.   United States. Indian Claims Commission, & Newcombe, D. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal of lands in Minnesota, Wisconsin, South Dakota, and Iowa, Sisseton and Wahpeton Bands; Royce Area 289, 1852; Royce Area 243, 1838; Royce Area 413, 1859; Pike's Purchase Areas A and B, 1808.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602043

3577.   United States. Indian Claims Commission, & Newcombe, D. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal of lands in Minnesota of the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe, Royce Area 332, 1855.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602038

3578.   United States. Indian Claims Commission, & Oberbillig, E. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Mineral appraisal of Minnesota Chippewa Tribe in Michigan, Wisconsin and Minnesota, 1843.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23663156

3579.   United States. Indian Claims Commission, & Sutherland, J. F. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisals of Chippewa land areas in Minnesota, treaties of February 22, 1855; March 11, 1863; May 7, 1864; March 19, 1867.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23524259

3580.   United States. Indian Claims Commission, & Trygg, J. W. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Appraisal report of Chippewa lands in Royce Areas 242, 220 and 268, in Minnesota, Wisconsin and Michigan, 1838 and 1848.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23602107

3581.   United States. Indian Claims Commission, & Wheeler-Voegelin, E., 1903-. Expert testimony before the Indian Claims Commission: Ethnohistorical report on the Red Lake and Pembina Chippewa occupancy of Minnesota and North Dakota, 1790-1829.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23657590

3582.   United States. National Archives and Records Administration. (1987). Getting started: beginning your genealogical research in the National Archives in Washington. Washington, D.C.: The Administration.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

3583.   United States. National Archives and Records ServiceRecords of the Minnesota Superintendency of Indian Affairs, 1849-1856 .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 18121691.  Other: United States. National Archives and Records Service. Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs ... accession: 12160357 ... accession: 9004219
Abstract: "Pamphlet describing M842."

3584.   United States. National Indian Gaming Commission. (1999). Notice of Approval of Class III Tribal Gaming Ordinances. Federal Register, 64(19), 4722-4723.
Abstract: SUMMARY: The purpose of this notice is to inform the public of class III gaming ordinances approved by the Chairman of the National Indian Gaming Commission.

SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: The Indian Gaming Regulatory Act (IGRA) 25 U.S.C. 2701 et seq., was signed into law on October 17, 1988. The IGRA established the National Indian Gaming Commission (Commission). Section 2710 of the IGRA authorizes the Commission to approve class II and class III tribal gaming ordinances. Section 2710(d) (2) (B) of the IGRA as implemented by 25 C.F.R. Section 522.8 (58 FR 5811 (January 22, 1993)), requires the Commission to publish, in the Federal Register, approved class III gaming ordinances.
    The IGRA requires all tribal gaming ordinances to contain the same requirements concerning ownership of the gaming activity, use of net revenues, annual audits, health and safety, background investigations and licensing of key employees. The Commission, therefore, believes that publication of each ordinance in the Federal Register would be redundant and result in unnecessary cost to the Commission. The Commission believes that publishing a notice of approval of each class III gaming ordinance is sufficient to meet the requirements of 25 U.S.C. Section 2710(d)(2)(B). Also, the Commission will make copies of approved class III ordinances available to the public upon request. Requests can be made in writing to the: National Indian Gaming Commission, 1441 L Street, N.W., Suite 9100, Washington, D.C. 20005.
    The Chairman has approved tribal gaming ordinances authorizing class III gaming for the following tribes: …
5. Band River Band of Lake Superior Tribe of Chippewa Indians …
6. Bay Mills Indian Community ...
16. Chippewa Cree Tribe of the Rocky Boy's Reservation …
23. Grand Portage Band of Chippewa Indians …
32. Little Traverse Bay Bands of Odawa Indians …
Barry Brandon,
General Counsel.
[FR Doc. 99-2218 Filed 1-28-99; 8:45 am]
BILLING CODE 7565-01-U

3585.   United States. National Indian Gaming Commission. (1999). Notice of Approval of Class III Tribal Gaming Ordinances. National Indian Gaming Commission. Notice; Correction. Federal Register, 64(56), 14273.
Notes: Source: the Federal Register Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov] [DOCID:fr24mr99-103]
Abstract: SUMMARY: The National Indian Gaming Commission published the Notice of Approval of Class III Tribal Gaming Ordinances on January 29, 1999. The list of approved class III tribal gaming ordinances was incorrect. This publication corrects the mistake and updates additional approvals.
EFFECTIVE DATE: This notice is effective March 24, 1999.
FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CONTACT: Frances Fragua at the National Indian Gaming Commission, 202/632-7003, or by facsimile at 202/632-7066 (not toll-free numbers).
SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: The Indian Gaming Regulatory Act (IGRA) 25 U.S.C. 2701 et seq., was signed into law on October 17, 1988. The IGRA established the National Indian Gaming Commission (Commission). Section 2710 of the IGRA authorizes the Commission to approve class II and class III tribal gaming ordinances. Section 2710(d)(2)(B) of the IGRA as implemented by 25 C.F.R. Section 522.8 (58 FR 5811 (January 22, 1993)), requires the Commission to publish, in the Federal Register, approved class III gaming ordinances. The IGRA requires all tribal gaming ordinances to contain the same requirements concerning ownership of the gaming activity, use of net revenues, annual audits, health and safety, background investigations and licensing of key employees. The Commission, therefore, believes that publication of each ordinance in the Federal Register would be redundant and result in unnecessary cost to the Commission. The Commission believes that publishing a notice of approval of each class III gaming ordinance is sufficient to meet the requirements of 25 U.S.C. Section 2710(d)(2)(B). Also, the Commission will make copies of approved class III ordinances available to the public upon request. Requests can be made in writing to the: National Indian Gaming Commission, 1441 L Street, N.W., Suite 9100, Washington, D.C. 20005. The notice of tribal gaming ordinances authorizing class III gaming approved by the Chairman on January 29, 1999, and published in the Federal Register, should be corrected as follows for the following tribes:
            Bear River Band of the Rohnerville Rancheria 2. Burns Paiute Tribe 3. Confederated Salish & Kootenai Tribes of the Flathead Nation 4. Dry Creek Rancheria 5. Grand Portage Band of Chippewa Indians 6. Iowa Tribe of Kansas and Nebraska 7. Kalispel Tribe of Indians 8. Little Traverse Bay Bands of Odawa Indians 9. Ottawa Tribe of Oklahoma 10. Pawnee Tribe of Oklahoma 11. Pueblo of Santa Clara 12. Rumsey Indian Rancheria 13. Santa Ysabel Band of Mission Indians 14. Scotts Valley Band of Pomo Indians 15. Skokomish Indian Tribe 16. Table Mountain Rancheria 17. Trinidad Rancheria 18. Washoe Tribe of Nevada and California Barry Brandon, General Counsel.
[FR Doc. 99-7121 Filed 3-23-99; 8:45 am]
BILLING CODE 7565-01-U

3586.   United States. National Park Service. Region Two. (1961). A recreation land use plan, Grand Portage Indian Reservation, Minnesota . Omaha : National Park Service. Region Two.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 2117904

3587.   Map of the White Earth Indian Reservation, Minnesota, 1910 as eisting at the passage of the Act of Jan. 14, 1889 (U.S. Stat. L vol. 25 p. 642) . (1910).
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 13879105
Abstract: Reprint of original ed. Shows township, range and section lines, settlements, schools, mission, agency, sawmill, resettlement land, tribal lands.

3588.   United States. Office of Indian Affairs. (1883). Rules governing the Court of Indian Offenses . Washington: G.P.O.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 36037515. Cover title.

3589.   United States. Office of Indian Affairs. (1900). Rules governing the Court of Indian Offenses. Washington: Govt. Print. Off.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 24035180.  At head of title: Dept. of the Interior, Office of Indian Affairs.

3590.   Map of Leech Lake, Chippewa, Winnibigoshish, Cass Lake, and White Oak Point Indian Reservations, Minnesota : as existing at the passage of the Act of Jan. 14, 1889 (U.S. Stat. L. vol. 25, p. 642) . (1916). [Washington] : Dept. of the Interior, Office of Indian Affairs.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 8731071

3591.   Map of Red Lake Indian Reservation, Minnesota . (1911). [United States] : Dept. of the Interior, Office of Indian Affairs.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search).  Henderson, Albert. ... accession: 8706949

3592.   . (1986). United States. Office of Indian Affairs. Northern Superintendency of Indian AffairsRecords of the Northern Superintendency of Indian Affairs, 1851-1876 . Washington [D.C.] : National Archives, National Archives and Records Service, General Services Administration.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 26498181. "The records reproduced in this microfilm publication are from Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Record group 75." Cover title.

3593.   United States. Post Office Dept. (1900). Advertisement of February 2, 1885, inviting proposals for carrying the mails of the United States in the states of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and West Virginia, from July 1, 1885, to June 30, 1889 in the states of Arkansas, Louisiana, Texas, Kansas, Nebraska, Colorado, Oregon, Nevada, and California, and the territories of Indian, Dakota, Montana, Wyoming, New Mexico, Arizona, Utah, Idaho, and Washington, from July 1, 1885, to June 30, 1886; in the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, and Missouri, from July 1, 1885, to June 30, 1887; in the states of North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, and Kentucky, from July 1, 1885, to June 30, 1888. Frank Hatton, postmaster-general ... Washington: Govt. Print. Off..
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23739138

3594.   United States. Post Office Dept. (1890). Miscellaneous advertisement of February 1, 1890, inviting proposals for carrying the mails of the United States in the States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and West Virginia; from July 1, 1890 to June 30, 1893; in the States of North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, and Kentucky, from July 1, 1890 to June 30, 1892; in the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, and Missouri, from July 1, 1890 to June 30, 1891; in the States of Arkansas, Louisiana, Texas, Kansas, Nebraska, South Dakota, North Dakota, Montana, Colorado, Washington, Oregon, Nevada, and California, and the Territories of Indian, Wyoming, New Mexico, Arizona, Utha, and Idaho, from July 1, 1890 to June 30, 1894. Washington: Govt. Print. Off.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 17916097

3595.   United States. President (1861-1865 : Lincoln). (1879). Fac-simile of the autograph letter of Abraham Lincoln, president of the U.S., to Gen. Henry H. Sibley of Minnesota, ordering him to execute 39 of the 303 Indian murderers, found guilty by a military commission, of massacring whit people in the outbreak of 1862, and condemned to be hung ... Boston: Heliotype Printing Co.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 15873065. Cover-title. Letter dated: December 6th, 1862. "The original is the property of the Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul."

3596.   . (1883). United States. President (1881-1885 : Arthur) Lands to Chippewa Indians, Lake Superior message from the President of the United States, transmitting a communication for the Secretary of the Interior relative to allotment of lands in severalty to Chippewa Indians of Lake Superior.   Washington, D.C.  G.P.O.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 31039679
Abstract: Caption title. Report on Indian lands on Red Cliff and Bad River reservations.

3597.   United States. President (1933-1945 : Roosevelt). (1939). Payment to each member of the Red Lake Band of Chippewa Indians : message from the President of the United States returning ....  [veto]. Washington, D.C.?  U.S. G.P.O.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 27359380.  Caption title. "Referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs."

3598.   United States. Souris-Red-Rainy River Basins Commission. (1972). Preliminary plan of study : level "B" Red River of the North (Devils Lake and Red Lake River Subbasins), FY 1974-1977 . [Moorhead, Minn.] : Souris-Red-Rainy River Basins Commission.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search).  Cover title. "March 28, 1972."

3599.   United States. Souris-Red-Rainy River Basins Commission. (1972). Preliminary plan of study : level "B" Red River of the North (Devils Lake Subbasin), FY 1974-1977 .  [Moorhead, Minn.] : Souris-Red-Rainy River Basins Commission.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search).  Cover title. "July 7, 1972."

3600.   United States. Souris-Red-Rainy River Basins Commission. (1971). Preliminary plan of study : level "B" : Red River of the North (Red Lake River Subbasin), FY 1974-1977 . [Moorhead, Minn.] : Souris-Red-Rainy River Basins Commission.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search).  Cover title. "July 7, 1971."

3601.   United States. Special Task Force on Grand Portage Indian Reservation and Grand Portage National Monument, Minnesota. (1967). A task force report on a proposed Grand Portage Indian Park and the Grand Portage National Monument, Minnesota. Madison, Wis : The Department.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 19415628
Abstract: : A proposed Grand Portage Indian Park and the Grand Portage National Monument, Minnesota.

3602.   United States. Treaties, etc., 1861-1865 (Lincoln). (1864). Treaty between the United States of America and the Red lake and Pembina bands of Chippewas. Concluded October 2, 1863. Ratification advised by Senate with amendments March 1, 1864. Amendments accepted April 12, 1864. Proclaimed May 5, 1864. Washington.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 9756092. "Concluded at the Old crossing of Red lake river... Minnesota." With this is bound its Supplementary treaty...Concluded April 12, 1864... [Washington, 1864] ... accession: 31871853

3603.   United States. War Department. Office of Indian Affairs. (1839). Letter from the Secretary of War to the chairman of the Committee on Indian Affairs, recommending the removal of the Swan Creek and Black River bands of Chippewa Indians. Washington, D.C.: Blair & Rives.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search)
Abstract: Caption title. January 29, 1839. Submitted by Mr. White, referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs, and ordered to be printed. Communication of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, with accompanying papers.

3604.   . (1832). United States. War Dept.Letter from the Secretary of War transmitting, in obedience to a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 24th ultimo, information in relation to an expedition of Henry R. Schoolcraft into the Indian country . Washington, D.C.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 12730579 ... accession: 9797025
Abstract: Caption title. At head of title: Henry R. Schoolcraft, expedition into the Indian country. "March 7, 1832, read and laid upon the table." no. 1. Letter of Mr. Schoolcraft to Governor Porter -- no. 2. Report of Mr. Schoolcraft to E. Herring, Esq. -- no. 3. Letter of Mr. Schoolcraft to L. Taliaferro, Esq. -- no. 4. Speech of Mozobodo (Chippewa chief) -- no. 5. Report of Doctor Houghton to the Secretary of War. Microfilm. New Haven, Conn. : Research Publications, [1977]. 1 microfilm reel : negative ; 35 mm. (American natural history. Part 3: Reports of explorations ; no. 126A, reel 22)

3605.   . (1892). United States. War Dept.Letter from the Secretary of War : transmitting, with a letter from the Chief of Engineers, report of the examination and survey of Red River of the North and tributaries above Fergus Falls and Crookston, Minn., and of Big Stone Lake, Minnesota and South Dakota . Washington, D.C.  U.S. G.P.O.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 31932842.  Alt Title: Red River of the North, Minnesota. Other: United States. Army. Corps of Engineers.

3606.   United States. War Dept. (1900). Preliminary report on survey of Red Lake and Red Lake River, Minnesota: letter from the Secretary of War, transmitting, with a letter from the Chief of Engineers, preliminary report on survey of Red Lake and Red Lake River, Minnesota. Washington, DC : U.S. Government Printing Office.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search).  Caption title. "May 9, 1900--Referred to the Committee on Rivers and Harbors and ordered to be printed." Survey of Red Lake and Red Lake River, Minnesota with a view to the construction of a dam with locks at the outlet of said lake, for the purpose of improving navigation of the Red River of the North...

3607.   United States. Water Resources Committee. (1937). Drainage basin committee report for the Hudson Bay basins . Washington, D.C.  U.S. G.P.O.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 9856472.  Cover title. "December 1937." 51. Souris River-Devils Lake -- 52. Red River of the North -- 53. Rainy River.

3608.   University of Minnesota. (1989). Report to the Legislature on Indian education : 1989 legislative session . [Minneapolis, Minn.] : University of Minnesota.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 20609142. Title from cover. "February 10, 1989"--Letter of transmittal

3609.   University of Minnesota. Division of Educational Administration. (1974). Preparation of administrators for schools serving Indian children : Progress report . Minneapolis: University of Minnesota. Division of Educational Administration.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 25323250

3610.   University of Minnesota, Duluth. School of Medicine. (1986). Center of American Indian and Minority Health, a legislative special from the Board of Regents, University of Minnesota to the Minnesota Legislature, 1987 session. Duluth, Minn.  School of Medicine, University of Minnesota, Duluth.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 16852707. Title from cover. "May 22, 1986." Other: University of Minnesota, Duluth. School of Medicine. University of Minnesota. Board of Regents

3611.   University of Minnesota. Training Center for Community Programs (Ed.). (1967). Minnesota Indian Resources Directory (Vols. [1st ed.] (1967)-). Minneapolis, MN : Training Center for Community Programs, University of Minnesota.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 26409094

3612.   University of Wisconsin--Eau Claire (Ed.). (1981). Great Lakes Indian Press : Minnesota, Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa (Vols. No. 1 (May 26-29, 1981)- .). Eau Claire, Wis.  University of Wisconsin--Eau Claire.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 7987246

3613.   University of Wisconsin--Eau Claire. University Centers. (Native American Awareness Week Files. Archives Series 489. Location: 27/5b. Control Card Number: University Centers 239. Archive/Manuscript Control.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search).
Abstract: This series contains correspondence, publicity materials, and a grant proposal regarding the organization of these events. Also contains related correspondence and notes regarding Native American Student Nationalists.

3614.   Unrau, W. E. (1989). Mixed-bloods and tribal dissolution, Charles Curtis and the quest for Indian identity.  University of Kansas press.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

3615.   Upham, W. (1898). History of mining and quarrying in Minnesota . in Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society. Volume VIII.    St. Paul, Minn.: The Minnesota Historical Society.
Notes: Source: PALS online catalog (October 1999 search)
Abstract: The international boundary between Lake Superior  and the Lake of the Woods / by Ulysses Sherman Grant -- The settlement and  development of the Red River Valley / by Warren Upham -- The discovery and  development of the iron ores of Minnesota / by N.H. Winchell -- The origin  and growth of the Minnesota Historical Society / by Alex. Ramsey -- Opening  of the Red River of the North to commerce and civilization / by Russell Blakeley -- Last days of Wisconsin territory and early days of Minnesota  territory / by Henry L. Moss -- Lawyers and courts of Minnesota prior to  and during its territorial period / by Charles E. Flandrau -- Homes and  habitations of the Minnesota Historical Society / by Charles E. Mayo -- The  historical value of newspapers / by J.B. Chaney -- The United States  government publications / by D.L. Kingsbury -- The first organized  government of Dakota / by Samuel J. Albright -- How Minnesota became a  state / by Thomas F. Moran -- Minnesota's northern boundary / by Alexander N. Winchell -- The question of the sources  of the Mississippi River / by E. Levasseur. The source of the Mississippi / by N.H. Winchell --  Prehistoric man at the headwaters of the Mississippi River / by J.V. Brower  -- Charter members of the Minnesota Historical Society and its work in 1896  / by Alex. Ramsey -- History of agriculture in Minnesota / by James J. Hill  -- History of mining and quarrying in Minnesota / by Warren Upham --  History of the discovery of the Mississippi River and the advent of  commerce in Minnesota / Russell Blakeley -- Reminiscences of persons and  events in the early days of the Minnesota Historical Society / by William  H. Kelley -- Fort Snelling from its foundation to the present time / by  Richard W. Johnson -- Sully's expedition against the Sioux, in 1864 / by  David L. Kingsbury -- State-building in the West / by Charles E. Flandrau

3616.   Upham, W., Grant, U. S., & Grant, U. S. (1898). The settlement and  development of the Red River Valley . in Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society. Volume VIII.    St. Paul, Minn.: The Minnesota Historical Society.
Notes: Source: PALS online catalog (October 1999 search)
Abstract: The international boundary between Lake Superior  and the Lake of the Woods / by Ulysses Sherman Grant -- The settlement and  development of the Red River Valley / by Warren Upham -- The discovery and  development of the iron ores of Minnesota / by N.H. Winchell -- The origin  and growth of the Minnesota Historical Society / by Alex. Ramsey -- Opening  of the Red River of the North to commerce and civilization / by Russell Blakeley -- Last days of Wisconsin territory and early days of Minnesota  territory / by Henry L. Moss -- Lawyers and courts of Minnesota prior to  and during its territorial period / by Charles E. Flandrau -- Homes and  habitations of the Minnesota Historical Society / by Charles E. Mayo -- The  historical value of newspapers / by J.B. Chaney -- The United States  government publications / by D.L. Kingsbury -- The first organized  government of Dakota / by Samuel J. Albright -- How Minnesota became a  state / by Thomas F. Moran -- Minnesota's ! northern boundary / by Alexander N. Winchell -- The question of the sources  of the Mississippi River / by E. Levasseur. The source of the Mississippi / by N.H. Winchell --  Prehistoric man at the headwaters of the Mississippi River / by J.V. Brower  -- Charter members of the Minnesota Historical Society and its work in 1896  / by Alex. Ramsey -- History of agriculture in Minnesota / by James J. Hill  -- History of mining and quarrying in Minnesota / by Warren Upham --  History of the discovery of the Mississippi River and the advent of  commerce in Minnesota / Russell Blakeley -- Reminiscences of persons and  events in the early days of the Minnesota Historical Society / by William  H. Kelley -- Fort Snelling from its foundation to the present time / by  Richard W. Johnson -- Sully's expedition against the Sioux, in 1864 / by  David L. Kingsbury -- State-building in the West / by Charles E. Flandrau

3617.   Upham, W., 1850-1934.  (1877). [Addresses and papers concerning geology].
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 29421277
Abstract: Title supplied by cataloger. Changes in the currents of the ice of the last glacial epoch in eastern Minnesota -- The Minnesota Valley in the Ice Age -- Geographic limits of species of plants in the basin of the Red River of the North -- Tertiary and early Quarternary baseleveling in Minnesota, Manitoba, and northwestward -- The place names of Minneapolis and Hennepin County -- The place names of St. Paul and Ramsey County -- Revision of the map of Lake Agassiz -- Englacial drift in the Mississippi basin -- Age of the St. Croix Dalles -- The Sangamon interglacial stage in Minnesota and westward.

3618.   Upper Midwest American Indian Center, Minneapolis. Employment Component. (1973). American Indian business directory. Minneapolis : Longie Printing Company.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 3954200

3619.   Urban, H. (1981). Flexibility key to millworker's growth. Wood & Wood Products, 86, 86 (4).
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999 search

3620.   Urbanski, L. E. (1968). A cross-cultural comparison of mass communications interests among Cloquet Junior High School students : and a comparison of mass communication interests of Indian students in four Minnesota schools . Unpublished doctoral dissertation, U.S. Dept. of Health, Education & Welfare, Office of Education, Educational Resources Information Center//University of Minnesota, Washington, D.C.  ERIC reports.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 10827817
Abstract: A comparison of mass communication interests of Indian students in four Minnesota schools.

3621.   Urness, C. (1996). The Ojibwa of Western Canada, 1780 to 1870 - Peers,L. Western Historical Quarterly, 27(2), 232-233.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search

3622.   Valentine, J. R. (1995). Ojibwe dialect relationships. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Texas at Austin.
Abstract: This dissertation presents a study of dialect relationships in Ojibwe, an Algonquian language spoken in the Great Lakes region of the United States and widely throughout Canada, from Quebec to Alberta. A collection of phonological, morphological, and lexical features are mapped, and their distributions analyzed. Dialects analyzed include Saulteaux, Chippewa (Southwestern Ojibwa), Odawa (Ottawa), Eastern Ojibwe, Northwestern Ojibwe, Severn Ojibwe, Nipissing, and Algonquin. Transitional areas are also described. Dialects are shown to fall into two broad general groupings, a northern and a southern, each showing distinctive innovations. The relationship of Ojibwe to two of its Algonquian congeners, Cree and Potawatomi, is also examined. Lexical relationships between dialects are examined for both pre-contact and post-contact relationships, and the general historical account of the expansion of the Ojibwe west is shown to be accurate on the basis of the distribution of linguistic features.

3623.   Valentine, L. P. (1994). Code Switching and Language Leveling - Use of Multiple Codes in a Severn Ojibwe Community. International Journal of American Linguistics, 60(4), 315-341.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Source: UnCover database (Aug 1999)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search
Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999 search
Abstract: A study of code switching from Ojibwe to Cree and between Ojibwe and English in the Severn Ojibwe community of Lynx Lake gives valuable detail about the local society and the influence of Cree and English languages on Severn dialects. Code switching takes place on various levels such as morphological and lexical for several purposes such as to interrupt a talk or to make things clear. The study is based on monologic discourses given by two people, which include a report given by the radio band chief and two lectures given by a Native American archdeacon.

3624.   Valentine, L. P. (1992). "Native" religion in a Severn Ojibwe community: voices from the inside, voices from the outside. Culture, 12(2), 39-62.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3625.   Valentine, L. P. (1992). Voix de nulle part: le pouvoir négocié dans les causeries radiophoniques chez les Ojibway de la rivière Severn (note de recherche). Anthropologie Et Sociétés [Quebec], 16(3), 103-119.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3626.   Valentine, L. P. (1990). 'Work to create the future you want': contemporary discourse in a Severn Ojibwe community (Native American, code-switching, Ontario). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Texas at Austin.
Abstract: This research provides an empirically-based, synchronic overview of an Amerindian village in northern Ontario, Canada, currently undergoing rapid social change. Using a discourse-centered approach to ethnography, this study illustrates ways in which a society is indexed through its discourse, and how changes in society affect language use. It is both an ethnography of speaking and an ethnography through speaking. The primary data collected for this research were naturally-occurring discourses, most of which were presented by members of the Native community for the Native community itself. The topics covered in the dissertation are diverse, ranging from communication technologies, to code switchingbetween Ojibwe, Cree and English, to literacy in both Cree syllabics and standard English, to the intersection of language and music, and to a formal analysis of two narrative genres. These topics were selected as representative of the major linguistic forms found in the community--forms which are inextricably bound to the cultural context and social institutions of the Kingfisher Lake community.  Because of its unique brand of self-determinism, the Severn Ojibwe community of Kingfisher Lake stands as a model for other Native communities, demonstrating that cultural change and the adoption of modern technology need not mean that a people lose either their Native identity or their language. Rather, the people of Kingfisher Lake demonstrate a remarkable ability to integrate new ideas and technology into their Native lifestyles.

3627.   Van Cleve, C. O., Mrs. (1870). A reminiscence of Ft. Snelling (concerning the Sioux and Chippewa Indians). Coll. of the Minnesota Hist. Soc., III(1), 76-81.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3628.   van de Sande, A. (1995). The measurement of effective parenting in Native communities (Native Americans) . Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Wilfrid Laurier University (Canada).
Abstract: Jane Johnston Schoolcraft has been treated historically as the first wife of Indian Agent and ethnologist Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, while her position as the first known Metis woman poet and short story writer to participate in the Euro-American publishing tradition has been completely ignored. This thesis looks at the literary and personal lives of Jane Johnston Schoolcraft by recreating the cultural context in which Metis women of the Old Northwest were taught Euro-American ideals of literature and femininity in the decline of the fur trade in the first half of the nineteenth-century. It also looks at Henry Schoolcraft's adherence to the notions of 'savagism' and his influences on her writing. The study finds that Jane Schoolcraft embraced the nineteenth-century Euro-American 'cult of true womanhood' ideology. This and a desire to interpret Ojibway culture favorably to Euro-Americans were her primary motivations for producing written literature.

3629.   Van Dyke, A. (1992). Questions of the Spirit: Bloodlines in Louise Erdrich's Chippewa Landscape˜. Studies in American Indian Literatures : Newsletter ..., 4(1), 15.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)

3630.   Van Eck, L. J. (1995). Ojibway Tales, Tales of the Anishinaubaek  (book reviews). The American Indian Quarterly, 19(4), 593 (2).
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999 search [book review]
Abstract: In these two works, Basil Johnston introduces readers to the world of the Ojibway, past and present. The culture is defined through its sense of humor and through Its cosmology.
Ojibway Tales is a gem of a book. It celebrates the Ojibway sense of humor, irony with a dash of slapstick, in a series of well-crafted vignettes about the lives of the Moose Meat Point Ojibway." The Moose Meaters, who reside near Blunder Bay in Ontario, are resourceful, straightforward, and earnestly eager to fit in and it is these very characteristics that cause them considerable confusion in their dealings with the surrounding European-based culture
Moose Meat Point residents quietly, for the most part, in a hybrid culture comprised of patchwork pieces of their own ancient traditions and "modern" North American social conventions. These are sometimes awkwardly stitched together by misunderstanding, forming an irregular pattern. The Moose Meaters make heroic attempts to interpret the white man's ways into their own cultural context but usually end up demonstrating just how alien the two world views are to each other.
Throughout this book we see the Moose Meaters' valiant efforts to assimilate (a goal they have been heavily encouraged to pursue); but their attempts are thwarted at every turn by a dominant culture that, from the Moose Meat point to view, just doesn't make sense. For example, when old Kitug-Aunquot finally converts to Christianity in "Secular Revenge," he is puzzled and affronted by the change in attitude displayed by the priest:
No longer was the priest amiable, conciliatory, and compassionate as he had been; now he was hostile, dictatorial, and dispassionate. Kitug-Aunquot began to regret his decision.
How the old man, who is entitled to respect for his years within his own culture, responds to the unreasonable demands of white authority is a hilarious tale involving sawdust, baloney, and a bit of sympathetic magic.
"Indian Smart, Moose Smart" is a humorous look at man's attempts to harness nature; "Big Business" gives a glimpse of the Ojibway entrepreneur; "Don't Call Me to Name" is a sly, bittersweet considerations of the limitations of racial bigotry; and "A Sign of the Times" tells us all we need to know about interacting with bureaucracies. In all, there are 23 of these wry commentaries, each dealing with a different aspect of the Moose Meaters' ongoing battle of wits with the culture around them.
The author notes that these stories are all true. They are also all enormously entertaining.
Tales of the Anishinaubaek is a completely different kind of work, intended more for the reader who is familiar with Anishinaubaek/Ojibway culture and its distinctive rhythms. The oral tradition of the Anishinaubaek is well represented here, with tales of mermaids (who can steal your soul) and the wendigo, the giant ice cannibal who haunts the winter wilderness.
In the first of the nine legends translated from the Anishinaubae by Basil Johnston, we learn how the Anishinaubaek came to live where they now are after long wanderings across the continent. This is a theme that will be familiar to students of oral tradition, both in Native North America and other parts of the world. In these ancient times, animal helpers could speak to the people and would lend assistance if approached properly. The Anishinaubaek odyssey is led by two fish, a fox, a buffalo, and a mountain goat before the people finally encounter Nanabush, the culture hero of this people, who directs them to their proper home, "that beautiful land where the wild animals abound - deer, rabbits, moose, fish - where fish are abundant, and berries as well". Of course, that place is the place from which they started.
The remaining eight tales were told by Sam Ozawamik of the Wikwemikong First Nations Reserve in Ontario and translated by the author. In these tales we meet mermaids and monsters, medicine people and mythic heroes. Universal themes continue to be sounded. "The Shining Plant" tells of a man who pursues his dead wife's spirit, seeking to return her to life. In "Medicine Woman," a woman who fails to follow the directions of one wiser than herself suffers the consequences in a way that reminds one of Lot's wife.
All of these stories are beautifully illustrated with the flowing line art of Maxine Noel, or Ioyan Mani, of the Birdtail First Nations Reserve in Manitoba. The brightly colored plates of her work are, in themselves, fascinating studies in Native American symbolism, providing a harmonious counterpoint to the rhythm of the tales they accompany.
Both these works are successful efforts in their different ways. Ojibway Tales makes the world of the modern-day Ojibway accessible to those with little or no experience with Native Americans. For those who are more familiar with the culture, the stories evoke memories of family evenings when father and uncles spun tales that made us all chuckle at the foibles of the world around us.
Tales of the Anishinaubaek takes a much more serious tone with its stories of the distant past. These are the stories to be told to children by their grandparents during the long winter nights, the tales that explain the world and our place in it. Basil Johnston is to be commended for providing these diverse glimpses into the culture of the Ojibway.

3631.   van Gennep, A. (1960). The rites of passage. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Notes: Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)

3632.   Van Gilder, D. (1982). History and development of American Indian tribal legal systems . [U.S.] : Van Gilder, David.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 41743073

3633.   Van Kirk, S. (1983). Many tender ties, women in fur trade society, 1670-1870.  University of Oklahoma Press.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
uses meticulous archival documentation to deal sympathetically with the Métis marriage ties to the fur traders.

3634.   Van Laan, N., & Bowen, B. Shingebiss: An Ojibwe Legend .
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999 search
Abstract: Gr. 3-4, younger for reading aloud. in this picture book for older readers, Kabibona'kan, Winter Maker, seems determined to let Shingebiss, a merganser duck, freeze to death. But even though the plucky bird has only four logs to warm his lodge during the winter months, he is still able to stand strong against his great opponent. The names in this Ojibwe legend may be hard for children to pronounce, and the story contains references to a time frame that's different than our calendar year. Despite that, readers and listeners will enjoy the story and identify with Shingebiss' courage and absolute determination to outlast hard times. Bowen's woodcuts extend the text, heightening the difference between the story's setting and our own times. A glossary, source notes, and some engrossing information on how the illustrations were executed are included. [book review: Karen Morgan in Booklist (July 1997:93(21), p 1820)]

3635.   . (1940). J. Van Oosten, 1891-, & H. J. Deason (U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service), A preliminary survey of the commercial fisheries and fishery resources of the Red Lakes, Beltrami and Clearwater Counties, Minnesota  .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search).  Caption title. "The field investigation was conducted from August 23 to September 10, 1938" on behalf of the Bureau of Fisheries (leaf 34) later known as the Fish and Wildlife Service.

3636.   Van Stone, J. W. (1965). The changing culture of the Snowdrift Chipewyan. Ottawa: Department of the Secretary of State.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XIII (1969:178)

3637.   Vanderburgh, R. M. (1982). Tradition and transition in the lives of Ojibwa women. Resources For Feminist Research /Documentation Sur La Recherche Feministe, 11(2), 218-219.
Notes: Source: Women’s Resources International [University of Minnesota online database--Women's Studies Database], August 29, 1999 search

3638.   Vanderburgh, R. M. (1990). Nishnawbekwe: a century of change (Ontario, Canada, Native Americans). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Pennsylvania.
Abstract: This research provides an empirically-based, synchronic overview of an Amerindian village in northern Ontario, Canada, currently undergoing rapid social change. Using a discourse-centered approach to ethnography, this study illustrates ways in which a society is indexed through its discourse, and how changes in society affect language use. It is both an ethnography of speaking and an ethnography through speaking. The primary data collected for this research were naturally-occurring discourses, most of which were presented by members of the Native community for the Native community itself. The topics covered in the dissertation are diverse, ranging from communication technologies, to code switchingbetween Ojibwe, Cree and English, to literacy in both Cree syllabics and standard English, to the intersection of language and music, and to a formal analysis of two narrative genres. These topics were selected as representative of the major linguistic forms found in the community--forms which are inextricably bound to the cultural context and social institutions of the Kingfisher Lake community.  Because of its unique brand of self-determinism, the Severn Ojibwe community of Kingfisher Lake stands as a model for other Native communities, demonstrating that cultural change and the adoption of modern technology need not mean that a people lose either their Native identity or their language. Rather, the people of Kingfisher Lake demonstrate a remarkable ability to integrate new ideas and technology into their Native lifestyles.

3639.   Vandersluis, C. (1974). Mainly logging : a compilation...  Minneota, MN: Minneota Clinic.
Notes: cited by Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
"Index of lumber camps referred to this volume" and "correctio s and additions": [6] p. inserted. Includes  bibliographies and index. Bourgeois, E. J. Thoughts while strolling.--Morrison, J. G., Jr. Never a dull moment.--Wight, C. L. Reminiscences of a cruiser.

3640.   VaŠcenko, A. V. (1976). Dewdney, S. J. The sacred scroll of the Southern Ojibway. [book review]. Sovetskaja Etnografija, 4, 202-203.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXVII (1985:222)

3641.   Vastokas, J. M. (1984). Interpreting birch bark scrolls. Papers of the Algonquian Conference, 15, 425-444, ill.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3642.   Vattel. Law of Nations.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

3643.   Vaudrin, B. (1981). Tanaina Tales from Alaska.  University of Oklahoma Press.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

3644.   Vecsey, C., & Fisher, J. F. (1984). The Ojibwa creation myth: an analysis of its structure and content. Temenos, 20, 66-100.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXX (1987:201)

3645.   Vecsey, C. (1987). Grassy Narrows Reserve: mercury pollution, social disruption, and natural resources: a question of autonomy. American Indian Quarterly, 11(4), 287-314, ill.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3646.   Vecsey, C. (1984). Midewiwin myths of origin. Papers of the Algonquian Conference, 15, 445-467.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3647.   Vecsey, C. T. (1976). Dewdney, Selwyn H.  The sacred scrolls of the Southern Ojibway. [book review]. American Anthropologist, 78(1), 1620.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXII (1979:257)

3648.   Vecsey, C. T. (1990). Religion in Native North America. Moscow, ID: University of Idaho Press.
Notes: Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)

3649.   Vecsey, C. T. (1978). Traditional Ojibwa religion and its historical changes. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Northwestern University.

3650.   Vecsey, C. T. (1983). Traditional Ojibwa religion and its historical changes. Philadelphia, PA: American Philosophical Society.
Notes: Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)
Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXIX (1986:172)
Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXX (1987:213)

3651.   Veillette, J. J. (1997). The role of late glacial ice streaming in the deglaciation of James Bay. GEOGR PHYS QUATERN , 51(2), 141-161.
Notes: Source: http://www.webofscience.com/CIW.cgi -- subject search on all indexes, Fall 1999

3652.   Venne, E. (1912). Facts about the Chippewas. Red Man, 4(7), 296.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3653.   Vennum, T. (1973). Constructing the Ojibwa Dance drum. Wisconsin Archeologist, 54(4), 162-174.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3654.   (1989).  [Recording]. St. Paul : Minnesota Historical Society Press.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search). ... accession: 20804176, accession: 20584696, accession: 25886622.
Abstract: Sung in Ojibwa or English. Compiled by Thomas Vennum, Jr. Booklet containing historical notes and program notes by Thomas Vennum, Jr., and bibliographical references (15 p. : ill. ; 28 cm.) accompanies cassette. Various performers. Early recordings (1899-1910) and more recent field recordings (1971-1988) by Thomas Vennum, Jr., and Philip Nusbaum. Kingbird Singers -- Leech Lake Intertribal -- White Fish Bay Singers -- Ponemah Ramblers -- Red Lake Singers -- Dream song (Kimiwun) -- Woman's dance song (Ponemah Singers)-- Moccasin game song (Swift Flying Feather) -- Moccasin game songs (Fred Benjamin) -- Story song in context, Wenabozho and the ducks (James Littlewolf) -- Love song (Swift Flying Feather) -- Love song (James Littlewolf) -- Love song (James Littlewolf) - - Urban music: "Zogipoon" (Keith Secola) -- Urban music: "Indian car" (Keith Secola).//Issued also as cassette (C-003). Booklet containing historical notes and program notes by Thomas Vennum, Jr., and bibliographical references (15 p. : ill.) inserted in container.

3655.   Vennum, T. Jr. (Alice C. Fletcher Ojibwe Indian recordings). (1991). in Essays in Honor of Frank J. Gillis  (pp. 73-103). Bloomington: Ethnomusicology Publications Group.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3656.   Vennum, T., Jr. (1980). A history of Ojibwa song form. Select Reports in Ethnomusicology, 3(2), 43-75.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXVI (1983:292)

3657.   Vennum, T., Jr. (1983). The Ojibwa dance drum: its history and construction. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXX (1987:253)

3658.   Vennum, T., Jr. (July-Sept). Ojibwa Origin-Migration Songs of the Mitewiwin. Journal of American Folklore, 91, 754.
Notes: Source: cited by Loew, Patty (Fall 1997)

3659.   Vennum, T., Jr. (1975). Southwestern Ojibwa music. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Harvard University.

3660.   Vennum, T., Jr. (1988). Wild rice and the Ojibway people. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXXIV (1992:58)
Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
Source: University of Minnesota Biological & Agricultural Index [electronic database], Fall 1999 search

3661.   Vitt, D. H., & Slack, N. G. (1984). Niche Diversification of Sphagnum Relative to Environmental Factors in Northern Minnesota Usa Peatlands. Canadian Journal of Botany , 62(7), 1409-1430.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: The peatlands sampled in this study are located in northern Minnesota and include 32 stands positioned in 7 sites in the Red Lake peatland and Lake Itasca areas.  Surface water chemistry ranges from pH values of 4.6 to 7.4, with corrected conductivity of 53 to 476 .mu.ohms cm-1 and Ca of 6.9 to 44.5 ppm.  Six broad physiognomic landscape units are delimited based on quantitative analysis of the vegetation; these range from ombrotrophic ovoid islands to strongly minerotrophic forested fens.  These landscape units can best be further divided or themselves characterized by the dominant Sphagnum spp.  Calculations of niche breadth across 8 microhabitat axes and niche overlap for 4 microhabitat axes (pH, corrected conductivity, height above H2O level and shade) for 13 spp. of Shagnum S. angustifolium, S. centrale.  S. contortum, S. fallax, S. fuscum, S. magellanicum, S. nemoreum, S. papillosum, S. rubellum, S. teres, S. subsecundum, S. warnstortii, S. wulfianum suggest independent species utilization of the gradients.  Among the mire-expanse species, niche breadths become narrower from hollow to hummock along Ca and pH gradients, whereas broadest niche breadths are present for midhummock species along the height gradient.  For the taxonomically close species, S. fallax and S. angustifolium, niche overlap is greatest for conductivity and pH, whereas overlap is least along the height gradient.  Quantification of niche breadth and niche overlap indicates considerable niche diversification along these microhabitat gradients, with individual species interacting independently to different gradients.  These differing niche breadths along several different gradients suggest that these species of Sphagnum are largely equilibrium species, not opportunistic ones.  In general, niche overlap is smaller in mire habitats where an abundance of bryophytes coexist with Sphagnum and highest in mire-expanse situations where Sphagnum is dominant.

3662.   Vizenor, E. J. (1997). Tribal identity and cultural triumph in traditional Anishinabe Indian elders (Native Americans). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Harvard University.
Abstract: The purpose of this thesis is to understand the process by which elders from the White Earth Reservation withstood the coercive attempts to eradicate their language and culture. Based on in-depth, qualitative analysis of six elders, a model explaining the process of cultural triumph over great odds is presented. The results of the study show that the elder's ability to maintain the tribe's traditions in the midst of a coercive educational system was strengthened by a  firm spiritual foundation that wove, into a harmonious whole, themes of biculturalism, an intact traditional social support system, a traditional Anishinabe educational structure, positive coping strategies, and a strong tribal identity. Taken together these five themes comprise the model of 'Cultural Triumph,' a model that explains the positive adaptive outcome of tribal elders.  Recommendations for educational intervention include a culturally relevant education, the employment of elders within the school system, and the preservation of tribal stories as a means of teaching traditional values. Future recommendations for research include the need to cross validate the findings with a larger sample from diverse tribal cultures; to determine if the model holds true for other ethnic groups; to examine, in more detail, the strength of each theme in predicting a favorable outcome; and to conduct cross-cultural comparison studies. Since this thesis is based on confidential interviews with six highly esteemed Anishinabe elders, any uniquely identifying characteristics, traditional Anishinabe honor names, and formal English names have been changed to protect the privacy and confidentiality of the elders, their families and communities.

3663.   Vizenor, G. (1991). Heirs of Columbus. Hanover: Wesleyan University Press/University Press of New England.
Notes: Source: cited by Stuart Christie (Summer 1997)

3664.   Vizenor, G. (1989). Minnesota Chippewa: Woodland Treaties to Tribal Bingo. American Indian Quarterly, 13 (1), 30-57.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3665.   . (1993). G. Vizenor (editor), Narrative Chance: Postmodern Discourse on Native American Indian Literatures . Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
Notes: Source: cited by Stuart Christie (Summer 1997)

3666.   (1972). Minnesota State Dept. of Education, St. Paul. Indian Section.
Notes: ERIC NO: ED120444
Abstract: Opportunities Unlimited is a State-wide program to provide adult basic education (ABE) and training for Indians on Minnesota reservations and in Indian communities. An administrative center in Bemidji serves communities on the Red Lake, White Earth, and Leech Lake Reservations, and a Duluth center provides ABE and training for communities on the Grand Portage, Nett Lake, Fond du Lac, and Mille Lacs Reservations. The program is directed toward providing basic skills, communication skills and information for effective functioning in society, individualized instruction based on immediate need, and increased employment potential. Community instructional aides were responsible for the initial community contacts and organization of the classes. The most frequently requested courses were driver education and ABE in preparation for the high school equivalency test. During the three-year program, 375 adults passed the high school equivalency test, and 745 adults passed their driver's test. Three hundred people were unemployed before taking the high school equivalency test compared to 26 unemployed after passing the test. Courses in Anishinabe (Chippewa and Ojibway languages) were not generally successful due to a lack of experienced instructors and materials. Child care and transportation arrangements were often necessary for student participation. (EA)

3667.   Vizenor, G. (1990). Socioacupuncture: Mythic Reversals and the Striptease in Four Scenes. R. Ferguson, M. Gever, & T. T. Minh-Ha (editors), Out There: Marginalization and Contemporary Culture . Cambridge: MIT Press.
Notes: Source: cited by Stuart Christie (Summer 1997)

3668.   Vizenor, G. (1993). Summer in the Spring: Anishinaabe Lyric Poems & Stories.  University of Oklahoma Press.
Notes: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

3669.   Vizenor, G., & Bjoen Sletto. (1993). Our Land: Anishinabe. Native Peoples, v 6 (n 3 ), 32 .
Notes: Source: UnCover database (Aug 1999)
Abstract: A professor at the University of California at Berkely and an enrolled member of the White Earth Chippewa Reservation in Minnesota, Gerald Vizenor joins with professional free-lance photographer Bjorn Sletto to offer poetic imagery of the seasons.

3670.   Vizenor, G. R. (1971). The Anishinabe. Indian Historian, 4(4), 16-18.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3671.   Vizenor, G. R. (1981). Earthdivers: tribal narratives on mixed descent. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Notes: Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)

3672.   Vizenor, G. R. (1972). The everlasting sky: new voices from the people named the Chippewa. New York: Crowell-Collier Press//Macmillan Publishing Company, Incorporated.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)

3673.   Vizenor, G. R. (1984). The people named the Chippewa: narrative histories. Aug 1984: University of Minnesota Press.
Notes: Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)
Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

3674.   Vizenor, G. R. (1981). Summer in the spring: Ojibwe lyric poems and tribal stories. Minneapolis, MN: Nodin Press.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXVIII (1985:244)

3675.   Vizenor, G. R. (1966). Wild rice today--the mystique of mahnomen. Twin Citian Magazine.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers (1967:103), "Bibliography"

3676.   Vizenor, G. R., 1934- . (1965). A brief historical study and general content description of a newspaper published on the White Earth Indian Reservation in Becker County Minnesota . Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 3879420

3677.   Vizenor, G. R., 1934- , & Molin, P. F. (1986). Laurel Hole In the Day. Roots, 14(3), special issue, "On the Reservation".
Notes: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 13709117
Abstract: Title from cover. Coming home / by Carolyn Gilman -- "Places where I've lived" / by Paulette Fairbanks Molin -- Laurel Hole In the Day / by Gerald Vizenor -- Portrait of Red Lake / photos by Charles Brill -- Digging deeper, branching out / by Stephen Sandell

3678.   Voegelin, C. F., & Bloomfield, L. (1993). Correspondence in Ojibwa. Anthropological Linguistics, 35(1-4), 399.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3679.   . (1974). E. W. Voegelin, & H. HickersonThe Red Lake and Pembina Chippewa . New York: Garland Publishing Co.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXI (1978:176)

3680.   . (1974). E. W. VoegelinAn ethnohistorical report on the Wyandot, Potawatomi, Ottawa and Chippewa of northwest Ohio . New York: Garland Publishing Co.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXI (1978:176)
Abstract: "Before the Indian Claims Commission, docket nos. 13-F, et al."

3681.   . (1974). E. W. Voegelin, D. B. Stout, R. M. Warner, L. J. Groesbeck, & H. H. TannerAn anthropological report on Indian use and occupancy of northern Michigan . New York: Garland Publishing Co.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXI (1978:176)
Abstract: Ethnohistorical report on the Sawinaw Chippewa by David B. Stout.  Economic and historical report on northern Michigan by Robert M. Warner.  Historical report on the Sault Ste. Marie area by Robert M. Warner and Lois J. Groesbeck.  The Chippewa of eastern lower Michigan by Helen Hornbeck Tanner.

3682.   Vogel, J. N. (1990). Great Lakes lumber on the great plains: the Liard, Norton Lumber Company in South Dakota (Laird Norton Lumber Company, Minnesota). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Marquette University.
Abstract: The Great Plains lacked the resource settlers required to create a built environment that met their cultural needs. That resource was  lumber. Late nineteenth century migration to the Plains occurred concurrently with growth in the Great Lakes lumber industry. The Plains needed lumber and the lumber industry needed a market. This study accepts the thesis suggested by many lumber industry historians, that Great Lakes lumber reached the Plains. But no single study has isolated a region of the Plains and looked at the origins, distribution, or impact of the lumber that arrived there. This study isolates a portion of the Plains, east central South Dakota, as well as a Great Lakes lumber producing region, Wisconsin's Chippewa Valley. It examines the pattern and process by which lumber reached and was distributed in South Dakota. The Great Dakota Boom, 1878 to 1887, and the Laird, Norton Lumber Company, Winona, Minnesota, provide the focus for this study. The pattern of Laird, Norton's lumber distribution in Dakota indicates that lumber companies needed railroads to enter a territory before they did.  Laird, Norton then followed settlers across southern Dakota as they arrived on the trains. The eastern portions of Dakota were settled first, thus the early lumber yards were found there. As settlement moved west, so did the lumber yards. In the process older yards in the east were closed. As for the process by which it sold lumber in Dakota, Laird, Norton hired agents, it minimized advertising costs, and insisted that lumber be sold only for cash. The company also resolved competitive situations with pools and price fixing, it obtained regular independent customers, and it attempted to keep its yards and independent customers well stocked. The Great Dakota Boom expired between 1886 and 1889. But prior to itsdemise, Laird, Norton and its competitors sent millions, of board feet of lumber to Dakota. The result was the region's first built environment. Indeed, the result establishes that, at least for the regions studied, Great Lakes lumber reached, and had a substantial impact on the Great Plains.

3683.   Vogel, R. C. (Robert Carl), 1952- , & Stanley, D., 1951- . (1991). Portage trails in Minnesota, 1630s- 1870s. Saint Paul, Minn.  Minnesota Historical Society, State Historic Preservation Office.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 26444082
Abstract: Title from caption. Principal investigators, Robert C. Vogel and David G. Stanley- - Cf. p. [33]. "National Register of Historic Places Multiple Property Documentation Form." Includes bibliography.

3684.   Vosy-Bourbon, H., & Cooper, J. M. (1929). Études de John M. Cooper. Société Des Américanistes De Paris. Journal, XX, 407.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3685.   Waddell, J. O. (1985). Malhiot's journal: an ethnohistorical assessment of Chippewa alcohol behavior in the early nineteenth century. Ethnohistory, 32(3), 246-268, ill.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XXX (1987:57)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3686.   Wah-Be-Gwo-Nese . (1972). Ojibwa Indian Legends.  Northern Michigan University Press.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

3687.   Wain, J. L. (1994). Playing the middle: where literature meets performance in Tomson Highway's 'Rez' plays (Native Culture). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Dalhousie University (Canada).
Abstract: The printed text is the springboard into the world of the modern play. Words are the middle ground, a place where literature and performance, readers and actors, meet. In The Rez Sisters (1988) and Dry Lips Oughta Move to Kapuskasing (1989), playwright Tomson Highway uses words as a meeting ground between white and Native cultures. Sometimes this meeting is confrontational. Highway says that Cree, his language, is genderless, visceral, and humorous. The Ojibway and Cree characters in his plays, however, mostly speak English. The underlying text is how Highway'sassertion translates into the language of the dominant culture. He seems to say that the imposition of white language and culture on Native language and culture has skewed the translation. By mixing Cree and English in his plays, Highway also suggests the possibility of a new, third language. This third language provides a path of communication from predominantly Cree speakers to predominantly English speakers--both on the reserve and in the audience. Nanabush, the Trickster in Cree and Ojibway spirituality, punctuates the central problem of language in both plays. She/he is a predominantly visual catalyst for the characters' dialogue on gender, Native spirituality, and the uneasy juxtaposition of white culture on Native culture. While sometimes providing comic relief, Nanabush is more frequently Highway's vehicle for satirizing white culture.

3688.   Waisberg, L. G., & Holzkamm, T. E. (1993). "A Tendency to discourage them from cultivating": Ojibwa agriculture and Indian Affairs Administration in northwestern Ontario. Ethnohistory, 40(2), 175-211.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search
Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)

3689.   Waisberg, L. G., & Holzkamm, T. E. (1994). "Their country is tolerably rich in furs": the Ojibwa fur trade in the boundary waters region 1821-71. Papers, Algonquian Conference, 25, 493-513.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3690.   Wakefield, S. F. (1997). Six Weeks in the Sioux Tepees: A Narrative of Indian Captivity.  University of Oklahoma Press.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

3691.   . (1970). P. A. Wakil (editor), Kinship in Canada  . Saskatoon: P.A. Wakil.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search)
Abstract: "Strictly for classroom use. Not to be sold or otherwise used commercially under any circumstances" The extended family in a working-class area of Hamilton / by Peter C. Pineo -- French Canadian kinship and urban life / Philip Garigue -- Kin-networks in a Newfoundland peasant society / by John Szwed -- Family and kinship among the Saulteaux / by M. Shimpo & R. Williamson -- The Eskimo family and household / Shmuel Ben-Dor.

3692.   Waldron, M. M. The Indian Health Question. Lake Mohonk Conference .
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

3693.   Walker, D. E. Jr. (1978). Indians of Idaho.  University of Idaho Press.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)

3694.   Walker, J. M. (1977). Congenital Hip Disease in a Cree-Ojibwa Population: a Retrospective Study. Cmaj., 116(5), 501-504.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: Retrospective study of data from annual surveys and hospital records over 23 years confirmed the 1950 report of a high prevalence of congenital hip disease (CHD) in the Cree-Ojibwa population of Island Lake, Man. Annual ascertainment rates ranged from 35 to 600 cases per 1000 live births; 5-year rates for dislocation or subluxation were the highest reported for any population. The minimally declining rates of CHD may reflect upgrading in criteria for hip abnormality as well as decreasing isolation and increasing outbreeding of the population. The preponderance of females (female:male ratio, 1.90:1) was low compared with that found in other studies. For all diagnoses bilateral hip involvement exceeded unilateral in frequency; laterality differences were not significant when the sexes were studied separately. Function in everyday activities was impaired little.  (Abstract by: Author)

3695.   Walker, L. J. (1959). Legends of Green Sky Hill. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. V (1961:5020)

3696.   Walker, T. B. (Thomas Barlow), 1840-1928. (1909). Descriptive catalogue with reproductions of life-size bust portraits of famous Indian chiefs, great medicine men, notable Indian warriors and renowned explorers, scouts and guides ; with an authentic biographical sketch of each subject and a brief history of the Indian tribes which they represent. Exhibited in the Minnesota pioneers' portrait galleries, State fair grounds . Minneapolis: Press of Hahn & Harmon co.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 6076669

3697.   Wallace, K. L. (1999). Myth and metaphor, archetype and individuation: a study in the work of Louise Erdrich. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles.
Abstract: Like the work of other writers who have been excluded from the American mainstream, Louise Erdrich's novels are resistant in nature. The dissertation considers each novel in Erdrich's tetralogy, Love Medicine, The Beet Queen, Tracks, and The Bingo Palace, examining the parameters of indianness and the ways in which those parameters are a response to the construction of the indian in American letters. It de-exoticizes Erdrich's work, focusing not on her work as cultural artifact, marginalized and romanticized, but on Erdrich's significance and skill as an American novelist. Erdrich demonstrates the resilience and plasticity of traditional communities and their place as part of a U.S. national identity. Duane Champagne's model for comparative analysis and Jungian analytic psychology provide a theoretical framework. Champagne's paradigm assumes the agency of colonized groups and their periodic, even predictable, reassertions of, if not autonomy, at least  self-definition. A means by which to voice discontent, the novel as a  form is inherently resistant and disruptive. The genre thus lends itself to Champagne's assertion that colonial hegemony is unstable and that it suffers from ruptures occasioned by the survival, and concomitant discontent, of the Fourth World. Champagne advocates a language of criticism with which to analyze communities with dissimilar histories of colonization, one that, nevertheless, identifies consequences common to each. Similarly, Jung's theory of the archetype allows me to discuss Erdrich's work in terms more complex and sophisticated than those often limited to the indian (or Other) exclusively. In conjunction, these theories enable a discussion of Erdrich as an American writer, as part of a clear and unique novelistic tradition, without precluding an analysis of those qualities that make her work specifically Chippewa. Thus, it concludes that Erdrich's narrative voice emerges as one that is discretely mixedblood, or Metis. Erdrich's work, rather than being accessible  to only a few, may be understood from a perspective that emphasizes its ritual and mythical nature without demanding an in-depth knowledge or comprehension of uniquely Chippewa views.

3698.   Wallace, K. L. (1999). Myth and metaphor, archetype and individuation: a study in the work of Louise Erdrich. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles.
Abstract: Like the work of other writers who have been excluded from the American mainstream, Louise Erdrich's novels are resistant in nature. The dissertation considers each novel in Erdrich's tetralogy, Love Medicine, The Beet Queen, Tracks, and The Bingo Palace, examining the parameters of indianness and the ways in which those parameters are a response to the construction of the indian in American letters. It de-exoticizes Erdrich's work, focusing not on her work as cultural artifact, marginalized and romanticized, but on Erdrich's significance and skill as an American novelist. Erdrich demonstrates the resilience and plasticity of traditional communities and their place as part of a U.S. national identity. Duane Champagne's model for comparative analysis and Jungian analytic psychology provide a theoretical framework. Champagne's paradigm assumes the agency of colonized groups and their periodic, even predictable, reassertions of, if not autonomy, at least self-definition. A means by which to voice discontent, the novel as a form is inherently resistant and disruptive. The genre thus lends itself to Champagne's assertion that colonial hegemony is unstable and that it suffers from ruptures occasioned by the survival, and concomitant discontent, of the Fourth World. Champagne advocates a language of criticism with which to analyze communities with dissimilar histories of colonization, one that, nevertheless, identifies consequences common to each. Similarly, Jung's theory of the archetype allows me to discuss Erdrich's work in terms more complex and sophisticated than those often limited to the indian (or Other) exclusively. In conjunction, these theories enable a discussion of Erdrich as an American writer, as part of a clear and unique novelistic tradition, without precluding an analysis of those qualities that make her work specifically Chippewa. Thus, it concludes that Erdrich's narrative voice emerges as one that is discretely mixedblood, or Metis. Erdrich's work, rather than being accessible to only a few, may be understood from a perspective that emphasizes its ritual and mythical nature without demanding an in-depth knowledge or comprehension of uniquely Chippewa views.

3699.   Walsh, D. M., & Braley, A. (1994). Indianness of Louis Erdrich's The Beet Queen: latency as presence. American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 18(3), 1-17.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3700.   Walsh, R. (1998). Wild and wilder. (wild rice). Natural History, 107(7), 82 (4).
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999 search
Abstract: Wild rice, an American' popular cereal, is the only cereal well-documented for food uses. The Ojibway Indians still harvest the wild rice, which grows in Mallard Lake and other lakes and rivers of Minnesota. It is harvested in a deliberately inefficient manner by two people who work together in a canoe. The crop is shrinking because of the introduction of excess nutrients to the water, boat traffic, and pollution.

3701.   Walter Butler Company, & Minnesota. Division of Minerals. (1978). Peat utilization and the Red Lake Indian Reservation . [St. Paul] : Distributed by the State of Minnesota, Dept. of Natural Resources.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 4123709
Abstract: "This Technical Assistance Study was accomplished by professional consultants under contract with the Minnesota Department of Natural Resources." "The work represented by this report was conducted in 1977 and 1978 under the terms of Requisition Number 13657 by and between the State of Minnesota, Department of Natural Resources and the Walter Butler Company, 175 Aurora Avenue, St. Paul, Minnesota 55103." Minn. doc. no. 78-0376. Includes bibliography.

3702.   Walworth, E. H. (Ellen Hardin), 1858-1932. (1890). The life and times of Kateri Tekakwitha the  Lily of the Mohawks. 1656-1680. Buffalo: P. Paul & brother.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (Fall 1999 search)

3703.   Ward-Callaghan, L. (1995). Manabozho's Gifts: Three Chippewa Tales (book reviews). Booklist, 91(14), 1324 (1).
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999 search
Abstract: Gr. 4-7 younger for reading aloud. Incorporating elements from Algonquin, Menominee, and Ojibwa legends, Greene introduces the shape-shifter hero Manabozho, known as Nanbozho, Hiawatha, or Manabush in similar tales. The philosophy of living in harmony with nature that is central to Manabozho's adventures combines the appeal of pourquoi tales, magic, and talking animals. In these three stories, Manabozho becomes a rabbit to bring fire to his people, learns to cultivate wild rice during a vision quest, and restores the balance of nature when the animals ignore the disappearing wild rose. Complemented by dramatic black-and-white stylized illustrations, reminiscent of scratchboard or woodcuts, Greene's adaptations are accessible to independent readers yet contain evocative phrasing that marks them as good read-alouds for any age group. The bibliography and source notes provide both young and adult readers with material to extend their study of Manabozho.
Full Text COPYRIGHT American Library Association 1995

3704.   (1973). Washington, D.C.: Commission on Civil Rights.
Notes: ERIC NO: ED086428
Abstract: The handbook helps American Indians and Alaskan Natives learn about their rights under the Bureau of Indian Affairs General Assistance (GA) welfare program. This program is run by the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) and is only for Alaskan Natives and Indians in 15 states: Alaska, Arizona, Colorado (Southern Ute Reservation only), Idaho, Minnesota (Red Lake Reservation only), Mississippi, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Mexico, North Carolina, North Dakota, Oklahoma, South Dakota, and Wyoming. The handbook tells the reader where to look in the GA part of the BIA Manual, Section 3.1, to find the rights mentioned in the handbook. It also tells the number of the Bureau's rule on a subject for further reference. This handbook covers 5 main areas with subtopics: (1) welfare programs and definitions; (2) who can get GA and how to get it; (3) GA payments; (4) BIA decisions, records, and appeals; and (5) other programs, such as food programs and legal advice. (FF)

3705.   Ward, M. B. (1971). Caughnawaga yesterday and today : curriculum unit for grade two . La Macaza, Que.  Thunderbird Press.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (Fall 1999 search), At head of title: Social studies. On cover: Caughnawaga Curriculum Development Project. Half-title: Curriculum unit prepared and published by the  Native North American Studies Institute, Manitou College for  the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development. For use in schools. Bibliography: leaf 10.  Montour, Doris K. Caughnawaga Curriculum Development Project. Native North American Studies Institute. Manitou Community College, La Macaza, Que. Canada. Dept. of Indian Affairs and Northern  Development.

3706.   Ward, R. H., Redd, A., Valencia, D., Frazier, B., & Paabo, S. (1993). Genetic and Linguistic Differentiation in the Americas. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 90(22), 10663-10667.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: The relationship between linguistic differentiation and evolutionary affinities was evaluated in three tribes of the Pacific Northwest. Two tribes (Nuu-Chah-Nulth and Bella Coola) speak Amerind languages, while the language of the third (Haida) belongs to a different linguistic phylum-Na-Dene. Construction of a molecular phylogeny gave no evidence of clustering by linguistic affiliation, suggesting a relatively recent ancestry of these linguistically divergent populations. When the evolutionary affinities of the tribes were evaluated in terms of mitochondrial sequence diversity, the Na-Dene-speaking Haida had a reduced amount of diversity compared to the two Amerind tribes and thus appear to be a biologically younger population. Further, since the sequence diversity between the two Amerind-speaking tribes is comparable to the diversity between the Amerind tribes and the Na-Dene Haida, the evolutionary divergence within the Amerind linguistic phylum may be as great as the evolutionary divergence between the Amerind and Na-Dene phyla. Hence, in the New World, rates of linguistic differentiation appear to be markedly faster than rates of biological differentiation, with little congruence between linguistic hierarchy and the pattern of evolutionary relationships. [References: 28]

3707.   Warner, J. A. (1990). Nature and Spirit in Contemporary Native Manitoba Painting. American Indian Art Magazine, 15(2), 38.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Abstract: Illustrates and discusses the paintings of three groups of Ojibwa, Cree and Canadian Sioux artists who are either from or are now living in Manitoba, Canada.

3708.   Warren, W. W. (1957). History of the Ojibwa Nation. Minneapolis: Ross and Haines, Incorporated.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers (1967:103), "Bibliography"

3709.   Warren, W. W. (1885). History of the Ojibway People.
Notes: Source: cited by Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
Source: cited by Loew, Patty (Fall 1997)

3710.   Warren, W. W. (1984). History of the Ojibway People. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Societiy Press.
Notes: Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)
Source: Family Studies Database [University of Minnesota onlinedatabases], August 1999 search
Abstract: Ojibway customs, family life, totemic system, hunting methods, relations with other tribal groups, and with whites are vividly described in this book, which was first published in 1885. The son of a white settler and an Ojibway woman, the author recorded the oral traditions of the Ojibway Indians of the upper Mississippi and Lake Superior regions. Copyright, National Council on Family Relations (NCFR) 1992

3711.   . (1885). W. W. WarrenHistory of the Ojibways  (pp. 21-394).
Notes: Source: bibliography in Ritzenthaler and Ritzenthaler (1970)

3712.   Warren, W. W. (1947). Answers to inquiries regarding Chippewas. Minnesota Archaeologist, XIII, 5-21, port.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3713.   Warren, W. W. (1946). A brief history of the Ojibwas. Minnesota Archaeologist, XII, 45-91.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search, "Reprinted from ... "The Minnesota Democrat", February 11, 18, 25, March 4, 11, 25, and April 1, 1851."

3714.   Warren, W. W. (1885). History of the Ojibways, based upon traditions and oral statements. Collections of the Minnesota Hist. Soc,  29-394.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3715.   Warren, W. W. (1852). Oral traditions respecting the history of the Ojibwa nation. H. R. SchoolcraftInformation respecting the history, etc. of the Indian  tribes of the U.S Vol. Part II (pp. 135-167).
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3716.   Warren, W. W. (1946). Sioux and Chippewa wars. Minnesota Archaeologist, XII, 95-107.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3717.   Wasescha, B. E. Comparison of American-Indian, Eskimo, Spanish-American, and Anglo youthful offenders on the Minnesota Counseling Inventory. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, 1971, The University of Utah.

3718.   Washburn, W. E., 1925- . (1966). Symbol, utility, and aesthetics in the Indian fur trade. Minnesota History, 40, 198-202, illus., port., bibliographical footnotes.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 19363332

3719.   Watrous, B. G. (1949). A personality study of Ojibwa children. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Northwestern University.

3720.   Wax, M. (1963). American Indian education as a cultural transaction. Teachers College Record, 64.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers (1967:103), "Bibliography"

3721.   Wax, M., & Wax, R. (1963). Formal education in an Indian community.  Society for the Study of Social Problems, University of South Carolina.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers (1967:103), "Bibliography"

3722.   Wax, M. L. (1991). The ethics of research in American Indian communities. American Indian Quarterly, 15(4), 431-456.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota Bioethics electronic database, Fall 1999 search

3723.   Wax, M. L., 1922- , Wax, R. H., & Bee, R. L. (1965). Indian communities and Project Head Start : summary and observations in the Dakotas and Minnesota . Washington, D.C.  U.S. Office of Economic Opportunity.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 10604790

3724.   "We Can Not Get a Living as We Used To": Dispossession and the White Earth Anishinaabeg, 1889-1920. ( APR 01 1991). Meyer, Melissa L. The American Historical Review, v 96 (n 2 ), 368.
Notes: Source:  UnCover

3725.   Weast, D. E. (1970). Patterns of drinking among Indian youth: the case of a Wisconsin tribe. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Wisconsin--Madison.

3726.   Weatherford, J. (1988). Indian givers: how the Indians of the Americas transformed the world. New York: Crown Publishers, Inc.//Fawcett Columbine.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
Source: Midé bibliography compiled by Sára Kaiser (1997)

3727.   Weberg, H. O. (1963). The role of education in the social, cultural, and economic development of the Indian community . Unpublished doctoral dissertation, St. Cloud State College.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 7827137

3728.   Webster, M. L. (1993). Storm in the Wind. Wild West, 6(2), 26.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Abstract: After fighting the Chippewa at Sugar Point, veterans of the recent Cuban campaign said they "would rather fight the Spaniards than Indains because the former can't run while the Indians can shoot with deadly aim and run."

3729.   Weiant, C. W. (1960). Parapsychology and anthropology. Manas, 13(15), 1-2, 7-8.  14 refs.
Notes: Source: Parapsychology Abstracts International, Jun 1986:52
Abstract: Despite their opportunities to observe seemingly parapsychical phenomena, anthropologists in general have been extremely reserved toward occurences of this sort.  The present status of parapsychology is impressive, and "whre there is so much smoke, there must be some fire."  That the anthropological field may  be a rich one for investigation along thse lines is suggested by a number of seemingly parapsychical occurrences which the author reports, both from his own observations and from those of a number of other outstanding anthropologists of the past and present who have been exceptions to the ultra-conservative attitude.  Anthropologists should  become acquainted with techniques of parapsychological research in order to distinguish the real from the illusory, for if these phenomena are genuine, there are certainly "exciting" implications for anthropology.  "Only a few times in the history of civilization has an intellectual challenge of this magnitude presented itself." --S.R.F./JP

3730.   Weibel-Orlando, J. (1984). Substance Abuse Among American Indian Youth: Continuing Crisis. Journal of Drug Issues, 14(2), 313-335.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: Drug and alcohol abuse among American Indians was reviewed. (73 refs.) (Abstract by D. L. Thompson.)

3731.   Weil, R. H. (1989). Destroying a Homeland: White Earth, Minnesota. American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 13(2), 69-95.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3732.   Weil, R. H. (1987). The loss of lands inside Indian reservations . A Cultural geography of North American Indians  (pp. p. 149-171 : maps ; 23 cm.). Boulder, [Colo.] : Westview Press.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 18891692.  Caption title. Includes bibliographical references.

3733.   Wein, E. E. (1989). Nutrient intakes and use of country foods by Native Canadians near Wood Buffalo National Park. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Guelph (Canada).
Abstract: The estimated frequency of use of 48 country foods (wild animals, birds, fish and berries) was queried for 120 native Canadian (Indian and Metis) households near Wood Buffalo National Park for a one-year period. Households used country food on average 319 occasions per year. Large mammals (mainly moose and caribou) predominated, followed by fish, berries, wild birds, and small mammals. Other than berries, wild plant food was infrequently used. The upper quintile of households reported frequency of country food use at 2$1/over2$ times the average. To examine nutrient intakes and food consumption patterns, four 24-hour recalls were obtained from 178 native males and females 13 to 86 years of age. Mean calcium intakes were low for males and females of all ages, while vitamin A and folate mean intakes were low for middle and older adults, but not for young people. For the group as a whole, the probability of inadequate intakes of calcium was 59%, vitamin A 49% and folate 44%. Compared to infrequent users of country foods, frequent users obtained significantly more protein, iron, phosphorus, riboflavin and niacin, and less fat per 1000 kcal (4180 kJ). Frequent users, however, obtained less calcium per 1000 kcal (4180 kJ). Health beliefs and preferences for 22 country and store-bought foods were examined using a Likert-type rating scale presented in pictorial format. Believed best for health were country meats and fish, and store-bought fruits and vegetables. Highest in preference were moose, bannock, caribou, orange juice and apples. Generational differences in health beliefs were apparent for 9 of 22 foods, and in preference for 8 of 22 foods. The accuracy of recalled portion size was examined separately among 61 northern college students. For 58% of the foods studied, 50% of individual estimates were within 20% of the observed quantities. Hence nutrient intakes of individuals in this study derived by recall should be interpreted with caution. Country foods make an important contribution to nutrient quality of diets of native Canadians in the Wood Buffalo National Park region, especially to diets of middle and older adults, who consume more country food than young people.

3734.   Weinert, T. (1983). Fees and Compensation for Therapy in Foreign Populations. A Contribution to Medical Ethics From the History of Medicine and Ethnomedical Point of View. [German]. Clio Medica, 18(1-4), 113-129.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: The 'Human Relations Area Files' (Yale) have been looked through in respect of the medical data on 220 peoples, tribes or ethnic groups. Concerning our theme data for 162 ethnies (73.6%) were available. In 26 ethnies of 162 ethnies (16%) no compensation has been demanded but in 11 ethnies gifts were accepted. Only 15 ethnies or less than 1/10 do not know any compensation for therapy. Payment is mentioned with 144 ethnies (89%). This outspoken opinion of the Ojibwa near the great lakes of Canada is widespread in the world: 'You can't have anything for nothing'. (1932) In 55 ethnies (34%) a 'very high' fee was paid, with another 47 ethnies (29%) a 'fair' fee was paid, this is altogether about 2/3. In 21 ethnies (13%) only a 'small' fee was paid. With another 30 ethnies (19%) the compensation could not be rated. In 43 ethnies (27%) a fee was paid only in case of success, this is more than 1/4. 12 times deposits are reported, this is especially common in central and southern Africa. 4 times refusal of payment is reported. Recourse (Regress) was positively absent in 9 ethnies but reported with 39 ethnies, this is 1/4 (24%). In 24 ethnies (15%) the recourse turns out sometimes or mostly with the death of the therapist, this is 1/6. This deadly recourse is obviously more common in the New World. Simple recourse or recourse with strokes were reported with 25 ethnies (15%). Because mortal and non-mortal recourses were reported twice with 10 ethnies the total of recourses is 39. Recourse does not depend on any fee at all. In the Middle East and in islamic Africa fees in general are small. There is a tendency towards very high fees in the less civilized ethnic groups. Typical in this respect is an observation in the bushnegroes of Guayana in Latin-America, where with free medical aid the reputation of the (white) doctor dwindles to the mind of everyone (1948).  (Abstract by: Author)

3735.   Weinrath, M. M. T. (1998). Explanations of drunk driving recidivism: an exploratory analysis (sentencing). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Alberta (Canada).
Abstract: This dissertation investigates why people persist in drinking and driving. Possible explanations were derived from specific deterrence, low self-control and strain/stress theories and hypotheses were tested in an integrated, exploratory model using official records (n = 692) and interview data (n = 145) covering the period between 1989-1993. Recidivism was assessed using new convictions and self-report data. Relationships between repeat drunk driving and punishment, traits of low self-control, stress and coping resources were explored in both bivariate and multivariate analyses. My investigation provides some support for the notion that longer sentences will deter drunk driving recidivism. More lenient sentences such as intermittent weekend and fine default did not encourage recidivism. Perceived stress had a moderate effect on the likelihood of repeat drunk driving. Registered Indians were moderately more likely to drink and drive, while Metis did not exhibit greater or lesser recidivism than the general population. Overall, results did not support the general theory of crime. Generally, recidivism rates were lower than this theory predicted. Contrary to predictions of the general theory, 'low self-control' offenders were deterred, and stress did not have a differential impact on them. Coping resources such as education, employment and social support did not appear to reduce recidivism. The strongest and most consistent recidivism predictors involved alcohol consumption. As a crime, drunk driving is not as well-explained by traditional criminological theories as predatory offences are. From a policy perspective, the results of this dissertation suggest that drunk driving would be discouraged in some cases by longer sentences. However, intermittent sentences appear to be used appropriately by the courts for lower risk cases. Treatment programs focussing on stress management, reduced alcohol consumption and specific drinking avoidance strategies are recommended to reduce recidivism.

3736.   Wellmann, K. F. (1978). North American Indian Rock Art and Hallucinogenic Drugs. Journal of the American Medical Association, 239, 1524-1527.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: It is proposed that the aboriginal rock paintings in 2 areas of North America may have been produced by shamans while they were under the influence of hallucinogenic agents derived from plants.

3737.   Wellstone, P. (1994 January). Ojibwe News, p. 1.
Notes: cited by Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
[reprint from Bemidji Pioneer]
 
In this article concerning allegations of casino fraud, reprinted with permission from the Bemidji Pioneer, Wellstone is also quoted, "The concern that some have is that Indian people have a right to know how much money is brought in and spent is absolutely true."

3738.   Welsh, J. D., Cassidy, D., Prigatano, G. P., & Gunn, C. G. (1974). Chronic Hepatic Encephalopathy Treated With Oral Lactose in Patient With Lactose Malabsorption. New England Journal of Medicine, 291, 240-241.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: Oral lactose administration proved beneficial in a 42-year-old American Indian with documented lactose malabsorption who was admitted to a hospital with hepatic encephalopathy.

3739.   Westermeyer, J. (1972). Chippewa and Majority Alcoholism in the Twin Cities: a Comparison. Journal of Nervous & Mental Disease, 155(2), 322-327.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search

3740.   Westermeyer, J. (1972). Options Regarding Alcohol Use Among the Chippewa. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 42(3), 398-403.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search

3741.   Westermeyer, J., & Brantner, J. (1972). Violent Death and Alcohol Use Among the Chippewa in Minnesota. Minnesota Medicine, 55(8), 749-752.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search

3742.   Westermeyer, J. J. (1971). Alcohol related problems among Ojibway people in Minnesota: a social psychiatry study. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.

3743.   Westin, J. E. (1977). [Official handbook for heritage hunters] Finding your roots : how every American can trace his ancestors, at home and abroad . New York: Ballantine Books.
Notes: Includes index. Bibliography: p. 225-228.
cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

3744.   Westwood, C. (Assistant Solicitor).
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995), worked for the B.I.A. at Red Lake

3745.   Weygant, N. (1987). John (Jack) Linklater : legendary Indian game warden . Duluth, Minn.  Priory Books, St. Scholastica Priory.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 17733499. Other: Wirta, Anna.

3746.   . (1994). R. Whaley, W. Bresette, & W. LaDukeWalleye warriors: an effective alliance against racism and for the earth . Philadelphia: New Society Publishers.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XL (1995:176)

3747.   Wheeler, C. J. (1975). The Oxford House pictograph: or the May May Quah Sao are alive and well at Oxford House. Canada. National Museum of Man, Ottawa. Ethnology Division. Paper, 2(28), 699-714.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3748.   Wheeler, G. A., Glaser, P. H., Gorham, E., Wetmore, C. M., Bowers, F. D., & Janssens, J. A. (1983). The Flora of the Red Lake Peatland, Northern Minnesota (USA), With Special Attention to Carex. American Midland Naturalist, 110(1), 62-96, bibl., il.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Source: University of Minnesota Biological & Agricultural Index [electronic database], Fall 1999 search
Abstract: The Red Lake Peatland, situated in north-central Minnesota, is the largest continuous mire in the northern portion of the contiguous United States. It consists of a mixture of ombrotrophic bogs and minerotrophic fens organized into a complex of highly distinctive landforms, including open bogs, wooded bogs, Sphagnum lawns, strings, flarks, fen-pools and wooded islands. The bogs are poor in species and occupy acid sites with water poor in mineral salts; the minerotrophic areas are floristically richer and can be divided into poor- and rich-fen sites. Ditching and roadbuilding in certain portions of the peatland have produced drastic changes in the vegetation and landscape as a result of obstructed water tracks flooding upstream and drying out downstream. The peatland, which occupies a large area of gentle slope and poor drainage, has a flora that is relatively impoverished. In all, 331 plant taxa were recorded from the mire, including 195 vascular plants, 67 bryophytes and 69 lichen taxa. Members of the Cyperaceae account for 23% of the vascular flora, and the largest genus in the mire is Carex with 29 spp. Each landform feature is distinctive in its floristic composition, and the vascular and nonvascular taxa associated with the different physiographic features are discussed. This paper provides an account of Carex in the peatland and discusses the differential response by members of the genus to gradients of nutrition, shading and hydrology. Some carices grow best under acid conditions, thus frequenting ombrotrophic and poor-fen sites, whereas other species grow best in rich-fen sites. Carex spp. useful in separating areas of ombrotrophy from those of poor fen are indicated, as are those carices that serve as obligate rich-fen indicators. The floristic similarities between the Red Lake Peatland and 14 other peatlands in North America and northern Europe are discussed, and the ombrotrophic bog flora of the Red Lake Peatland is compared to the bog floras of the Hudson Bay lowlands and northern Fennoscandia.

3749.   Wheeler Land and Loan Company. (1910). Polk and Red Lake County lands in the famous Red River Valley : lands in Polk, Red Lake and adjoining counties sold on easy terms and at a low rate of interest by Wheeler Land & Loan Co., Crookston, Minnesota. Crookston [Minn.] : Normann Print. Co.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 19214676

3750.   Wheeler-Voegelin, E. (1978). Chippewa Indians V.  Garland Publishing, Incorporated.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

3751.   Wheeler-Voegelin, E. (1942). Notes on Ojibwa-Ottawa pictography. Indiana Academy of Science, Indianapolis. Proceedings, 51, 44-47.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3752.   . (1974). E. Wheeler-Voegelin, 1903- , & H. Hickerson, 1923- The Red Lake and Pembina Chippewa . New York: Garland Pub. Inc.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), Indian Claims Commission docket 18-A, defendant's exhibit 127.
Source: PALS online catalog (October 1999 search)
Bibliography: p. 225-230

3753.   Whelan, M. K. (1987). The archaeological analysis of a nineteenth-century Dakota economy (Sioux, fur trade, Minnesota). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.

3754.   Whelan, M. K. (1988). The archaeological analysis of a nineteenth-century Dakota economy (Sioux, fur trade, Minnesota). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.
Abstract: In this study I examine the faunal assemblage from the Little Rapids Site (21-SC-27), an historic Dakota Indian village located on the Minnesota River approximately 30 miles southwest of Minneapolis. Archaeological excavations conducted in 1980 and 1981 produced a large quantity of materials of European and Native American manufacture, as well as more than 32,000 faunal remains. Using both ethnohistoric information and archaeological data, I investigate the 19th century fur trade relationship between the Dakota people living at Little Rapids and the local Euroamericans working for the American Fur Company. From the historic and ethnographic data I argue that the Dakota Indians were in control of production in both their subsistence economy and in their fur trade dealings with the American Fur Company. In contrast to many descriptions of Indian - White fur trade relations, I suggest that the Dakota set the cultural rules for exchange and also established the level of fur trade production based on their cultural values, which emphasized generosity and redistribution. The role of the American Fur Company, despite John Jacob Astor's best efforts, was primarily one of distributor. The archaeological data from the Little Rapids Site supports these conclusions. Quantitative zooarchaeological techniques were used in the analysis of the faunal assemblage and the results demonstrate that an intact, subsistence economy was functioning at Little Rapids. Fur trade production was limited, and took place during months when traditional subsistence activities would not have been disrupted.

3755.   Whipp, K. (Carleton Univ., Ottawa, Ontario (Canada). School of Social Work). (1988). Traditional and Current Status of Indian Women: Keys to Analysis and Prevention of Wife Battering on Reserves. Carleton Univ., Ottawa, Ontario (Canada). School of Social Work.
Notes: Source: Black Studies Database [University of Minnesota online database] August 1999 search
Abstract: This paper explores the traditional status of Indian women with particular reference to wife beating. General trends as well as several individual cultures, Iroquois, Haida, Ojibwa, and Micmac, are examined. A response to 3 recent studies on the problem is presented. The rationale for focusing on "status of women" as the primary cause of wife abuse is discussed. Suggestions for further study and possible preventative strategies also are highlighted, and a bibliography is included

3756.   Whipple, H. B., 1822-1901. (1898 February). New York? N.Y.
Notes: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 13733276.  Title from caption. "From The Churchman, Feb. 26, 1898."

3757.   White, B. M. (1994). Encounters With Spirits - Ojibwa and Dakota Theories About the French and Their Merchandise. Ethnohistory, 41(3), 369-405.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: Early accounts of Indian-French interaction record that native peoples called the French esprits, or spirits. Evidence from the Ojibwa and Dakota of the western Great Lakes and Upper Mississippi corroborates this often-repeated statement and suggests that it was based on native admiration for French technology. Although the Ojibwa and Dakota appear to have desired different kinds of French goods, both groups used words that indicate they believed that French technology was beyond the power of ordinary human beings and that the French themselves had nonhuman power. While greeting the French with rituals ordinarily used in dealing with nonhuman beings of power may suggest that nonutilitarian goods were the main interest of the Dakota and Ojibwa, these people in fact appreciated French technology for its many applications to their lives, including religion and subsistence. Categorizing objects as either utilitarian or nonutilitarian seems irrelevant in these two native contexts. [References: 86]

3758.   White, B. M. (1995). The Ojibwa of Western Canada, 1780-1870 - Peers,L. American Indian Culture & Research Journal, 19(3), 269, 272.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search

3759.   White, B. M. (1999). The Woman Who Married a Beaver: Trade Patterns and Gender Roles in the Ojibwa Fur Trade. Ethnohistory, 46(1), 109-147.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: The Southwestern Ojibwa (Anishinaabeg) participated in the fur trade from the seventeenth century until recent times, trading animal skins and other items to obtain a variety of European goods that they valued. Many descriptions of the fur trade suggest that it consisted of fur-merchandise exchanges between European men and native men, with women playing a largely subsidiary role. In fact, trade among the Ojibwa was never exclusively a trade of furs for merchandise, nor was direct trade the only form of transaction between the Ojibwa and fur traders. Men were the major participants in trade ceremonies and were recipients of credit from traders-the means through which most furs were exchanged. Given the flexibility of Ojibwa gender roles, women sometimes participated in these trade transactions. However, the major role of women in the trade was as suppliers of food and supplies, commodities that were exchanged in barter transactions. These other commodities provided women with many opportunities to participate in the trade. Women also exerted control over the trade as marriage partners for traders. All these roles for women in the trade were reflective of Ojibwa belief that women's roles were ultimately shaped by spiritual power rather than any gender category based solely on a rigid division of labor. [References: 94]

3760.   White, B. M. (1994). Encounters with Spirits: Ojibwa and Dakota Theories about the French and Their Merchandise. Ethnohistory, 41(3), 369.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3761.   White, B. M. (1999). The Woman Who Married a Beaver: Trade Patterns and Gender Roles in the Ojibwa Fur Trade. Ethnohistory, 46(1), 109-147.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Source: http://www.webofscience.com/CIW.cgi -- subject search on all indexes, Fall 1999

3762.   . (1977). B. M. 1. WhiteThe Fur Trade in Minnesota: an introductory guide to manuscript sources . St. Paul, MN: Minnesota Historical Society.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
Includes index.

3763.   White, B. M. (1995). Familiar faces: the photographic record of the Minnesota Anishinaabeg (volumes I aned II) (Ojibwa). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.
Notes: The Anishinaabeg or Ojibwe of Minnesota are part of a wide-ranging people, known also as the Chippewa or Saulteurs. They first encountered Europeans in the 17th century. Since the mid-19th century the Minnesota Anishinaabeg have been recorded by a variety of white photographers, including both professionals and amateurs. The resulting photographs provide a rich and varied record. These images have often been used as illustrations, but the process through which they were produced and specific details in the images have never been described in much detail. Although not usually understood in this way, photography can best be understood not as the imposition of a photographer's will on a passive subject, but rather as an interaction, a negotiation in which photographer and subject together produce a symbolic record of their encounter. This study argues that by examining the photographic process in detail a rich range of historical information is revealed. When details of the encounter are examined carefully they lead to a better appreciation of personal, family, and community experiences, and a more complete cultural history. While this work begins with a description of the continuity between artistic traditions and photography, it classifies the work of photographers according to the space in which the photographs were made: a spectrum of possibilities with the photographer's studio at one extreme and the homes of Anishinaabeg at the other. In between are a variety of spaces including important white cities, small towns, Indian agencies and the public spaces on reservations. In such spaces photographers and subjects met to make photographs together. In one chapter the photographic record of Lake Lena, a small community in Pine County Minnesota are examined in terms of community history and the personal experiences of the photographers. Included is an examination of the family photographs of Lake Lena families, photographs which give a different view of Anishinaabeg history from that recorded by white photographers. The work concludes with an evaluation of the entire photographic record based on a variety of Anishinaabeg models of the meaning and use of images.

3764.   . (1979). D. White, 1900- , & P. T. HoulihanReminiscences of Dan White, Leech Lake band of the Minnesota Chippewa tribe .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 22891946

3765.   White Eagle. (1949). Ceremony of blood-brother [among the Chippewa]. Native Voice, III(1), 8.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3766.   White Eagle, J. P. (1984). Teaching scientific inquiry and the Winnebago Indian language (Wisconsin). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Harvard University.
Abstract: The Analytic Paper proposes a learning concept which focuses on a curriculum of ten lessons in Winnebago Grammar with the following two purposes: (1) that of providing a model which could be used to give a local language, such as Winnebago, a position of importance and integrity in the education of members of the local community, and (2) that of providing a model according to which the grammar of a language can be used to give students experience in rational inquiry. Section 1 of the paper gives the rationale for this concept of learning which includes discussions of the Winnebago, my motivation for the study and the status of Indian languages today. This includes a discussion of literature on the methods of rational inquiry and discovery as an approach to learning. Section 2 enumerates the objectives of the ten lessons. Section 3 gives a description and an analysis of field testing of selections from the lessons with elementary school students in a school near Winnebago Indian community. Section 4 describes a proposal for teacher training. Section 5 contains the ten illustrative lessons. The lessons are in the form of student-teacher dialogues in which problems of Winnebago grammar appearing in short conversational texts are learned by the students and discussed. This mode of presentation was chosen to illustrate how students will discover for themselves the principles of Winnebago grammar. This gives students opportunity to enter into rational inquiry and hypothesis formation. The curriculum represents original research on the Winnebago Indian language which was completed at Harvard with the careful guidance of a linguist from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology who assisted me in looking at my native language. The lessons do not represent a comprehensive study of the language, but they do represent significant inquiry and research into the language. It is also significant that the research process used to examine the data of the language exemplifies the methodology proposed for this learning concept.

3767.   White, E. G., & Knudson, B. ([undated]). Education and the disadvantaged child. Minneapolis: Training Center for Community Programs, University of Minnesota.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers (1967:103), "Bibliography"

3768.   . (1976). J. L. White, & COMPAS (editor), Angwamas minosewag Anishinabeg : Time of the Indian [special Bicentennial issue] . St. Paul, Minn.: COMPAS.
Notes: Source: PALS Online Catalog (November 1999 search)
Abstract: Poetry, stories, legends, recipes, pictures, and essays about their lives, from Indian children in Minnesota.

3769.   . (1979). M. White, 1916- , & B. SimonReminiscences of Mary White, Leech Lake band of the Minnesota Chippewa tribe .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 22891948

3770.   White, P. M. (1998). The Native American Sun Dance Religion & Ceremony: An Annotated Bibliography.  Greenwood Publishing Group, Incorporated.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

3771.   White, T. C. (1945 February). [Letter to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, & carbon copy to Tom Cain, Ponemah].
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

3772.   White, T. C. (1945 March). [Letter to Commissioner of Indian Affairs].
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

3773.   Whitefeather, G. (1986 September). Pioneer.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

3774.   Whitefeather, G., & Sho-ne-ah-wub = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1986). Europeans brought Bemidji's crime problem with them. Bemidji Pioneer.
Abstract: TO THE EDITOR:
Mr. Ryan discretely labels Indian people as “sociological factors” in his August 26 letter to the editor but then proceeds to make it quite clear that he is blaming Indians for Bemidji’s crime.  Perhaps Ryan is ignorant of the facts.
A close, unbiased and impartial look at history makes it unmistakably clear that the “sociological factors” which Ryan so coyly refers to are white imports from feudal Europe.  Before our unwritten immigration laws allowed Europeans to empty their prisons onto this continent, Indian people had no crime.  We did not have, nor need, prisons, jails, police.  We did not need to lock our doors.  There wasn’t a lock or a chain on this continent until whites imported them to fill the needs of their own criminal culture.  The other “classical sociological factors” that Ryan refers to: alcoholism and drug abuse, unemployment, AFDC and truancy (“truancy laws” are cultural genocide—forcing children into an alien culture) are also white imports.
The reason, plain and simple, that the city of Bemidji has such a high crime rate, is that Bemidji is the child of a crime-ridden European culture, and the city itself is founded on heinous criminal acts: genocide, ethnocide, and land and resource thefts from Indian people totalling billions of dollars.  The is the foundation—the “cause”—of your crime.  White people way, “as the twig is bent, so it will grow.”  Indian people say, “The Circle comes around.”  What both of these sayings mean is that the root of your crime rates is as old as the roots of your criminal nation.
Your history books are gilded propaganda, one-sided lies from beginning to end.  Just a few examples will probably suffice:

THE BOSTON TEA PARTY: Armed dissident, Christian tax-evaders dressed up like Indians to destroy government property.
Indian disguises are an old white tradition.  Maybe the F.B.I.’s “under-cover” operations have their roots in U.S. Cavalry agents dressing up like Indians to kill unsuspecting white pioneers, providing the “justification” for “punitive raids” on Indians to steal the rest of our land and murder our women and children.

THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR: United States of America’s high crime rates go back to Valley Forge.  Ragged desperado dissidents, having rousted the British, proceeded to break every treaty that had ever been written and wage a war of genocide against the American Indian people of the Eastern Seaboard.  Whole tribes—five major linguistic groups—were annihilated.
The motive was greed.  The land that was stolen was used as collateral to print money.  The land stolen from the Five Civilized Tribes was used to underwrite the Louisiana purchase.  The Trail of Tears and the legislation authorizing expenditure of $15 million (from a country that was bankrupt 20 years earlier) were actually part of the same Congressional Act.  The land stolen by breaking the Ft. Laramie Treaty was used to finance the Alaska purchase.
The European criminals let out of prison to become “American colonials” arrived on the shores of our land impoverished.  Less than 200 years later, these white transients had stolen an entire continent, murdered most of the original owners and concocted a vision that they were “God’s Chosen People” under the doctrine of Manifest Destiny.   MANIFEST DESTINY is glossed over lightly in your history books.  If Ryan is concerned about “crime in Bemidji,” he should read it.  Manifest Destiny is a Christian doctrine of rabid bigotry and unbridled greed.  And it’s the doctrine of world conquest which Adolf Hitler used as a model for the Third Reich.

MISSIONARIES: In violation of U.S. Constitutional provisions of “separation of Church and State,” these parasitic fifth-columnists were paid by the U.S. Government (with stolen Indian money) to destroy traditional Indian culture, language, religion, and social order.  The “classical sociological factors” to which Ryan so glibly refers were “given” to Indian people by these missionaries, by the U.S. Government, along with such gifts as smallpox, tuberculosis, syphilis, diabetes, and starvation.  (The U.S. Army was the first to use germ warfare.  They used it against Indian people.)

Ryan claims that the Bureau of Indian Affairs Police (run by the Justice Department, which also runs the FBI) is “stable, professional, non-political.”  The BIA evolved from the War Department—an occupying army for “conquered” Indian Nations.  Perhaps Ryan means “stable, professional, non-political” in the same vein as Senator Dawes (of the Dawes Allotment Act and Public Law 280) did when he lobbied successfully for a “stable, professional, non-political” agency, the BIA to oversee “a permanent solution” to the “Indian problem.”  We are still talking about crime: Senator Dawes engineered a land theft of billions of acres of Indian land, advocated—and enacted—genocide, and played a causal role in the Wounded Knee Massacre.
To Indian people, the BIA police are definitely political.  As Commissioner of Indian Affairs price described the just-established BIA police and courts systems in 1881, “a power entirely independent of the Chief.  It weakens, and will finally destroy the power of tribes and bands.”  The structure, function and organization of these “non-political” agencies hasn’t changed since 1881.
Before Ryan criticizes the tribal council (which is powerless under the 1858 Constitution which the “non-political” BIA forced on us), he should look closely at the low pay, lack of fringe or retirement benefits and other racist employment practices of the BIA Police.
If Ryan wants to write about crime rates in the Bemidji area, he should look at unreported, unprosecuted (possibly even “legal” under your apartheid laws) white-collar crimes committed against Indian people: the Red Lake Mill run into bankruptcy by the “stable, professional” BIA; the theft of billions of dollars worth of Red Lake Indian land on the Northwest Angle; Indian money held “in trust”—without interest—in the U.S. Treasury, etc. (He could write a very long book.)
Ryan complains about the lack of jail space.  Bemidji whites know that they are living on stolen Indian land.  They know that their economy is based on stolen Indian resources.  When a Bemidji law enforcement officer sees an Indian, they want to lock him up—both for the money that flows into the Bemidji law enforcement system, and because they want to “lock up their consciences.”
Indian authors and Indian historians are coming.  We will debunk the lies your history is founded on.  Now, if I’ve made enemies, or if I’ve made friends, so be it!  This is the way I see it.
George Whitefeather
Enrolled Member, Red Lake Band of Ojibway Indians
Red Lake

3775.   Whiteford, A. H. (1997). Floral Beadwork Of The Western Great Lakes. American Indian Art Magazine, 22(4), 68.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Abstract: Illustrates several examples of the most common forms of early twentieth-century Great Lakes beadwork, and discusses their design and execution.

3776.   Whiteford, A. H. (1991). Mystic and Decorative Art of the Anishinabe. Arctic Anthropology, 28(n 1), 74.
Notes: Source: UnCover

3777.   Whiteford, A. H. (1991). Mystic and decorative art of the Anishinabe (Chippewa/Ojibwa). Arctic Anthropology, 28(1), 74-83.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3778.   Whiteford, A. H. (1982). The wild rice harvest. Four Winds, 3(10), 42-50, ill.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3779.   Whiteford, A. H., & Rogers, N. (1994). Woven Mats of the Western Great Lakes. American Indian Art Magazineþ, 19(4), 58.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Abstract: Details the three basic types of mats used by tribes of the Great Lakes--sewn mats, woven mats, and the more complex rush mats that combine the techniques of weaving and twining.

3780.   Whiting, J. W. (1981). A glimpse of Indian warfare. Minnesota Archaeologist, 40(2), 89-92.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3781.   Whitson, K. J. (1994). Louise Erdrich's 'Love Medicine' and 'Tracks': a culturalist approach (Native Americans, Ojibwa). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Missouri--Columbia.
Abstract: This dissertation is an analysis of two novels, Love Medicine (1984) and Tracks (1988) by Louise Erdrich, a contemporary Native American writer of Ojibwa descent. After an introductory chapter which establishes the historical context of Erdrich's Ojibwa background and her rootedness in that culture, chapter two demonstrates the ways in which Erdrich uses the structural devices of an oral literature in her novels. I show that the achronological, circular pattern of Love Medicine which manifests itself in an episodic rather than causal and linear plot reflects stylistic and epistemological concerns of the oral tradition. I also confirm the ways in which Erdrich engages the audience in an interactive and co-creative relationship with the text. Chapter three explores the mythic and legendary underpinnings of Erdrich's novels. There are echoes of the Ojibwa Trickster, Nanabozho, in many of Erdrich's characters, but they find their fullest expression in Gerry Nanapush in Love Medicine and old Nanapush in Tracks. This chapter further discusses the role of the underwater manitou, Misshepeshu, in Tracks, and the way this manitou has been usurped by the Christian devil. In addition to the incorporation of Ojibwa myth, Erdrich also weaves contemporary and historical legendary figures into her work. I argue that Gerry Nanapush is a reconfiguration of Leonard Peltier and that Pauline Puyat reflects the historical Kateri Tekakwitha. In chapter four I demonstrate how Ojibwa ontology informs an understanding of Erdrich's work. I pay particular attention to the traditional Ojibwa belief in soul-dualism, especially as it relates to the deaths of June and Nector Kashpaw in Love Medicine and to the spirit journeys of Eli, Pauline, and Fleur in Tracks. I further look at visions and metamorphosis and the ways that they empower characters. By placing Love Medicine and Tracks in the context of the oral tradition and Ojibwa culture I offer an alternative reading of Erdrich's work.

3782.   Whitson, K. J. (1996). 'Ojibway Tales' - Johnston, B. [book review]. Studies in Short Fiction, 33(1), 138-140.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Source: http://www.webofscience.com/CIW.cgi -- subject search on all indexes, Fall 1999
Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999 search [review]
Abstract: Ojibway Tales is an excellent companion volume to Basil Johnston's earlier Bison Book editions, Ojibway Ceremonies (1990) and Ojibway Heritage (1990). While those volumes dealt with Ojibway mythic and cultural practices, this new volume is Johnston's collection of fiction, formerly published as Moose Meat and Wild Rice. In a gesture quite unlike the disclaimer in most works of fiction, Johnston states in his epilogue that "All the stories recounted in this book are true: all are based on events that have occurred. (The names of the principals in the stories have been changed.)." So it is not as a fictionist that Johnston spins his stories, but as a raconteur steeped in the oral tradition. Indeed, most of his stories have a strong "heard" quality that not only connects them to the oral tradition of the Ojibway, but places them in literary kinship with Mark Twain and other such tale-tellers of the last century.
The volume contains 23 stories divided into four sections: "The Resourcefulness of the Moose Meat Point Ojibway," "Christianity, Religion and Worship at Moose Meat Point," "Getting Along and Ahead Outside the Reserve," and "With Housing, Education and Business . . . Poof!. " The categories hint at the volume's themes, which are something like this: Left alone, the Ojibway are resourceful and humorous people; the intrusion of missionaries disrupted the traditional values and practices of Ojibway life; the push for acculturation and assimilation created an awkward displacement of the Ojibway on, and especially off, the reservation; and the attempt of the government to "improve" and "elevate" the Ojibway condition is largely an insulting and disastrous business.
Perhaps the funniest of six very funny stories in Part I is "Indian Smart: Moose Smart." In this story, six Ojibway are returning home after a disappointing hunting trip when they spy two moose in the water ahead. They paddle furiously up to the moose and lasso them so as to get a free ride home before they make an easy kill. The moose, however, change course and drag the two canoes through the shoals and onto shore, overturning the people and contents and splintering the canoes. The hunters are abashed at their foolishness, and one sarcastically responds, "Yeah! If white man could only see us now." The tone of this story is generous and humane because it refuses to capitalize on the positive stereotypes of the Indian by white society-the skillful hunter in harmony with nature, the compliance of natural creatures to the will of the respectful hunter, and so forth. In later stories, Johnston, an Ojibway himself, urges the reader to recognize the miscarriages of justice in the interactions of white society with indigenous peoples, but to his credit, he refuses here to burnish any stereotypes that offer only a cheap and hollow reverence for the "noble savage."
The stories in Part II are especially pointed because they underscore the spiritual blindness not of the "pagan" Ojibway, but of the Christian missionaries. Here, the stories are satisfying in that the old traditionalist Ojibways repeatedly outwit the reservation clerics.
In Part III, when the Ojibway leave the reservation to move into the outside world, the humor is darker as the theme of blatant racism emerges. Still, even in the most dangerous stories--"Don't Call Me No Name!" and "Good Thing We Know Them People"--the spirit of survival humor is sweetly evoked by Johnston.
Johnston caps his volume with a section on the inefficacious magic of governmental promises. "A Sign of the Times" is a stunning presentation of the red tape and legalese that tangles the simplest of tasks on the reservation.
In spite of ample provocation to swipe broadly at white society, Johnston achieves an ironic balance that is both biting and gentle and a tone that is mildly tragic, but never self-pitying. He says that Ojibway Tales is "intended primarily as an amusing account of Indian-white man relationships." And it is that; but in claiming little for his accomplishment, Johnston allows the reader to recognize the swirling torrents of social commentary beneath the amusement.
Full Text COPYRIGHT 1996 Newberry College

3783.   Whittaker, G. People and politicians in a Chippewa community. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers (1967:56)

3784.   Widder, K. R. (1989). Together as a family: Metis children's resonse to Evangelical Protestants at the Mackinaw Mission, 1823-1837 (American Indian, Michigan). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Michigan State University.
Abstract: In 1823 the Reverend William M. Ferry and his wife, Amanda, opened a Protestant mission school for Indian children on Mackinac Island, Michigan. The Ferrys and their associates intended to convert Indian students to evangelical Christianity and to teach them the ways of Euro-American society. Only a few tribal Indian children, however, actually boarded at the mission and attended the school. Nearly all of the children were metis--youngsters who had a Euro-American or a metis father and an Indian or metis mother. To understand the relationship between metis families and evangelical missionaries, this study analyzes the heritage of the metis children who enrolled in the school. Scrutiny of the correspondence of missionaries, government agents, other observers at Mackinac, and fur trade records leads to insights into the metis as a group, and also into the larger fur-trade society which inhabited the northwestern Great Lakes region in the early nineteenth century. The mission emerges as part of a larger community in which the missionaries labored to change the beliefs and ways of all the people living in that society. The met is, too, had an agenda. Most of the children's fathers were either traders or clerks in the fur trade; they wanted their sons and daughters to learn Euro-American ways to assist them in adapting to changes confronting their society so they would survive and thrive. The mission experience illuminates the complex social relationships that developed as Euro-Americans, Indians, and metis came together at Mackinac and in the Lake Superior country. The metis children and their families shared many things with the New England missionaries. This study delineates the region's social structure and shows how that structure reacted to the changing economic, social, and political ways which accompanied the westward advancement of Euro-American settlers. Because of the cultural diversity present at the school, a middle ground developed where the metis and the missionaries worked out accommodations with each other. Above all else, this study shows that the metis must not be viewed as tribal Indians, but as a distinct group of people.

3785.   Wiger, F. H. (1989). The impact of culturally-based services on the academic performance of undergraduate American Indian students. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.

3786.   Wigg, E. P. (1981). Organizing for social change: a case study in a rural native American community . Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Wisconsin, Green Bay.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search)

3787.   Wildcat, D. F. (1995). Lac du Flambeau Family Resource Center an investigation of Native American clients use and failure to return after the first visit . Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Wisconsin--Stout, Microfiche. Menomonie, Wis. : UW-Stout, Library Learning Center, Micrographics Div., 1996. 2 microfiches ; 10 x 15 cm.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search).  Includes bibliographical references.

3788.   Wilford, L. A. (1951). History of the Chippewa. Minnesota Archaeologiest, XVII(2), 2-20.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3789.   Wilkins, C. (1994). From the hands of a master. Canadian Geographic, 114(3), 64.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)

3790.   Wilkinson, C. F. (1991). To Feel the Summer in the Spring: The Treaty Fishing Rights of the Wisconsin Chippewa. Wisconsin Law Review, 1991(3), 375.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)

3791.   Wilkinson, R. G. (1971). Prehistoric Biological Relationships in the Great Lakes Region.  University of Michigan, Museum of Anthropology, Publications Department.
Notes: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

3792.   Willard, E. V., & Meyer, A. E. (1922). Report on Red Lake flood control . Minneapolis, Minn.  Syndicate Printing Co.
Notes: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 15490220

3793.   Williams, A. (1989). Gladys Taylor: a portrait. Canadian Woman Studies /Les Cahiers De La Femme, 10(2/3), 21-24.
Notes: Source: Women’s Resources International [University of Minnesota online database--Women's Studies Database], August 29, 1999 search

3794.   Williams, A. (1987). In her memory and in the spirit of our ancestors. Canadian Woman Studies /Les Cahiers De La Femme, 8(3), 10-12.
Notes: Source: Women’s Resources International [University of Minnesota online database--Women's Studies Database], August 29, 1999 search

3795.   Williams, A. (1989). Maria Seymour: native language instructors program. Canadian Woman Studies /Les Cahiers De La Femme, 10(2/3), 75-78.
Notes: Source: Women’s Resources International [University of Minnesota online database--Women's Studies Database], August 29, 1999 search

3796.   Williams, A. (1989). Spirit of my quilts. Canadian Woman Studies /Les Cahiers De La Femme, 10(2/3), 49-54.
Notes: Source: Women’s Resources International [University of Minnesota online database--Women's Studies Database], August 29, 1999 search

3797.   Williams, A. O. (1996). Piecing together: no stranger in the house. Journal of Canadian Studies, 31(4), 144-159.
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999 search
Abstract: An Anishinaabe artist and quiltmaker from Curve Lake First Nation, Ontario, describes the influences that shaped her love for quiltmaking. Born of a Caucasian father and an Anishinaabe mother, she both enjoyed the privileges of being White and suffered the tauntings for her being an Indian. She showed each of her parents' heritage by depicting traditional Anishinaabe art form and imported quilting blocks her father gave her in her works.  (Anishinaabe artist and quiltmaker Alice Olsen Williams speech)(Transcript)

3798.   Williams, C. E. J. (1982). Indian control of Indian education in Ontario, Canada: success or failure? Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Michigan State University.
Abstract: An examination of present-day 'Indian Control of Indian Education' throughout the province of Ontario is predicated on the success or failure of a study conducted among the Ojibway of Manitoulin Island, the Chippewa and Muncey-of-the-Thames, and the Ojibway of Serpent River. The study attempts to document the problems that arise when two cultures characterized by divergent philosophies interact with each other in the educational arena. Historical and cultural factors are treated as major components influencing the ideology of local control. It appears that solutions to local control necessitate action and participation from within the Indian communities as a viable option. This entails active grass-root participation and an awareness of the abuses by those who are in control of the present educational system. 'Indian Control of Indian Education' was given official recognition by the Minister of the Department of Indian Affairs in February, 1973. It contains a statement of philosophy, goals, principles, and directions which the writer has used as indicators to discuss and evaluate the success or failure of the Bands under study. The dissertation is an attempt to increase our understanding of what 'Indian Control of Indian Education' is all about, viewed in a background of extraordinary 'diversity,' and complexity of issues. Such problems as fiscal control, inappropriateness of central management procedures, the lack of a sophisticated accountability system, the need to define Indian education in terms of relevancy and parity, all render impotent the concept of 'Indian Control of Indian Education,' making necessary common ground-rules for all Bands.

3799.   Williams, E., Radin, N., & Coggins, K. (1996). Paternal Involvement in Childrearing and the School Performance of Ojibwa Children - an Exploratory Study. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly-Journal of Developmental Psychology, 42(4), 578-595.
Notes: Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: Ojibwa families (N = 17) were examined to determine the relationship between quantity and quality of father involvement in childrearing and children's academic and social school performance. Antecedents to involvement were also explored. Data analyzed for the whole group and for males showed that greater amount of time fathers spent as primary caregivers was associated with higher academic achievement and better social development almost exclusively for boys. Paternal nurturance was associated with poor academic functioning for the total group and for boys, possibly because of problems created by the Angio-dominated school the children attended Antecedents associated with more paternal involvement included greater participation by the father's father in his upbringing, suggesting a modeling paradigm in keeping with Native American respect for elders. [References: 40]

3800.   Williams, E., Radin, N., & Coggins, K. (1996). Grandfather Involvement in Childrearing and the School Performance of Ojibwa Children. Family Perspective, 30(2), 161-183.
Notes: Source: Family Studies database [University of Minnesota onlinedatabase], August 29, 1999 search
40 refs.; 4 illus.
Abstract: The relationship between quantity and quality of grandfather involvement in rearing their grandchildren and the grandchildren's academic and social school performance was examined. The subjects were 19 Ojibwa families in the Bay Mills Indian Community, a reservation in Michigan, who were assessed using the Paternal Involvement in Child Care Index as well as the Otis-Lennon School Ability IQ and the Teacher's Report Form of the Child Behavior Checklist. Results showed that the amount of grandfather involvement correlated with the cognitive competence of the children, especially boys, and with adaptive functioning particularly regarding American Indian values. Higher levels of quantity and better quality of grandpaternal involvement in childrearing was predicted by grandfather's greater social competence. The authors discuss the results in terms of the traditional role of the grandfather in American Indian families.

3801.   Williams, E., Radin, N., & Coggins, K. (1996). Paternal Involvement in Childrearing and the School Performance of Ojibwa Children: An Exploratory Study. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 42(4), 578.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Source: Family Studies database [University of Minnesota onlinedatabase], August 29, 1999 search
Abstract: This study examined Ojibwa families (n = 17) of the Bay Mills Indian Community in Michigan to determine the relationship between quantity and quality of father involvement in childrearing and children's academic and social school performance. Eligible families included a child in Head-start through grade five (i.e., age 3-11). Antecedents to involvement were also explored. Data analyzed for the whole group and for males showed that greater amount of time fathers spent as primary caregivers was associated with higher academic achievement and better social development, almost exclusively for boys. Paternal nurturance was associated with poor academic functioning for the total group and for boys, possibly because of problems created by the Anglo-dominated school the children attended. Antecedents associated with more paternal involvement included greater participation by the father's father in his upbringing, suggesting a modeling paradigm in keeping with Native American respect for elders.

3802.   Williams, E. L. (1995). Father and grandfather involvement in childrearing and the school performance of Ojibwa children: an exploratory study. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Michigan.
Abstract: This study of nineteen Ojibwa (Chippewa) families examined the relationship between quantity and quality of father and grandfather involvement in rearing their (grand)children (age 3-11) and the children's academic and social school performance. Antecedents to increased involvement were also explored. Data were analyzed for the whole group and for males. Among the findings was that the amount of time father spent as a primary caregiver, but not his overall involvement, was associated with greater academic achievement and better social development for the group as a whole and for males. Data were discussed in terms of Erickson's concept of generativity and Lamb's concept of responsibility, one of the three components of fatherhood he delineated. There were four antecedents associated with increased quantity of paternal involvement including father's own father's greater participation in his upbringing and higher paternal community leadership expectations for the child. Findings also indicate that antecedents of paternal nurturance for the group as a whole included father's own experience of having had a nurturant father. It appears that these fathers, in keeping with the American Indian (AI) value of respect for elders, model their behavior on that of their fathers. The amount of grandfather involvement correlated with teacher ratings of adaptive functioning in terms of AI values but not with Achenbach's Child Behavior Check List ratings. Findings are discussed in terms of AI traditions regarding the role of grandfather whose job it is to pass on traditional rules and behavioral expectations to their grandchildren. For the total sample and for males the antecedents  (e.g., good health and employment) of increased quantity and better quality of grandpaternal involvement in child rearing all suggested grandfather's greater social competence.

3803.   Williams, E., 1787-1858. (1859). Life of Te-ho-ra-gwa-ne-gen : alias Thomas Williams, a chief of the Caughnawaga tribe of  Indians in Canada . Albany, N.Y.  J. Munsell.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (Fall 1999 search), 200 copies printed. This copy no. 34. Introduction signed: Franklin B. Hough.

3804.   Williams, J. F.Memoir of William W. Warren. W. W. Warren (History of the Ojibway [sic] People).
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

3805.   . (1979). J. Williams, 1928- , & H. T. HooverReminiscences of Johnson Williams, Sisseton Indian of Minnesota .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 23180033

3806.   Williams, K. B. (1997). The effects of background characteristics, social support, and the self-concept on the Academic achievement of African-American, American-Indian, Hispanic and Asian-American doctoral students (Native American). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.
Abstract: The research investigated factors affecting the academic achievement of African-American, Hispanic, American-Indian, and  Asian-American doctoral students at the University of Minnesota. The relationships between academic achievement and student background characteristics, social support systems, and the self-concept were analyzed. Graduate g.p.a. and doctoral degree status were indicators of academic achievement in this study. It was hypothesized that students' ratings of social support and students' of self-concept would be strongly correlated with and highly predictive of academic achievement, while students' background characteristics would be less strongly correlated with and less of academic achievement for these four groups of  doctoral students. Two hundred and five doctoral students completed the 'Doctoral Student Survey' which asked questions related to family and background characteristics, ratings of self-concept and self-perceptions, perceptions of the academic and social environments on campus, and perceptions of faculty, administrators, and students. Background, social support, and self-concept variables were entered into multiple regression analyses as independent variables and were used to predict graduate g.p.a. and degree status. Results indicated that background characteristics significant predictors of graduate g.p.a. for African-American and Asian-American doctoral students and were significant predictors of degree status for all but American-Indian doctoral students. Ratings of social support were significant predictors of graduate g.p.a. and degree status for all but American-Indian doctoral students. Ratings of self-concept were significant predictors of graduate g.p.a. for all but American-Indian doctoral students and were significant predictors of degree status for only Hispanic doctoral students. Significant relationships were found between academic achievement and student background characteristics, ratings of social support, and ratings of self-concept for minority Ph.D. candidates in this study. However, it seems most effective and appropriate for colleges and universities to focus on issues related to social support when developing interventions aimed at increasing the academic achievement of minority Ph.D. candidates. Increasing the levels of social support available to minority Ph.D. students should also enhance the levels of self-concept for minority Ph.D. students and more likely lead to higher levels of academic success for these doctoral students.

3807.   Wilmer, F. (1996). The White Earth Tragedy: Ethnicity and Dispossession at a Minnesota Anishinaabe Reservation, 1889-1920 (book reviews). Ethnic and Racial Studies, 19(3), 749 (2).
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999 search

3808.   Wilson, E. M. (Eugene McLanahan), 1833-1890. (1890). Narrative of the First Regiment of Mounted Rangers . detatched from Minnesota. Board of Commissioners on Publication of History of Minnesota in Civil and Indian WarsMinnesota in the Civil and Indian Wars, 1861- 1865  (p. [519]-542 ). St. Paul, Minn.  Printed for the State by the Pioneer Press Co.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 15690119. Minnesota Board of Commissioners on Publications of History in the Civil and Indian Wars, 1861-1865. Caption title. Other: Minnesota. Board of Commissioners on Publication of History of Minnesota in Civil and Indian Wars. Minnesota in the Civil and Indian Wars, 1861- 1865 ... accession: 12271984 [giving date of publication as 1891] ... accession: 12271966

3809.   . (1917). G. L. Wilson, 1868-1930Agriculture of the Hidatsa Indians; an Indian interpretation . Minneapolis.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 15738903 ... accession: 3236441
Abstract: "Bulletin of the University of Minnesota, November 1917." "Maxidiwiac was the principal informant, and her account was taken down almost literally as translated by Goodbird."--Forward. Author's doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1916, but not published as a thesis.

3810.   Wilson, H. B. (Horace B.), 1821-1908. (1975). Reminiscences of the Indian war of 1862 lecture delivered...before the M.E. Literary Society, Red Wing, Minn.  Red Wing, MN .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 15230315. Original wrappers. An account of the action of the 6th regiment, Minnesota Infantry.

3811.   Wilson, P. S. (1996). Disputable truths: 'The American Stranger', television documentary and Native American cultural politics in the 1950's (Blackfeet, Salish Kootenai, Montana, Menominee, Wisconsin). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Wisconsin--Madison.
Abstract: This interdisciplinary historical analysis--from a poststructuralist, cultural studies perspective--examines the media's involvement in the cultural politics of Native America during the postwar 'termination' period. Part I reviews the journalism media's constructions of American Indian culture and politics, culminating in the 1958 television production of NBC news department's The American Stranger, a documentary harshly critical of the Eisenhower-era Congressional policies and the Bureau of Indian Affairs. The broadcast focused upon the Blackfeet, Flathead (Salish-Kootenai) and Menominee Tribes and reservations in Montana and Wisconsin, providing the first national television voice to indigenous Americans who were critical of federal policy. Part II analyzes the responses to and reception of the documentary, focusing upon the contested intercultural truths underlying the political controversy, the ideological basis for the altruistic, Christian audience response, and the regionalized grassroots activism in Montana that appropriated the documentary and informally circulated the television film text as a tool for social change. Part III provides a larger critical and cultural interpretation of the case of The American Stranger. 'Defining Indianness' extricates discursive constructions of race, ethnicity and nation, focusing on issues of civil and human rights, tribal sovereignty and the legacy of whiteness. 'Television and Its Publics: Shifting Formations in the Public Sphere' theorizes television's ability to constitute and mobilize a temporary alliance of publics and counterpublics, including various localized interests, into a national political forum to effect public policy changes and humanitarian action. The final chapter, influenced by critical ethnography, questions the political effectivity of mainstream media representation and examines alternative strategies used by Native Americans for self-representation. Methodologically, this dissertation attempts to reconstruct the multiple and competing discourses circulating about American Indians in the 1950s, focusing upon archival voices from a wide range of sources, including tribal members, Christian activists, legislators, bureaucrats, media producers and the general public. The project also provides insight into the cultural and political implications of how we research and write 'history,' supporting Foucault's notions about the existence of institutionalized regimes of truth and the alternate sources of knowledge and truth represented by less powerful social groups.

3812.   Winchell, A. N. (1898). Minnesota's northern boundary . in Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society. Volume VIII.    St. Paul, Minn.: The Minnesota Historical Society.
Notes: Source: PALS online catalog (October 1999 search)
Abstract: The international boundary between Lake Superior  and the Lake of the Woods / by Ulysses Sherman Grant -- The settlement and  development of the Red River Valley / by Warren Upham -- The discovery and  development of the iron ores of Minnesota / by N.H. Winchell -- The origin  and growth of the Minnesota Historical Society / by Alex. Ramsey -- Opening  of the Red River of the North to commerce and civilization / by Russell Blakeley -- Last days of Wisconsin territory and early days of Minnesota  territory / by Henry L. Moss -- Lawyers and courts of Minnesota prior to  and during its territorial period / by Charles E. Flandrau -- Homes and  habitations of the Minnesota Historical Society / by Charles E. Mayo -- The  historical value of newspapers / by J.B. Chaney -- The United States  government publications / by D.L. Kingsbury -- The first organized  government of Dakota / by Samuel J. Albright -- How Minnesota became a  state / by Thomas F. Moran -- Minnesota's ! northern boundary / by Alexander N. Winchell -- The question of the sources  of the Mississippi River / by E. Levasseur. The source of the Mississippi / by N.H. Winchell --  Prehistoric man at the headwaters of the Mississippi River / by J.V. Brower  -- Charter members of the Minnesota Historical Society and its work in 1896  / by Alex. Ramsey -- History of agriculture in Minnesota / by James J. Hill  -- History of mining and quarrying in Minnesota / by Warren Upham --  History of the discovery of the Mississippi River and the advent of  commerce in Minnesota / Russell Blakeley -- Reminiscences of persons and  events in the early days of the Minnesota Historical Society / by William  H. Kelley -- Fort Snelling from its foundation to the present time / by  Richard W. Johnson -- Sully's expedition against the Sioux, in 1864 / by  David L. Kingsbury -- State-building in the West / by Charles E. Flandrau

3813.   Winchell, N. H. (1911). The Aborigines of Minnesota. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers (1967:103), "Bibliography"

3814.   Winchell, N. H. (1898). The discovery and  development of the iron ores of Minnesota . in Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society. Volume VIII.    St. Paul, Minn.: The Minnesota Historical Society.
Notes: Source: PALS online catalog (October 1999 search)
Abstract: The international boundary between Lake Superior  and the Lake of the Woods / by Ulysses Sherman Grant -- The settlement and  development of the Red River Valley / by Warren Upham -- The discovery and  development of the iron ores of Minnesota / by N.H. Winchell -- The origin  and growth of the Minnesota Historical Society / by Alex. Ramsey -- Opening  of the Red River of the North to commerce and civilization / by Russell Blakeley -- Last days of Wisconsin territory and early days of Minnesota  territory / by Henry L. Moss -- Lawyers and courts of Minnesota prior to  and during its territorial period / by Charles E. Flandrau -- Homes and  habitations of the Minnesota Historical Society / by Charles E. Mayo -- The  historical value of newspapers / by J.B. Chaney -- The United States  government publications / by D.L. Kingsbury -- The first organized  government of Dakota / by Samuel J. Albright -- How Minnesota became a  state / by Thomas F. Moran -- Minnesota's ! northern boundary / by Alexander N. Winchell -- The question of the sources  of the Mississippi River / by E. Levasseur. The source of the Mississippi / by N.H. Winchell --  Prehistoric man at the headwaters of the Mississippi River / by J.V. Brower  -- Charter members of the Minnesota Historical Society and its work in 1896  / by Alex. Ramsey -- History of agriculture in Minnesota / by James J. Hill  -- History of mining and quarrying in Minnesota / by Warren Upham --  History of the discovery of the Mississippi River and the advent of  commerce in Minnesota / Russell Blakeley -- Reminiscences of persons and  events in the early days of the Minnesota Historical Society / by William  H. Kelley -- Fort Snelling from its foundation to the present time / by  Richard W. Johnson -- Sully's expedition against the Sioux, in 1864 / by  David L. Kingsbury -- State-building in the West / by Charles E. Flandrau

3815.   Winchell, N. H. (1898). The source of the Mississippi . in Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society. Volume VIII.    St. Paul, Minn.: The Minnesota Historical Society.
Notes: Source: PALS online catalog (October 1999 search)
Abstract: The international boundary between Lake Superior  and the Lake of the Woods / by Ulysses Sherman Grant -- The settlement and  development of the Red River Valley / by Warren Upham -- The discovery and  development of the iron ores of Minnesota / by N.H. Winchell -- The origin  and growth of the Minnesota Historical Society / by Alex. Ramsey -- Opening  of the Red River of the North to commerce and civilization / by Russell Blakeley -- Last days of Wisconsin territory and early days of Minnesota  territory / by Henry L. Moss -- Lawyers and courts of Minnesota prior to  and during its territorial period / by Charles E. Flandrau -- Homes and  habitations of the Minnesota Historical Society / by Charles E. Mayo -- The  historical value of newspapers / by J.B. Chaney -- The United States  government publications / by D.L. Kingsbury -- The first organized  government of Dakota / by Samuel J. Albright -- How Minnesota became a  state / by Thomas F. Moran -- Minnesota's northern boundary / by Alexander N. Winchell -- The question of the sources  of the Mississippi River / by E. Levasseur. The source of the Mississippi / by N.H. Winchell --  Prehistoric man at the headwaters of the Mississippi River / by J.V. Brower  -- Charter members of the Minnesota Historical Society and its work in 1896  / by Alex. Ramsey -- History of agriculture in Minnesota / by James J. Hill  -- History of mining and quarrying in Minnesota / by Warren Upham --  History of the discovery of the Mississippi River and the advent of  commerce in Minnesota / Russell Blakeley -- Reminiscences of persons and  events in the early days of the Minnesota Historical Society / by William  H. Kelley -- Fort Snelling from its foundation to the present time / by  Richard W. Johnson -- Sully's expedition against the Sioux, in 1864 / by  David L. Kingsbury -- State-building in the West / by Charles E. Flandrau

3816.   Windom, W., 1827-1891. (1863). Indian policy. Speech ... in the House of Representatives, Feb. 28, 1863, on the outrages committed by the Indians on the people of the state of Minnesota. Newspaper clippings.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 25279754

3817.   Winsbro, B. C. (1993). Supernatural forces: belief, difference and power in contemporary works by ethnic women (women). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Tennessee.
Abstract: This dissertation examines five novels and one autobiography by contemporary ethnic women writers to determine the influence of belief in supernatural forces on bicultural individuals as they mature and define themselves in such a world. How is the process of self-definition affected by one's personal beliefs, by the community's beliefs, and by the outside world's beliefs? When are such beliefs--or conflicts between beliefs--constructive, and when are they destructive, and when is a partial or total reconstruction of such beliefs called for? Ultimately, all six works demonstrate that personal power is acquired through self-definition, that is, through the construction of one's own mythology--or reality--and through the location and claiming of one's own center. Lee Smith's Oral History, for example, tells the story of Red Emmy, whose failure to break out of her externally imposed identity as witch symbolizes the inability of many Appalachian women to escape both the geographical and sociocultural boundaries of Appalachia. Louise Erdrich, in Tracks, tells the story of a Chippewa witch, Fleur Pillager, who although defined from both within and without discovers the limitations of her powers as the whites increasingly invade and destroy the Chippewa world. In Leslie Marmon Silko's Ceremony, the half-white, half-Pueblo Tayo, who left the reservation to fight in World War II, finds his way home both physically and spiritually through a revitalization of his belief in the Laguna Pueblo spirit people. In Gloria Naylor's Mama Day, Cocoa constructs for herself a new world that combines belief in the powers of the self, drawn from the world of New York, with belief in supernatural powers, drawn from the world of Willow Springs.  Toni Morrison's Beloved focuses on the power of Beloved, an incarnate ghost, to force Sethe, Denver, Paul D, and the community  to redefine themselves and their relations to each other through a confrontation with their individual and collective African American past. Similarly, Maxine Hong Kingston, in her autobiography The Woman Warrior, describes her efforts to define herself in relation to her Chinese heritage and her life among non-Chinese Americans by confronting and giving life to the ghosts of her girlhood. Thus, self-definition demands that ethnic authors examine their beliefs in the supernatural, rejecting, renewing, or modifying those beliefs held by family, community, and the dominant culture. (Abstract shortened with permission of author).

3818.   Winterhalder, B. P. (1980). Canadian Fur Bearer Cycles and Cree-Ojibwa Hunting and Trapping Practices. American Naturalist , 115(6), 870-879.
Notes: Source: Wildlife Worldwide [University of Minnesota onlinedatabase], August 29, 1999 search
Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Abstract: A hypothesis which states that cyclic or fluctuating pelt counts of boreal region species are partially a result of differential foraging by native trappers, and for many species are not directly indicative of population fluctuations, is substantiated. Three conditions necessary to this interpretation were established: hare were important in the diet of the Cree-Ojibwa; they could be effectively and efficiently obtained when abundant; and the quest for food-producing species, including hare, had priority to the native trapper because pelts could not generally be exchanged for food. Ethnohistorical evidence provides direct accounts for the postulated relationship. An optimal foraging model elaborates the hypothesis. This theory provides an appropriate framework for investigating this topic, and possibly also a key for retrieving population data from fur trade harvest statistics. The differential foraging hypothesis is consistent with a number of observed properties of pelt-count cycles, including the apparent similarity in all respects except amplitude, between pelt-counts and actual population fluctuations in lynx and hare. The hypothesis is important for the statistical analysis of pelt-count cycles, and it raises questions about the reality of population cycles which are inferred predominantly or solely from fur record data. Despite this, there is ample evidence demonstrating population cycles for hare and lynx, cycles which presumably have correlative food-chain effects on other species, including humans.

3819.   Wisconsin. Affirmative Action Coordinating Unit. (1976). Working together : a Native American resource & referral list . Madison: Wisconsin. Affirmative Action Coordinating Unit.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search). 

3820.   . (1966). Wisconsin. Governor's Commission on Human RightsHandbook on Wisconsin Indians . Madison: State of Wisconsin.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search)

3821.   Wisconsin. Governor's Manpower Office. (1977). Report on Native American economic development. Madison, Wis.?: Governor's Manpower Office.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search).  Cover title. "September 1, 1977."

3822.   . (1989). Wisconsin. Legislature. Legislative Council.Legislation on tribal courts and tribal vital records  . Madison, Wis.  Wisconsin Legislative Council.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 21303195

3823.   Wisconsin. Legislature. Legislative Council. (1979). Legislation relating to membership of the Native American study committee . Madison, Wis.  Wisconsin Legislative Council.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search).  Cover title. Issued March 4, 1980. Related activities of the Council's Native American Study Committee. WI docs. no.: Leg.1:1979/34 Bibliography: leaf 5.  Haas, Shaun P. Johnson, Keith. Wisconsin. Legislature. Legislative Council. Native American Study Committee.

3824.   Wisconsin. Legislature. Legislative Council. American Indian Study Committee. (1994). American Indian memo. Madison, WI : State of Wisconsin, Legislative Council.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 31314449. Caption title.
Abstract: Prepared for the use of the Council's American Indian Study Committee. no. 1. Background information regarding the changing of county boundaries -- no. 2. Proposed annexation of the Middle Village site to Menominee County; Potential fiscal effects on Menominee County -- no. 3. Provision in 1995 Wisconsin Act 27, regarding a pilot project involving the Red Cliff Band of Lake Superior Chippewas -- no. 4. Training costs for tribal law enforcement officers -- no. 5. Draft of a motion relating to tribal administration of social services -- no. 6. Authority of a county and of a sheriff to contract with a federally recognized American Indian tribe or band to house tribal prisoners in a county jail -- no. 7. Review of the Council on American Indian Health -- no. 8. Elimination of the Relief of Needy Indian Persons Program and creation of a Tribal Medical Relief Block Grant Program -- no. 9. Indian Student Assistance Program -- no. 10. Amendments recommended by certain tribal chairpersons to 1995 Assembly Bill 591 and 1995 Senate Bill 359, relating to the proposed Wisconsin Works Program.

3825.   Wisconsin Regional Library for the Blind and Physically Handicapped. (1991). Kespeadooksit : the story is ended : Native American materials in print- handicapped format from the Wisconsin Regional Library. Milwaukee, WI: Wisconsin Regional Library.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search).  Cover title. "A Bibliography of Native American materials in print- handicapped accessible formats"--P. 1. "November 1991"--P. 20.

3826.   Wisconsin Regional Library for the Blind and Physically Handicapped. (1910-1997). Kespeadooksit : the story is ended : Native American materials in print- handicapped format from the Wisconsin Regional Library. Milwaukee, WI : Wisconsin Regional Library for the Blind and Physically Handicapped.
Notes: Source: WorldCat database (October 15, 1999 search).  Cover title. "Revised 10/97"--P. 39. "A Bibliography of Native American materials in print- handicapped accessible formats"--P. 1.

3827.   Wisconsin. Supreme Court. Wisconsin Tribal Judges Association. (1999). On common ground : a meeting of state, federal and tribal courts. Madison, Wis.  Wisconsin Supreme Court.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 41015426
Abstract: Cover title. "Jointly sponsored by Wisconsin Supreme Court, Wisconsin Tribal Judges Association, Federal Judges from Wisconsin". Includes bibliographic references. What is P.L. 280 State? What does this really mean today? -- Tribal court development in Wisconsin -- History of the Ho- Chunk Nation judiciary -- Judicial History of the Stockbridge- Munsee Nation of Wisconsin -- State court/tribal court relations : an historical perspective -- P.L. 280 presumptions : source of suspicion or comity -- Selected resources for further reading and research.

3828.   Wise, F. (1982). Mental health and support systems among urban Native Americans. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Michigan State University.

3829.   Wishart, R. P. (1997). When new experiences come to be: narrative strategies of Walpole Island hunters and the (re-)construction of cultural persistence (Algonquian, Chippewa, Odawa, Potawatomi). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Western Ontario (Canada).
Abstract: Almost all of the contemporary studies on Algonquian hunting practices have focused on the most Northern communities and this thesis by being based on research done with hunters from the community of Walpole Island (the most southern reserve in Canada) shows how hunting is still integral to the cultural identity of (at least some) southern Chippewa, Odawa, and Potawatomi. By  up-streaming through the ethnohistory of Walpole Island and then  focusing on the narrative strategies of contemporary hunters, stories are shown to be open-ended guiding devices which by referring to an organic root metaphor of respect and reciprocity have communicated proper meanings and actions to an active listener.  This dialogically emergent process constructs an interpretive framework whereby a listener can relate stories to personal experience and then go on to become the storyteller which functions not only to continually construct and reconstruct an ecologically sound relationship between people and the land but is also an important aspect of cultural persistence.

3830.   Wissler, C. (1946). Indians of the United States. Garden City, New York: Doubleday, Doran & Co.
Notes: cited in: Minnesota Chippewa Indians: a handbook for teachers (1967:103), "Bibliography"

3831.   Wissler, C. (1974). North American Indians of the Plains.  Burt Franklin Publisher.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

3832.   Witthuhn, J. (1978). Minneapolis Public Schools Title IV, part A Department of Indian Education evaluation report, 1977-78 . Minneapolis, Minn.  Minneapolis Public Schools .
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 15021654.  Other: Minneapolis Public Schools.

3833.   Woboditsch, P. H. (1996). Ojibwa world view and environmental ethic: an investigative study. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Windsor (Canada).
Abstract: Often throughout history, the Native North American people have been regarded as highly skilled in the ways of nature. To be more specific, these people are sometimes referred to as the first ecologists, or conservationalists. As a resident of Northern Ontario, I encountered many such presuppositions about the Ojibwa people. Is this label a result of a an apparent mystic relationship they seem to have with nature or is it a much more empirical, scientific approach?  What is it about the Ojibwa that lends itself to such an interpretation as being almost an environmental specialist? In other words, what is distinctive of the Ojibwa world view that sets up this apparent difference between Ojibwa (and other Native North Americans) and non-natives? Can the ways in which the Ojibwa view nature be beneficial as something workable for all individuals and nature? That is to say, is the Ojibwa's approach to nature something that is confined only to their world view or is it perhaps a more generalized environmental ethic, in some ways distinct from all Euro-centric environmental ethics?

3834.   Woehlke, W. V. (1944 March). [Letter to Mark L. Burns, coordinator B. I. A.].
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

3835.   Wolever, T. M. S., Hamad, S., Gittelsohn, J., Hanley, A. J. G., Logan, A., Harris, S. B., & Zinman, B. (1997). Nutrient Intake and Food Use in an Ojibwa-Cree Community in Northern Ontario Assessed by 24h Dietary Recall. Nutrition Research , 17(4), 603-618.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Source: University of Minnesota BioMed electronic databases, Fall 1999 search
Source: http://www.webofscience.com/CIW.cgi -- subject search on all indexes, Fall 1999
Abstract: As part of a diabetes prevention program in a remote Ojibwa-Cree community in Northern Ontario, 72% of residents gt 9y of age (729/1019) underwent an oral glucose tolerance test; gt 98% (718/729) of participants provided a complete 24h dietary recall. Their diet was typical of that for aboriginal North American populations undergoing rapid cultural change, being high in saturated fat ( apprx 13% energy), cholesterol and simple sugars ( apprx 22% energy), low in dietary fibre (11 g/d) and high in glycaemic index ( apprx 90). There were high prevalences of inadequate intakes of vitamin A (77%), calcium (58%), vitamin C (40%) and folate (37%). Adolescents aged 10-19y consumed more simple sugars and less protein than adults aged gt 49y and ate more potato chips, fried potatoes, hamburger, pizza, soft drinks and table sugar. Adults gt 49y retained more traditional eating habits, using more bannock (fried bread) and wild meats than younger individuals. Interventions to prevent diabetes in the community should include culturally appropriate and effective ways to improve the nutritional adequacy of the diet, reduce fat intake and increase the use of less refined carbohydrate foods.

3836.   Wolfart, H. C., & Shrofel, S. M. (1977). Aspects of Cree interference in Island Lake Ojibwa. Algonquian Conference, 8th, Montreal, 1976. Actes Du Huitième Congrés Des Algonquinistes, 8, 156-167.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3837.   Wolfart, H. C., & Shrofel, S. M. (1973). Les paradigmes verbaux Ojibwa et la position du dialecte de Severn. American Anthropologist, 75(5), 1305-1323, maps, tables.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3838.   Wolfart, H. C., & Shrofel, S. M. (1977). Les paradigmes verbaux Ojibwa et la position du dialecte de Severn. Algonquian Conference, 8th, Montreal, 1976. Actes Du Huitième Congrés Des Algonquinistes, 8, 188-207, map.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3839.   Wolfe, R. (1998). Edmonia Lewis: Wildfire in Marble.  Silver Burdett Press.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

3840.   Wolff, H. F. (1916). The use of Red Lake as a storage reservoir . Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of North Dakota.
Notes: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 13201768

3841.   Wood, D. (1996). The Windigo's Return: A North Woods Story .  Simon & Schuster Children's .
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

3842.   . (1985). T. J. Wood (University of Minnesota, Duluth. Bureau of Business and Economic Research), Visitor trend analysis Indian Point Campground, Duluth, Minnesota  . Duluth, Minn.  Bureau of Business and Economic Research, School of Business and Economics, University of Minnesota, Duluth.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 11994688. "March 1985." Bibliography: p. 39.

3843.   Woodrell, D. (1999). Plumbing depths: this novel's Chippewa hero is beset by sinister goings-on at his lakeside resort.(Review). The New York Times Book Review, 104(26), 18 col 1.
Notes: Source: InfoTrac [electronic database--Daemon@epub.med.iacnet.com]: Oct 1999 search [review]

3844.   Woods, R. G., 1933- . (1968). Indian Americans in Chicago . Minneapolis, Minn.  University of Minnesota, Training Center for Community Programs.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 25448676. Includes appendix. Includes bibliography.  Other: Harkins, Arthur M. University of Minnesota. Training Center for Community Programs. University of Minnesota. Office of Community Programs. ... accession: 25431740

3845.   Woods, R. G., 1933- . (1971). Indian residents in Minneapolis : a further examination of their characteristics . Minneapolis: University of Minnesota.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 14705630. "Training Center for Community Programs in coordination with Office of Community Programs, Center for Urban and Regional Affairs." Includes bibliographical references.  Other: Harkins, Arthur M. University of Minnesota. Training Center for Community Programs. University of Minnesota. Office of Community Programs.

3846.   . (1900). R. G. Woods, 1933- Rural and city Indians in Minnesota prisons . Minneapolis: Training Center for Community Programs, University of Minnesota.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 22971413. Other: Harkins, Arthur M. University of Minnesota. Training Center for Community Programs

3847.   . (1969). R. G. Woods, 1933- , & A. M. HarkinsEducation-related preferences and characteristics of college-aspiring urban Indian teenagers : a preliminary report  . Minneapolis : Training Center for Community Programs, University of Minnesota.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 2082364

3848.   . (1970). R. G. Woods, 1933- , & A. M. HarkinsIndians and other Americans in Minnesota correctional institutions  . Minneapolis: University of Minnesota.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 4851870. Training Center for Community Programs in coordination with Office of Community Programs, Center for Urban and Regional Affairs. Funded by the United States Office of Education, under contract OEC-0-8-080147-2805 with the University of Minnesota.  Other: United States. Office of Education. University of Minnesota. Training Center for Community Programs. University of Minnesota. Center for Urban and Regional Affairs.

3849.   S. Woods (Major), Pembina Settlement Executive Document No. 51 ed., ). Washington, D.C.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

3850.   Woodward, P. G. (1991). New tribal forms: community in Louise Erdrich's fiction (Erdrich Louise, Native Americans). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Tufts University.
Abstract: Louise Erdrich's North Dakota cycle of novels recalls the oral storyteller's art through the use of multi-narrator perspective, reliance on partial disclosure of events, and consequent involvement of the reader in assembling the pieces of information into a coherent whole. In the first three works of the planned quartet, Erdrich is concerned with various communities: family, clan, and tribe. Love Medicine, published in 1984, focuses on the capacity of the family to endure in new forms despite cultural loss. This novel of modern Chippewa people living on a reservation covers the years 1934 to 1984 and features both nuclear and single parent families, and it explores the ways individuals find personal and family identity. Events in The Beet Queen, published in 1986, extend from 1932 to 1972, and they take place on the periphery of the reservation; this novel is concerned with the ways people lose and find identity within various communities, primarily the family. Tracks, published in 1988, encloses the years 1912 to 1924 and focuses on personal, political, and historical realities of tribal people, featuring the forebears of the main characters in Love Medicine. Erdrich uses a dual narrator structure in Tracks and a multi-narrator design in Love Medicine and The Beet Queen, in each fiction drawing the reader into the narrative to help tell the story. In the three novels a number of story lines are carried on simultaneously without a single featured consciousness asserting authority over the text, confirming postmodern thoeries concerning authorship and audience involvement in text production.  In Erdrich's novels, shifting voices and movement backwards and forwards in time free the concept of community from a fixed definition and endow it with the idea of continuous creation.  Evidence of new forms of community--family and tribe--testifies to survival of Chippewa culture despite devastating losses of people and land.

3851.   Woolworth, A. (anthropologist). (clippings files.  Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul, MN.
Notes: cited in Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)

3852.   Woolworth, A. (1997). Flandreau Papers Treasure Trove for Mixed Blood Dakota Indian Genealogy.  Park Genealogical Books.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

3853.   Woolworth, A. R. (Alan Roland), 1924- . (1982). The Treaty of Mendota, August 5, 1851, between the United States and the Mdewakanton and Wahpekute Dakota Indian tribes : an historical examination . White Bear Lake, Minn.  Woolworth Research Associates.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (October 1999 search), accession: 14508092. "Court of Claims, docket no. 363."

3854.   Woolworth, N. L. (1981). An historical study and a cultural resources survey of Indian Mounds Park (21RA10), Ramsey County, Minnesota : for the Department of Parks and Recreation, city of Saint Paul, Minnesota . White Bear Lake, Minn.  Woolworth Research Associates.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 22951030. Title from cover. "August 1981." Includes bibliography.  Other: Saint Paul (Minn.). Dept. of Parks and Recreation. Woolworth Research Associates (White Bear Lake, Minn.).

3855.   . (1992). R. Worner (Project Coordinator), Management assistance report Red Lake School District #38  . St. Paul : Minnesota Dept. of Education, Management Assistance Center.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 30404713
Source: PALS online catalog (October 1999 search)

3856.   Worthen, K. J. (1990). Shedding New Light on an Old Debate: A Federal Indian Law Perspective on Congressional Authority to Limit Federal Question Jurisdiction. Minnesota Law Review, 75 (1), 65.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)

3857.   Wosmek, F. (1986). A Brown Bird Singing.  Lothrop, Lee & Shepard Books.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

3858.   Wosmek, F. (1993). A Brown Bird Singing .  William Morrow & Company, Incorporated .
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999

3859.   Wright, C. L. (Reminiscences of a Cruiser). (1974). C. VandersluisMainly logging : a compilation...   Minneota, MN: Minneota Clinic.
Notes: cited by Wub-e-ke-niew (1995)
"Index of lumber camps referred to this volume" and "correctio s and additions": [6] p. inserted. Includes  bibliographies and index. Bourgeois, E. J. Thoughts while strolling.--Morrison, J. G., Jr. Never a dull moment.--Wight, C. L. Reminiscences of a cruiser.

3860.   Wright, H. E. (Herbert Edgar), 1917- , Coffin, B., & Aaseng, N. E. (1992). The Patterned peatlands of Minnesota . Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Notes: Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 24628340
Abstract: Includes bibliographical references and index. Peat landforms -- Vegetation and water chemistry -- Ecological development of patterned peatlands -- Rare vascular plants / Paul H. Glaser -- Bryophtyes / Jan A. Janssens -- Large mammals / William E. Berg -- Small mammals / Gerda E. Nordquist -- Bird populations / Gerald J. Niemi and JoAnn M. Hanowski -- Amphibians and reptiles / Daryl R. Karns -- Surface hydrology / Kenneth N. Brooks -- Groundwater hydrology / Donald I. Siegel -- Impact of ditching and road construction on Red Lake peatland -- Ditching of Red Lake peatland during the homestead era / Kristine L. Bradof -- Development of a raised-bog complex / Jan A. Janssens ... [et al.] -- The Myrtle Lake peatland / C. R. Janssen -- The archaeological and ethnohistoric evidence for prehistoric occupation / Mary K. Whelan -- The Red Lake Ojibwe / Melissa l. Meyer -- Management of Minnesota's peatlands and their economic uses / Mary E. Keirstead -- Peatland protection / Norman E. Aaseng and Robert I. Djupstrom.

3861.   Wright, J. V. (1968). The application of the direct historical approach to the Iroquois and the Ojibwa. Ethnohistory, 15(1), 96-111.
Notes: Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3862.   Wright, J. V. (1965). A regional examination of Ojibwa culture history. Anthropologica (Ottawa), 7(2), 189-227, illus., map, table, diagrs.
Notes: Source: International Bibliography of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. XII (1968:38)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3863.   Wright, L., Jr. (1971). Anglo-Spanish rivalry in North America.

3864.   Wright, M. C. (1996). The circle, broken: gender, family and difference in the Pacific northwest, 1811-1850 (Native Americans). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Rutgers the State University of New Jersey//New Brunswick.
Abstract: Gender, kinship and race patterned relations between Native American peoples of the Pacific Northwest and the Euroamerican fur traders, missionaries and settlers who colonized the region in the first half of the nineteenth century. Hierarchy, rigid gender definitions, and the use of 'race' to both define the 'other' and order social relations marked the patriarchy of the Euroamericans. A diversity of relationship options characterized the more flexible, bilateral Native Americans. Indian women's significant societal power (varied by life-cycle, slavery, family and other factors) structured their relations with the fur traders. Although the Euroamerican's dialogue of power denigrated the women as sexually loose, Indian peoples and the fur trade's laboring class often contested the companies' policies and goals. Indian norms predominated among the families formed by laborers and native women, while the elite traders maintained defensive restrictions within their families. Protestant and Catholic missionaries targeted Indian gender (farming and domesticity) and family (an end to divorce, polygyny and wider kin obligations) for change. Catholics had a process-oriented approach to Christianization, while the Protestants tended to be more rigid and exclusionary. Protestant missionary women experienced conflicts between God's calling and domestic demands, even as they practiced hierarchical relations and segregation to contain contamination feared from the heathen 'other.' Indians, in response, selectively adapted new economic and cultural norms, syncretized spirituality, and resisted mission power. The sexual safety of Euroamerican womanhood cloaked imperial intents as American settlers contained Indian action, forged unity in the colony and proved their collective manhood in war, even as many women experienced the war firsthand. Protection of home and kin also brought Cayuse warriors' attack on the Whitman Mission and revenge for the militia's massacre of an Indian village. The colony's intermarried Euroamericans and metis, while vital to the war's success and to peace negotiations, were suspect. The traders' connections to the Native Americans and their nationality, language  and religious differences seeded a wave of nativism to contain the 'other' within the colony, just as diverse and noncombatant Indian people fell into the racial 'other' outside it. A new ordering of relations resulted.

3865.   Wrone, D. R. (1993). The Economic Impact of The 1837 and 1842 Chippewa Treaties. American Indian Quarterly, 17(3), 329-340.
Notes: Source: UnCover (August 1999 search)
Source: endeavor.rlg.org via University of Minnesota online database, August 1999 search

3866.   Wub-e-ke-niew. (1992 July). [Letter to Swan, Daniel C.].
Abstract:                                                                       P.O. Box 484
                                                                        Bemidji, MN 56601
                                                                        (218) 679-2382
                                                                        July 11, 1992
Daniel C. Swan
Curator of Anthropology for Ethnology
The Science Museum of Minnesota
30 E. 10th Street
St. Paul, Minnesota 55101

FAX (612) 221-4777

Dear Daniel C. Swan,

            The July 10 issue of the Free Native American Press printed an Associated Press article from Seattle on the front page, stating that the George Herbert Walker "Bush administration has quietly asserted that it has the power to declare any Indian tribe in the nation extinct."  From the time of the First Continental Congress, the agenda of the United States of America has always been the Divine Mandate of Manifest Destiny.  The Fundamentalist Christians at the Lake Mohonk Conferences, who were the policy-makers for Indian Country, openly supported genocide of this continent's Aboriginal Indigenous People.  One of the ways of destroying Aboriginal Indigenous Nations, advocated by these Good Christians, was through genetic and social engineering, particularly using the polygamous, morally bankrupt "Squaw Men" on the frontier to bring in alcohol and rum, etc.

            The policy of the United States has always been to Terminate the Indians.  One of the diabolical methods used in this Termination Agenda was the creation of the boarding schools.  The scheme was to brainwash the Aboriginal Indigenous children, such as the Anishinabe Ojibway children, and to change their identity and make them into Indians.  Catch-22 spin control.

            Another part of the Euro-American Governments' scheme to Terminate Indians was designing "blood quantum," where the White owned Bureau of Indian Affairs could take full-blooded Europeans or full-blooded Indo-Europeans and turn them into full-blooded Indians.  The United States Statutes on Indian Enrollment, including Title 25, Section 479, also provide that for the purposes of stealing land, "Aboriginal peoples ... shall be considered Indians."

            The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, writing about the Court of Indian Offenses shortly after its establishment, described the White Indians packed on top of the Aboriginal Indigenous people, as "Indians ... who could be relied upon to aid the Government in its efforts to abolish rites and customs" of Aboriginal Indigenous People.  The Commissioner goes on to write, "The policy of the Government for many years past has been to destroy tribal relations as fast as possible. ... To do this the agents have been accustomed to punish for minor offenses, by imprisonment in the guard-house and by withholding rations."  The missionaries used the same strategies to force Christianity onto Aboriginal Indigenous People.

            Another method used by the Bureau of Indian Affairs, when their Indians got out of line and started talking politics, was to tell their Indians, "with one stroke of the pen, you will no longer exist."  This is what the United States Government's Indians have said to me.  But, I am not an Indian.  Indians were created by the United States Government, as a purely temporary expedient for annihilating the Aboriginal Indigenous People.  The Europeans created the identity of "Indian," they own their Indians, and the Indians have to thank the White man for their existence.  We, the Anishinabe Ojibway People, were here long before the United States Government came into existence.  We are a Sovereign People who own our identity, we are writing our history, and we have a right to exist.  It does not matter what the United States Government says about their Indians -- it does not apply to us.  This land does not belong to either the Indians or to the Europeans, it is and always has been Aboriginal Indigenous Peoples' land.  The Indians created by the White man do not own their own identity, and they do not have any roots, just like the Europeans who gave them the Indian identity do not have any roots on this Continent.  Their Great White Father has a serious identity problem, also.

            The United States Government is trying to abrogate Indian Treaties, again.  For the last hundred and fifty years, they have kept predicting that the Aboriginal Indigenous People will be extinct in another generation -- and try to forget that the Indian Treaties were signed by their subject people, the Indians.  The Anishinabe Ojibway People have never signed a Treaty.  We cannot sell our land, because we cannot sell our identity and we cannot sell our religion.  Maybe the Europeans can sell anything, but we don't.  Abrogating the Chippewa Indian Treaties does not have any effect whatsoever on the Anishinabe Ojibway Peoples' land, which does not and has never belonged to the United States nor to any other European power; not to the Euro-Americans' subject people the Chippewa Indians, either.

            Senator Paul Wellstone sits on the Senate Select Committee for Insular Affairs, which is guilty of complicity in genocide.  Senator Wellstone should be very familiar with Holocausts.  The United States is using mythological "Indians," euphemisms, and Wanna-Be's to get at the Aboriginal Indigenous People.  The ugly statistics of ongoing genocide are hidden in a mass of numbers about "Indians," who are Western European subject peoples.  Every ten year enumeration of the U.S. Census, more Whites and other Indo-Europeans get turned into statistical "Indians."  (The B.I.A.'s present death statistics are calcuated using U.S. Census data about living "Indians.")  The historical and genealogical research that we are doing, proves that these "Indians" are not Aboriginal Indigenous People.  Forcing the identity of "Indian" onto the Aboriginal Indigenous people is a human rights violation, and it is also a violation of the United Nations Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide.

            We encourage the Bush administration to recognize the truth, and come to terms with the massive genocide that the Euro-Americans have committed on both of these Continents.  It is true -- and it urgently needs to be talked about -- that most of the Aboriginal Indigenous Nations on this Continent are indeed extinct, including the Five Civilized Tribes.  If you have an European or Indo-European patrilineal ancestor, and you are an Indian, you are already "Terminated" through genetic engineering.  Anishinabe Ojibway Clans and Dodems are inherited through the father's bloodline.  If you do not have an Aboriginal Indigenous Clan or Dodem, you are history.  The White man has taken your identity away from you, using a colonizing strategy that's older than the Roman Empire, and tried to replace your real identity with the mythological identity of "Indian."  So-called Chippewa Indians, like other conquered people, figure descent through the mother's line -- the Chippewa Indian patrilineal line of inheritance is Indo-European, and thus is no threat to the Whites.  The United States said that they were going to annihilate and terminate the Aboriginal Indigenous People of this Continent, and there are only a few of us who have survived the centuries of genocide.  It's time that the Euro-Americans quit hiding behind their subject peoples the White and Mulatto Indians, and started facing the truth, and taking responsibility for what has been done.

            Genocide is an inherent part of the history, values, and religion of Western European Civilization.  (The U.S.A. was a role model for Adolf Hitler.)  Until the people here deal honestly with their history, they are doomed to repeat it.


            Another message to you Leech Lake Chippewa Indians who are posing as Ojibway people, and trying pretend that you are Aboriginal Indigenous people.  As far as I know, no Anishinabe Ojibway people have been in the inner circle of your Casino operations.  Wait until the Christian Fundamentalists start making money leading grassroots movements against gambling.  To add converts to their flock, they will scapegoat the Indian Casinos, and preach fire and brimstone sermons against gambling, so that they can terminate you and abrogate the fraudulent Treaties.  It's also called fleecing the flock, and pulling the wool over your eyes.  It's coming, it's one of the same old schemes they use over and over again, generation after generation.  The handwriting is on the wall.

            Instead of letting the White Euro-Americans control you through their identity of "Indian," find out who you really are.  Nobody can "terminate" you, if you own your real identity.  I am not an Indian, I am Anishinabe Ojibway, and I have a Clan and a Dodem, and my religion is the Indigenous Anishinabe Ojibway religion, the Midewiwin.  We, the Anishinabe Ojibway People, have an inalienable right to exist in our own Sovereign land.

            Go ahead, George, Terminate your Indians.  Make my day.

                                                            Wub-e-keniew

cc: this article has been submitted to the Ojibway News and the Free Native American Press

3867.   Wub-e-ke-niew . (1992 December). [Letter to Dawson, Jim].
Abstract: Minneapolis Star Tribune
attention: Jim Dawson
                Staff Writer

Dear Jim Dawson,

I enjoyed seeing my article in the Commentary section of the Minneapolis Star Tribune today.  I was particularly amused by the things that you chose to edit out of the article.
I understand your linear and compartmentalized thinking, and some of the phrases that whoever edited the article deleted are the ones which I figured would be the most threatening to people imprisoned within the Indo-European languages and world-view.  To someone outside of your culture, your fears and your unwillingness or inability to face reality are crystal-clear.
The Indians who write, are writing out of the same world-view as the other Europeans.  They have the same values, the same ways of thinking—and much of what they write is simply fleshing out the “Indian” stereotypes which are given to them.  What I write comes from the Anishinabe Ojibway tradition, from my Dodem and my Clan and my identity as Anishinabe Ojibway.  Much of what I write is not mine alone, but is explaining to you in your language what my people have been saying to you (in the Anishinabe Ojibway language) for as long as you have been here.  You couldn’t or wouldn’t listen, so my people have to tell you in English.  What I write comes from my love for this land, from my roots which according to our history are more than one hundred thousand years deep in this land.  It’s a feeling that you Europeans do not have access to on this continent.  I don’t need to wrap myself in any flag (particularly an European one) to prove how “patriotic” I am.  It seems blasphemous to have to pay foreign European taxes for Grandmother Earth, where I come from and where I shall return.
When the Euro-American immigrants finally get the courage to face reality, and understand themselves clearly—only then will you be able to do what you need to do in making this a better place for all people.  Everybody is put here for a purpose, and everybody has something valuable to contribute to this planet.
For your information, I am enclosing a copy of my next column for the Native American Press.  The reason that this particular article is written very aggressively, is because the Chippewa Indians are trying to steal Anishinabe Ojibway land at Red Lake, again.  These “Chippewa Indians” are not Anishinabe Ojibway—they are White, French Métis or African people and we can prove it.  We have been researching your documents relating to their genealogies for eight years, and correlating this with Anishinabe Ojibway oral tradition.  It was a good scheme while it lasted, but now that there are a number of Anishinabe Ojibway who are fluent in English, this scheme is coming to an end.
                                                Wub-e-ke-niew

3868.   Wub-e-ke-niew. (1995 July). [Letter to Spence, Gerry].
Abstract: The Hon. Gerry Spence, Esq.
15 - S. Jackson
Jackson, Wyoming 83001

Dear Gerry Spence,
We very much enjoyed reading your book, With Justice For None—your title is right on the mark.  But, there is more that needs to be said about the Roman and English Common Law which the European-Americans have imported here.  From my Aboriginal Indigenous perspective, what’s usually mis-named “American Law” and “Indian Law” benefits (as designed) only the elite of the group which brought that form of foreign law here, and rips off everyone else (with rare exceptions).  From outside the Western paradigm, from my Peoples’ point of view, the so-called legal system looks very different than it does from within that system, especially since insiders’ views are colored by abstract conceptions of how the Law is “supposed to be.”  To me, the entire structure is illegal and doesn’t belong here.
Enclosed is a copy of my book, We Have The Right To Exist, which we hope you find of interest.
                                                Wub-e-ke-niew

3869.   Wub-e-ke-niew . (1992). BROADCASTING NEWS:  There is a group of people at Red Lake who are in the process of starting an AM and FM radio station here. ... Ojibwe News.
Abstract: BROADCASTING NEWS:  There is a group of people at Red Lake who are in the process of starting an AM and FM radio station here.  This is a community project that doesn’t have anything to do with any government, including the Tribal Council, because government-run radio stations have inherent imbalance and conflict of interest.  In this “Age of Information,” there are many needs in this community that are not addressed by existing broadcast media, and a community owned and operated radio station at Red Lake is sixty years overdue.  The programming that the organizers of this radio station plan include starting the day with an Ojibway prayer at sunrise; Anishinabe Ojibway music, Country-and-Western music, and other music that fits the taste of this community.  In the evening they plan to have news and public affairs programming and also Traditional story-telling (for example Na-na-boo-zho stories and Zhe-bai (“ghost”) stories; community announcements, and other local programming.  There are local functions that need to be announced, and crises that arise, for example accidents on the Lake where a radio station could provide help before it’s too late.  The radio station will also provide school announcements, local weather (North of the Continental Divide), and so on.  They have been working on this project for quite awhile and have a clear idea of how to serve this community’s needs.  To you readers outside of this economically depressed reservation: they need broadcast equipment (transmitters, towers, studio equipment, etc.) and office equipment including a computer and typewriters.  Contact Francis “Boog” Downwind, Jr. at (218) 679-2368, or write him at P.O. Box 356, Redby, MN 56670.  They have a tax-exempt number and donations will be greatly appreciated as well as tax-deductible.

3870.   Wub-e-ke-niew. (1995). Field School Class Project.
Abstract:  Name:________________________

Field School Class project from Wub-e-ke-niew
(Please answer these questions)

1.  Where did your ancestors come from?  Why did they leave their homeland to come live on this continent?

2.  When your ancestors left their country, what did they call themselves?  What was their identity?

3.  What did your ancestors do for a living in their country?  What were their lives like?

4.  Did your ancestors have freedom of religion in their land?

5.  Why did your ancestors give up their identity, and change what they called themselves to “American”?

6.  Can you speak any of your ancestors’ language?  If not, why not?

7.  What kind of games did the children play in the country of your ancestors?

8.  Why did the European immigrants slaughter almost all of the buffalo?

9.  Since you now live on this land, what are you doing to take care of the ecology?  Are you taking responsibility, or do you hope somebody else will take care of it for you?

10.  If you could predict the future in what you call “America,” what do you think is going to happen in your lifetime?

11. Why is there so much violence in this land they call “America”?  How are you going to solve the problem of violence?  What are you doing to make this a better world, so everybody is treated as a human being?

3871.   Wub-e-ke-niew. (1996). The foundation of Ahnishinahbæótjibway society is the Dodems. ...
Abstract: The foundation of Ahnishinahbæótjibway society is the Dodems.  It is hard to describe the nature of these Aboriginal Indigenous extended families in the language of the Western Europeans—the expansion of Western society over the past several thousand years has been dependent upon the destruction and denigration of indigenous forms of extended family, and the conceptual structure of Western Civilization is not conducive to comprehension of kinship/family based egalitarian and organic social organization like that of the Ahnishinahbæótjibway Dodems.  Egalitarian nonviolent societies of any form are an inherent threat to the structure of hierarchical society—hence the government-sponsored boarding schools and other assimilation policies aimed toward the Aboriginal Indigenous people.
There is very little information on Ahnishinahbæótjibway society accessible to Western Europeans, but volumes and volumes have been written about the Chippewa and other Indians across the country.  In order to begin to comprehend the nature of Aboriginal Indigenous social structure, it is crucial to realize that the vast majority of both the writing and the people identified as “Indian” has nothing to do with the Aboriginal Indigenous people—these Indians are Métis with an European or North African patriline and a hierarchical creole culture which has very little resemblance to Ahnishinahbæótjibway or other Aboriginal Indigenous cultures.  Recently, there has been a resurgence of White interest in indigenous cultures, which has been re-directed toward the Indians.  The Indians speak frequently of a “cultural revival,” of “bringing back traditions”—but how can the very people who played a crucial role in destroying the Aboriginal Indigenous people and cultures, and selling our land, hope to “regain” something which they never had?  The Indians have a hierarchical, nuclear-family based social structure, and the same values as their Western European relations.  The Chippewa Indians’ historical authorities such as William Warren write about “migration from the East,” which is an accurate description of the movement of the Métis during the fur trade, although they could have extended the description of westward migration over the Atlantic Ocean.
The “extended family” for the Indians centers on European feudalism and the Great White Father: the institutional patriarch who used these mixed-blood people as tools in the occupation and conquest of this continent, the genocide of the Aboriginal Indigenous inhabitants, and the assuaging of the White man’s burden of guilt by giving the Indians “sovereignty” and continues to use these people as intermediaries in the ongoing destruction of the ecosystem and the “mopping up” in the total annihilation of both the Aboriginal Indigenous people and every trace that we ever existed.  “Indian sovereignty,” as used by the United States government, is just another form of segregation.  When the Indians have served their purpose, the U.S. Government will resume the policy initiated during the Eisenhower administration: termination of Indians and their assimilation into the lower socio-economic strata of the mainstream American society.  The Indians are not the Aboriginal Indigenous people; the “Indians” are an entirely different people than the Ahnishinahbæótjibway.
The expansion of Western society has been filled with abandoned fragments of nuclear families, and the children created and molded to fill the needs of the state.  Corporations, churches and the government—the patriarchy—purport to be the extended family, but they meet their obligations toward “their people” only when it is convenient for them to do so; frequently evading responsibility for the pain, economic distress and dislocation which they have created by blaming the victims of their own policies.  The State is going after “deadbeat dads,” imprisoning jobless men who have abandoned by the corporations or expropriated by GATT, scathingly criticizing people for doing the impossible within the constraints of the nuclear family.  People are kept off balance and in chaos by conflicting and irreconcilable messages, mutual impossibilities, and psychological and social violence.  For example, young people are cut off from the wisdom of their elders (“youth” is the idol and the target of the Nation-state, and the discarding of elders is a part of the nuclear-family cycle that each generation experiences), flooded with multi-dimensional and market-tested messages of sexuality, and then condemned for either “teen pregnancy” or abortion.  These and other strategies are repeated over and over again, with the chorus of “exploitation is healthy.”  The paradigm of Western nuclear families creates an unhappy society full of hate and violence.

The egalitarian Ahnishinahbæótjibway Dodems are neither “tribes” nor “bands”—they are intricately inter-linked aspects of a continent-wide extended family, inter-related with the fish, the birds, the furred animals and the amphibians.  There were at least 32 Ahnishinahbæótjibway Dodems—immortal extended families, and in order to understand Aboriginal Indigenous social structure, it is important to realize that there were no hierarchical nuclear families here, and our Aboriginal Indigenous language was not hierarchical (the Chippewa language, which the White man created, is hierarchical and has no connection with the Ahnishinahbæótjibway language except for a few mutated vocabulary-words)... and it has been destroyed as a living language, as planned by the invading Western society.1

The only perspective available to the average American of Ahnishinahbæótjibway society is that written by the Western European invaders, who did not understand the nature of our extended family and community—and who do not understand their own society’s lack of extended family or community.  From an Aboriginal Indigenous perspective, Westerners have no comprehension whatsoever of our most fundamental social structure, the extended family; and indeed there is an enormous and pathological void in Western society because their extended families have been systematically destroyed as Western Civilization “advanced.”  The Western European people are fleeing the ghosts of their past, running away from their own history and denying the reality of their own identity by trying to create the new identity of “Americans.”  In order to create a viable society in the twenty-first century, they need to come to terms with their past: both what they themselves have lost, and what they have taken from others; their historical revisionism and their projections onto other people.
The love and connectedness which are inherent in Ahnishinahbæótjibway extended family are a normal and natural requirement of all living beings; Western society depends on the destruction of extended family and the perversion and sublimation of healthy human social drives into the minimally-fulfilling hierarchical institutional structures upon which Western society depends: organized religion, political structures and Western economic structures, and the patriarchal Nation-state all depend upon the absence of egalitarian extended families.
The nuclear families of Western society do not have any roots—they are “fly-by-nights,” here today and gone tomorrow, transients who do not care where their people are buried.  If they would have had Aboriginal Indigenous connections to their own land, they would have maintained that land.  But, the poor substitute of an extended family which they have, the State, touts the “highly mobile” Western society.  Ahnishinahbæótjibway Dodems are of the land in ways which are incomprehensible to Westerners: for example, my ancestors of the Bear Dodem have been born right here, have lived here and died here, and have been buried here over the course of at least four ice ages—this land; the beings of this ecosystem past, present and future; my ancestors, my descendants and myself are one and inseparable.  There is neither boundary nor separation between the Bear Dodem, the land and myself—we are family, we are connected throughout what Westerners would call “eternity.”  Even though Western society has done its best, and in most ways succeeded, in destroying Ahnishinahbæótjibway people, language and culture, our spirit and the ghosts of those who have been killed, remain an integral part of the land.
Western languages are profoundly disconnected from nature and Aboriginal Indigenous reality; these languages are masters of deception which create illusions.  An example is the description of forests as “renewable resources,” ignoring the ramifications of cutting down even one tree, and blinding people to the imminently self-destructive process of demolishing natural ecosystems and hiding from reality by planting “tree farms.”  The Ahnishinahbæótjibway Dodems lived in harmony and in balance with an ecology which we kept as an abundant paradise where Grandmother Earth gave us all that we needed: food, clothing, health and shelter.  What for us can only be translated into Western European thought as “heaven on earth,” the Western invaders called “wild,” and wildly proceeded to destroy what he laid claim to as “God’s creation.”  “Wild” is a projection which fits the European invaders—when they label what was here as “wild” they are really telling on themselves, and identifying what they are.
The patriarchal elite of Western society operates on the principles enumerated by Machiavelli, including “divide and conquer;” intolerant of even hierarchical extended families, and driving wedges into the most intimate aspects of the nuclear family.  The State, which is the patriarchal pseudo-family offered to the masses, penetrates its influence even into the bedrooms of the people subjugated under its Democracy, Socialism, Communism, Capitalism, Christianity, and other institutional philosophies.  The destruction of the extended family leaves a void which is felt but cannot be described in Western languages; people within Western society adopt many different strategies to deal with that void, resulting in teen pregnancies, gang membership, drugs, divorces, addictions, anger, joining “unhappy groups” like the Neo-Nazis so that they can project their own pain onto other people in the form of hate... all of these patterns resulting from the destruction of the extended families and the abstract hierarchical languages of Western society prevent people from dealing with the root causes of their pain.  There is no language or grammar in Western society to structure, maintain, or even comprehend egalitarian extended family.  Westerners are forced into the mold of “mechanical man,” and are crippled by their culture and their language in ways which abuse them, wound them deeply and prevent them from becoming fully human and from realizing their inter-connectedness with all life on earth.

If one could stand outside the structure of the Western society, and look at it from another paradigm, they would realize that the Hippie movement, the New Age phenomenon, and the great numbers of Whites searching for “medicine men,” shamans, and “Indian religion” all come from the innate sense of loss which remains on some level of awareness for many Westerners, despite the numbing, sado/masochistic, addictive and disconnecting effects of Western language and culture.

Western society has come full circle, using the achievements of their “advanced technology” to bomb the barren sands of the land which they once called the Garden of Eden.  They are maintaining institutional illusions about their society and their history at an ever-increasing cost.

Ahnishinahbæótjibway Dodems/extended family, language and culture have been destroyed—the people of my grandfather’s generation were the last of my people who experienced anything resembling an intact society, and even in my grandfather’s youth our people were under heavy genocidal attack.  As a child I spoke my native language with my grandfather and other older relatives, and came to understand my Ahnishinahbæótjibway heritage through my grandfather; but what remained of the Ahnishinahbæótjibway in my childhood was shattered fragments of a people and a culture, many who were the last of their Dodem, survivors of a holocaust who would take the living Ahnishinahbæótjibway language with them to their graves.
Being “Indian” is culturally apropos at the moment, and many mixed-blood acculturated Chippewa Indians talk about “bringing back traditions,” or “reinventing Indians” from by an acculturated people who were almost terminated by the Eisenhower administration, and have very little understanding of their own history and traditions, and virtually none of the Ahnishinahbæótjibway one.  But, one can never re-create the past, nor bring the organic vitality of a living culture back from extermination.  The “traditions” accessible to born-again Indians are White interpretations and projections, or discoveries of “lost tribes” who conveniently came back from the brink of extinction just in time to open up an Indian Gaming casino.
After being confronted with undeniable documentary evidence of the extent of the destruction wrought upon my people, I have finally come to terms with the harsh reality that I tried to deny for most of my life: the Ahnishinahbæótjibway, which interpreted into English means “We, the People,” are gone; our culture has been destroyed.  Those few of us who survive as individuals and tattered shreds of Dodems have some understanding our identity; a tiny percentage of our Aboriginal Indigenous land—ravaged and plundered by the Westerners, her ecology wrecked or teetering on the brink of collapse; we have our Ahnishinahbæótjibway perspective and memories of the time when our language lived.  We are no longer “We, the People” living in what seemed the eternal and infinite harmony of our Dodems; we are extinct in terms of the culture and people who we once were.  What we have lost is almost beyond comprehension, but there comes a time to let go of the distinctly non-Ahnishinahbæótjibway emotion of anger, and live in harmony with reality, in accordance with the non-violent values of my people.
What remains for me to do is to offer what I know to all of the people who are here now (I won’t say “black” or “white” or “yellow” because everybody has been mongrelized by centuries of Western war-and-peace).  The history of Western Civilization has come full circle upon itself, and they are coming to the end of their paradigm.  The descendants of the immigrants and invaders are here, and probably have no place else to go.  The Ahnishinahbæótjibway tradition is a part of this land; our spirit and our ghosts are inseparable from this living part of Grandmother Earth.  The time has come for the newcomers to learn how to address the violence which is an inherent part of their culture; to treat other people as human beings rather than exploiting them, and to live in harmony with this land and with themselves.

The  Dodems were the foundation of Ahnishinahbæótjibway society: they were egalitarian extended families.  The network of Dodems and maternal relatives was the bedrock of our social universe, our identity, our culture, our relationships with each other and our understanding of what it means to be a human being.  Anthropologists have focussed on the “kinship” of indigenous peoples, without ever coming to a full understanding of the meaning or pervasive significance of the extended families which we had.  They had no basis of comparison in their own hierarchical, nuclear-family society; they had no cultural groundwork for understanding community in our terms.
There were at least 32 Ahnishinahbæótjibway Dodems; I am of the Bear Dodem.  The Dodems are patrilineal, meaning that one is born into their father’s Dodem; when a woman married she also took on her husband’s Dodem; her children were born into her husband’s Dodem but had an equally close kinship relationship with their mother’s side of the family.  Ahnishinahbæótjibway favored marrying from outside of the local community; the women coming from across the continent to live with their husbands’ Dodem and people.  Ahnishinahbæótjibway are and have always been exogamous, meaning that we do not marry anyone to whom we are related; and we defined relatives as anyone of the same Dodem, or otherwise related by blood through seven generations... grandparents’ (two generations) grandparents’ (four generations) great-grandparents, and all of their descendants are blood relatives—and we knew who all of these thousands of relatives were.  This huge network of relatives created a vast “social security” safety net; a loving family extending thousands of miles in all directions; more than ten thousand brothers and sisters with whom any kind of sexual relationship was unthinkable and unimaginable, and therefore with whom we interacted in ways not readily understood in the sexually-permeated Western society.
Many of the original birchbark scrolls were genealogical records, recording the Dodem’s family history far beyond seven generations; the birchbark scrolls which I have examined are Métis scrolls (many of which are hocus-pocus made specifically for sale to anthropologists in the mid to late nineteenth century)—I do not know of any Ahnishinahbæótjibway scrolls which have survived.  Almost all of the scrolls which are preserved in museums as “Chippewa scrolls” are the Métis’ creole scrolls, just as the language which as recorded as “Chippewa” is a creole fur-trade language.  Because we did not marry within the sixteen Dodems to whom we were the most closely related (our parents’, grandparents’, great-grandparents, and great-grandparents’ Dodems), and because we did not marry blood relatives through seven generations, we avoided many of the genetic diseases which plague Western society; the Ahnishinahbæótjibway people were environmentally, socially, and genetically healthy... we were the third-tallest group of people in the world—most of us over six feet tall.

Identity and affiliation, including what in English are tangentially referred to as the “herd instinct” and the “nesting instinct,” are among the fundamental human needs which were filled by the Ahnishinahbæótjibway Dodems and egalitarian extended family; food, clothing and shelter were readily provided for in our permacultural relationship to our intact ecology, leaving plenty of time for leisure and socialization, arts and other forms of creativity.  We were totally secure with our identity as ourselves, as human beings, and of our being loved and belonging within the constellation of our relatives; within the context of our kinship-oriented society—we did not need external definitions of ourselves.  Western society has intentionally limited even the hierarchical feudal extended families of its past history, in part because Western institutions such as the Church depend on usurping the natural human drive for affiliation which was filled by the Ahnishinahbæótjibway extended families.
The gangs, teenage pregnancy and abortion, divorce, violence and social “deviance,” which stem from the unbalanced and dehumanizing dynamics of attenuated nuclear families and Western hierarchy—none of these were generated by Ahnishinahbæótjibway extended families.  The principal emotional states of Western culture: including anger, fear, sorrow, disgust, lust, surprise, jealousy, hate, profanity and greed, result from the inherent imbalances of Western hierarchical nuclear-family social structure (and the abstract languages which help maintain that structure), and because of Ahnishinahbæótjibway kinship, egalitarian society and extended families, were not a part of our personality structure nor social repertoire.

From an Ahnishinahbæótjibway perspective, Western European people are transients who have no roots and no sense of connection to the land.  In our tradition, the Dodems had an eternal connection to the land; each patriline belonged to a particular place of the land, had lived in that place since time immemorial, and was a part of the natural cycles of the land; our ancestors had been buried in the land since the beginning of human time, and “selling land” was a metaphysical impossibility.  We did not have Nation-states (or the “tribes” or “bands” which are part of the popular Western misconception of Aboriginal Indigenous culture); we were not defined or entrapped by any abstract monetary system, and our relationship to the land was a living, untaxed one.  We understood and respected the ecological balance of the land, and maintained it as a paradise—in the Ahnishinahbæótjibway understanding, no sane people would foul their own nest.
The Westerners have been running from the immense pain of their past and their hierarchically imposed identities.  Western society is full of “blind alleys” which are designed to eliminate threats to the structure by diverting people, re-directing them into “fighting the establishment” in violent, dead-end hierarchical terms—the survivalist “anti-tax” movement is one of these blind alleys, as is communism and the “get government off our backs/states’ rights” movement.  Westerners can begin to regenerate their relationship to the land by doing their genealogies, and putting their extended families back together again; by recreating a vocabulary and a grammar which is in harmony with egalitarian extended family.  The land is a critical part of this, and a family which works together on the land, growing their own food, is beginning to rebuild the links which are essential for a truly human society.  All people need to put their hands into the Earth, and understand “this is where I come from, and this is where I will return.”
The Ahnishinahbæótjibway did not have domesticated animals—we did not need pets like cats or dogs to fill the void left by lack of extended family, and we understood the ecological devastation wrought by domesticated herbivores such as sheep and cattle.  The deer and moose with whom we lived in harmony, lived gently in relationship to the environment, leaving tracks and faint traces where they had eaten... they did not devour the young trees and destroy the ecological balance like cattle, sheep and goats do.  It is true that deer, like wolves and other non-domesticated animals, maintain the ecological harmony by eating that which is out of balance—like introduced horticultural species such as too-tender apple trees.  Western agriculture is an entirely different, hierarchical paradigm: in which the cattle have more and better land than the people do, the foundation of the food supply is a few mono-cropped species which are extremely vulnerable to disease, and the eventual residue of “civilization” is desertification.  These pathologies would not be possible in the context of balanced, egalitarian extended families—this is why Ahnishinahbæótjibway families were attacked and destroyed as a part of Western expansion (if the Westerners had taken care of their land, they would have never needed to “expand” here... and they are not taking care of this land either, they are destroying it also.)

1
The deliberate destruction of Ahnishinahbæótjibway and other Aboriginal Indigenous languages is documented in the book, We Have The Right to Exist, also by Wub-e-ke-niew.

3872.   Wub-e-ke-niew. (1996). A memorial to the Aboriginal Indigenous people of this Continent: We of the Bear Dodem of the Ahnishinahbæótjibway intend to establish a radio station on our Aboriginal land at Red Lake as a memorial ...
Abstract: We of the Bear Dodem of the Ahnishinahbæótjibway intend to establish a radio station on our Aboriginal land at Red Lake as a memorial to the Aboriginal people who have lived here since time immemorial.  We are among the very few survivors of a five-hundred year holocaust which has annihilated almost all of the Aboriginal people of this continent.  We, the few who are still alive, are paying tribute to our Ahnishinahbæótjibway ancestors and to the other Indigenous people who were here, and giving voice to our heritage, values and culture.  There have been other memorials to other peoples established all over the world, to wars and generals and other victims of other holocausts.  We as survivors of this genocide need to establish a living memorial to the Aboriginal Indigenous peoples of this continent.
In front of the radio station, we will put a plaque honoring our people who were destroyed in the holocaust of the Aboriginal Indigenous people of this Continent, and commemorating the Dodems of the Ahnishinahbæótjibway.  The plaque will also contain a brief history of the Aboriginal Indigenous people.  The radio station will be the first ever memorial to the Indigenous people of this Continent; the first to fully acknowledge the human rights violations against the Aboriginal Indigenous people of this continent.

The Need: Although there is historical acknowledgment of the Métis and other immigrant people who were a part of the European colonization of this continent, even the existence of ourselves and the other Aboriginal Indigenous people has been ignored, distorted and obscured by Western history and culture.  We have been intentionally and consistently confused with the people identified as American Indians, who are an immigrant creole people of European heritage and patrilineal descent.  We, the Aboriginal Indigenous people, are a nearly extinct people, and while we are still able to do so, we feel compelled to memorialize the many millions of our people who were killed in the genocide which characterized Western Civilization’s presence on this continent for more than four centuries.  We are the last of our people, and we need to pay tribute to the Aboriginal people who were here, both to our own ancestors, and to those many millions who people were annihilated completely and who are without descendants.
It may need to be stressed that we are not Indians, and we are not establishing an Indian radio station.  We leave it to the Indians, who the United States and Canada count in the millions, to come to terms with their own history and to memorialize that history as they see fit.
Why a Radio Station?  A radio station is a living memorial, presenting to the world the egalitarian, non-violent and profoundly beautiful values lived by the Aboriginal Indigenous peoples of this continent.  It is a memorial to a multitude of languages and cultures which have been destroyed.  We Ahnishinahbæótjibway of the Bear Dodem are among the very few who have survived, and a radio station will allow the world to hear our last voices, as we go into extinction within the next generation—as the holocaust of our people takes its final toll.

Plan
What will it do?  Our ancient wisdom may be helpful to a troubled world—we understood how to maintain both the ecosystem and our societies in harmony.  Our voice has been silenced here, and a radio station will let the world know that there were Aboriginal Indigenous people who lived here for countless millennia before the Indians or the Europeans.  The Western European people have to come to terms with what they have done on this continent—they cannot continue to hide it.  The only way that a solid foundation for the future can be built, is on an honest understanding of the past.  Among the things which we will broadcast are discussions of the Ahnishinahbæótjibway Dodems, which in translation are extended families many generations deep, in comparison to Western social structure, which is based on nuclear families.

How will a Radio Station do this?  Most of our people have been mis-educated, and many of both our own people and those of our audience have been mis-educated and are functionally illiterate, although they have other talents.  A radio station will help a wide range of people who do not read newspapers.  It will give voice to people whose traditions are oral rather than written.  It will provide a venue for grassroots music which has not been given commercial air-time, and give voice to those who have been silenced.  The dynamics of a radio station will be a living memorial to the Aboriginal Indigenous people who were here.

Who’s Competent to Establish and Run the Radio Station?  We, the Ahnishinahbæótjibway of the Bear Dodem are among the last surviving Aboriginal Indigenous people.  We are the only ones who understand our heritage, and it is we who must memorialize the Aboriginal Indigenous people of this continent.

What Do We Need?  We have our own ancestral land which has never been under treaty and which has never been ceded—it does not belong to the United States Government and it does not belong to the Indians; it is our Aboriginal Indigenous land.  We have the airwaves, the dedication and the motivation.  We need: AM/FM radio broadcasting equipment, studio equipment, buildings, a radio tower, a diesel generator, and operating funds.  Most of our people live below the poverty level in areas where unemployment reaches 90%, and it would be helpful to pay those working on the radio station.  We are working on a more detailed budget, detailing the specific equipment and operating funds.  We welcome in-kind donations such as the radio transmitters and towers, studio equipment, etc.  We are seeking donations from individuals who feel that they can make a difference in this world
                                                            Please Contact: Wub-e-ke-niew, Ahnishinahbæótjibway of the Bear Dodem

3873.   Wub-e-ke-niew. (1997). Six questions about language from Wub-e-ke-niew to Dr. Harvey Sarles.
Abstract: 1) If you destroy the language, you destroy the culture.  What is culture comprised of?

2) If you destroy the language, do you destroy the people?  Do the people go extinct?

3) Why do you want to destroy the language and culture of any people to begin with?  What benefit is it to you (plural) to do this?  What are your (plural) motives?

4) The Western European culture and language have no respect or manners for other people, including themselves.  Why doesn’t it have manners or respect?  They invaded this land, and remain here.

5) After all of these years, when they said they wanted to destroy the Indians (implying that the Indigenous people were Indians), saying, “they will not live amongst us,” now, all of a sudden, they are promoting the Indians.  Why are they promoting them?  They are teaching Chippewa in the schools, but they are not teaching it in the homes.  They are teaching it with White teachers and wanna-be’s.  I would like to know who is an Indian, and why is he here?  Indian is a foreign language, a foreign term.  What do they mean by Indian languages?  From India?  They are being very vague.  They need to explain themselves.  I want to know, and nobody tells me.  I have been asking this question, and nobody answers me.

6) The indigenous language and Chippewa are two very different languages.  Why are the distinctions being blurred?

3874.   Wub-e-ke-niew. (1992). To: The International Court of Justice:  We, the Anishinabe Ojibway People of the Anishinabe Ojibway Nation, are, by this letter, filing against the genocide, ecocide, human rights violations, and other acts of war committed against our People. ...
Abstract: International Court of Justice
Peace Palace
The Hague, The Netherlands

To: The International Court of Justice:  We, the Anishinabe Ojibway People of the Anishinabe Ojibway Nation, are, by this letter, filing against the genocide, ecocide, human rights violations, and other acts of war committed against our People.
I am Wub-e-keniew, son of Wub-e-keniew, who was the son of Bah-wah-we-nind, who was the son of Bah-se-noss.  We are Anishinabe Ojibway People of the Bear Clan and Dodem.  Bah-se-noss was hereditary spokesperson and Midewiwin spiritual leader of the Anishinabe Ojibway People of the Bear Clan at Red Lake.  His title and responsibility has passed to my grandfather, Bah-wah-we-nind, and thus to myself, his only surviving grandson.
I speak for myself and also on behalf of my people, the Anishinabe Ojibway People.  We are a Sovereign people of the Sovereign Anishinabe Ojibway Nation.  We retain some of our Aboriginal Indigenous land, at Red Lake in the territory claimed by the United States, and the State of Minnesota.  Although the United States Government fraudulently claims “eminent domain” to this land, we have never ceded our land, our Sovereignty, our Midewiwin Religion, our culture, our values, our resources, nor our Eminent Domain to the United States, the State of Minnesota, the Christian churches, to any other European institution nor power, nor to anyone else.  The United States is presently claiming that it holds “trust title” for the part of our Anishinabe Ojibway land which they call the “Red Lake Indian Reservation.”  It needs to be made clear that the vast majority of people whom the United States Government identifies as “Red Lake Chippewa Indians” are not, in fact, Anishinabe Ojibway People—and that the “Sovereignty” to which the United States refers in regard to “Chippewa Indians” is in fact, an European Sovereignty delegated through the United States Secretary of the Interior—and has absolutely nothing to do with the intrinsic Sovereignty of the Anishinabe Ojibway People.  The United States Government has been using slippery English in order to deceive the world about what they are continuing to do to the Anishinabe Ojibway and other Aboriginal Indigenous Peoples here.  We have always known that they were lying, but we could not do anything about it until we spoke fluent English.
We are not “American Indians,” we are not “Chippewa Indians,” and we are not “Native Americans.”  The Europeans have used the Judeo-Christian religion, which is an immigrant religion here, to justify their heinous acts of genocide and other aggression against the Anishinabe Ojibway People; and they have used Christianity to falsely claim title to this land.  The Judeo-Christian Bible (King James Edition) reads,

“... and whatsoever Adam called every living creature, that was the name thereof.” [Genesis 2:19]
“And he said unto them, Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creature.” [St. Luke 16:15]
“... subdue [the earth]; and have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth.”  [Genesis 1:18]

The Judeo-Christians do not have the authority to re-name the Anishinabe Ojibway people, by calling us “Indians,” “Native Americans,” “Chippewas,” or anything else.  They have followed their alien Biblical prescription for “having dominion,” but they have no right to change our identity, nor to call us anything except by our proper name.  The Indo-European interpretation of “God” and what “God” tells them to do, is not the only one in the world.  They do not have a monopoly on “truth,” and from the Anishinabe Ojibway perspective, it seems like they’re pretty far from the truth.  To try to annihilate a people by destroying their identity or their religion is genocide in the name of an Indo-European “God.”  They have no right to claim religious “dominion” over any but their own Indigenous land where Eden once flourished.  They have no right to try to impose their foreign religion into anybody else’s land.  They have no right to try to “convert” Anishinabe Ojibway people to their alien religion.  This is our land, and our own Midewiwin religion is ancient and deep within this land.
According to the foreign Judeo-Christian Fundamentalists, Adam was evicted from Eden in 4004 B.C.  We, the Anishinabe Ojibway People, have been living here, on this land given to us by the Great Creator, and have been living our Midewiwin Religion on this land for more than four ice ages.  Our Spiritual Tradition is older than Judaism, Christianity, Buddhism, and Islam put together.  The Anishinabe Ojibway Midewiwin is a part of our land, inseparable from Grandmother Earth, and both we the Anishinabe Ojibway People and our Midewiwin religion belong here.  The alien religions which the Europeans have imported onto our land have no jurisdiction here.
The Judeo-Christians have no right to claim our land in the name of their very recent Deity.  They have no right to kill our people in the name of “religious salvation.”  They have no right to brainwash our children, particularly through compulsory “education.”  They have no right to build “churches” within our own, under the great sacred Cathedral dome of the Sky.  They have no right to destroy what they do not own nor understand, and no right to claim that which is not theirs.
The Europeans have gone into other peoples’ lands all over the world, justifying their theft in the name of Christianity.  They have stolen other Peoples’ land, property, and resources, because the Europeans did not take care of their own land, property, and resources; because Europe was plundered and European resources squandered in the endless wars of the European war culture.  Judeo-Christianity is used to condone the Christians’ thievery, plunder and killing.
The Europeans have brought more than ninety (90) diseases onto our land, some of them used specifically and intentionally in germ warfare.  We have documentation of medical experimentation by the United States Government on the Anishinabe Ojibway people at Red Lake.  The Euro-Americans have also fostered alcoholism among the Anishinabe Ojibway people, using their imported “sacred substance” as a tool of genocide.  How many categories of mental illness have they brought over here, also?  We have not been able to count them.  All of their diseases came from their war and from their main mental illness of greed.
How can you go into somebody else’s land and claim it, when there are already people living there—Sovereign people who have cherished that land for countless millennia.  How would you like it if I went into your house and claimed everything?  I don’t think you’d like it.  That’s what the Europeans have done and are doing.  Don’t they have any manners, any respect?  Do they think that they are the only people who count?  How can anybody respect them, when they don’t have any respect for anybody else?
The Europeans have created another “race” of people, the “Indians.”  There were no “Indians” on either one of these Continents before the Europeans got here.  The “Indians” are used as brokers and middle-men to steal Anishinabe Ojibway Peoples land, Sovereignty, and resources; and the “Indians” are used by the United States to obscure their ongoing genocide of the Anishinabe Ojibway people.  The United States claims to have millions of “Indians.”  In Anishinabe Ojibway country, less than five percent of the people counted as “Indians” [which we are not], are in fact Aboriginal Indigenous People.
After the “French-and-Indian Wars,” how many French people were made into “Indians” by the conquering British?  We can document thousands of French people turned into “Chippewa Indians.”  These French “Indians” are not my people.  They are not Anishinabe Ojibway people, although the United States falsely claims that they and we are the same invented category, “Chippewa Indians.”
The Europeans have tried to forcibly impose alien European political structures, like “Democracy” onto the Anishinabe Ojibway Nation.  The United States Congress’ colonial puppet government, the Indian Reorganization Act “Tribal Councils,” were manipulated onto Red Lake Anishinabe Ojibway land deceitfully, and against the desires of the Red Lake Anishinabe Ojibway people.  We can document this.  “Democracy,” “Communism,” and “Capitalism” are all European concepts, all alien to this land.  They do not belong here, and they have no place in the non-violent, egalitarian Theocratic society of the Anishinabe Ojibway people.  Their forcible imposition of these alien political structures is a human rights violation, and has included genocide.
The European Nations of France, England, and the United States have made “Treaties” with “Indians.”  The land covered by these “Treaties” did not belong to the “Indians” [all people with an Indo-European patriline].  The land here belongs to the Anishinabe Ojibway People with a patrilineal Clan and Dodem of the Midewiwin.  It is held jointly by us through the Midewiwin.  The land is a part of our identity and our religion, and cannot be sold.
Another diabolical scheme which has been done by the European immigrants is taking Anishinabe Ojibway resources, and turning it into the alien Dollar economic system.  They have destroyed our resources and our food supply with genocidal intent.  They have polluted our waters where our fish live; they have destroyed the habitat for our game animals; they have sent some of our game animals into extinction; they have cut down our permacultural Sugar-Maple trees and destroyed our permacultural Mahnomen [“wild rice”] lakes.  They have clearcut our forests, and they tell us that this is “Civilization.”  I do not call this “civilization,” I call it acts of criminal insanity.
The United States Government created the boarding schools.  They kidnapped and brainwashed all of the Anishinabe Ojibway children.  The purpose of the Boarding Schools was to take away the self-esteem, identity, language, religion, and culture of the Anishinabe Ojibway People.  I speak from experience: I was held nine years as a political prisoner of these foreign European-Americans in a Boarding School.  These alien European-Americans do not have any identity, they do not have any culture, and they do not have any roots here.  They have no right to come in here; they have no right to torture Anishinabe Ojibway children nor anybody else.
We, the Anishinabe Ojibway People have a right to exist.  We have a right to retain our own Sovereign Nation on our own Sovereign land, without any interference from anybody.  The United States Government has no right to plant their European subject people, the “Chippewa Indians” on our land, and to “negotiate” with them to steal Anishinabe Ojibway land, resources and Sovereignty.
The United States Government, whose Sovereignty is held by England, is currently violating the International Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide, against the Anishinabe Ojibway People.  They are currently committing Acts of War against we, the Anishinabe Ojibway Nation.  They are currently violating our Sovereign territory, and refuse to recognize the Eminent Domain and Sovereignty of the Anishinabe Ojibway People in our own land.
We, the Anishinabe Ojibway People, are a non-violent people.  There are no words for “War” and “Peace” in our language.  Our Sovereign Nation is a theocracy, but it is not a diabolical scheme to seek converts to rule the world.  We do not seek converts.  We wish to live in peace in our own land, without interference from anybody.
There are a lot of good White, Black, and other people here who love and respect the land, and who are decent people.  We have no quarrel with these people.  However, the people near the top of the hierarchy are the ones who stand to benefit from the holocaust of our people and the decimation of our environment.  Both this W.A.S.P. élite, and most of the Indo-European “Indians,” who owe their existence, their identity, and their loyalty to the Euro-American élite are in complicity with the ongoing genocide, human rights violations, and other travesties against our Anishinabe Ojibway land, Sovereignty, and people.
We have the documentation to back up what we write.  We have been doing research for the past eight years into the genealogy and history of Red Lake, and have thousands of pages of documentation.  We would like to have our case tried in the International Court of Justice.  Could you please send us any forms necessary for us to fill out to file against the genocide, acts of War, and human rights violations committed by the United States and England.  [We include England because the Sovereignty of the Euro-American W.A.S.P. élite is held, through the Anglican Church, by England.]  If you do not have a procedure for redressing the grievances of the Aboriginal Indigenous Peoples of the world, we ask you why not?  Genocide has been a constant thread in European history; it is a part of their very cultural structure.  Anybody who would commit genocide in the name of their religion is spiritually bankrupt.
Do the Nuremberg Principles apply in this case?  It seems that the United States has been formulating their “Indian” policy in accordance with the European rules of war; however the European concepts of war and peace have no place on this Continent, and we, the Anishinabe Ojibway People, are not a part of the United States Government’s “Indians.”  According to the United States Senate policy reports on “Indian Affairs” written in 1977, the United States expects that “Indians” will have disappeared by about the year 2027.  We, the Anishinabe Ojibway People, see the long-term Euro-American agenda as being that of obliterating the Aboriginal Indigenous Peoples, both from the history which they control, and as a People.  The abuse of the word European “Indian” to refer to both French people and Anishinabe Ojibway people is a part of this strategy.  If we had not learned English, they probably would have gotten away with it.
We request that the proceedings of this case be published, and sent not only to the European-oriented élite “leaders” of the Nations of the world, but also to the genuine Indigenous leaders of the surviving Aboriginal Indigenous Nations.
                                                                        Sincerely,
                                                                        Wub-e-keniew, a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. 

3875.   Wub-e-ke-niew , Harding, M., & NiiSka, C. (1996). Spring--the Season of Sugar. The Grapevine, Harmony Natural Foods Cooperative Newsletter.
Abstract: By the time you read this, we will be in our sugarbush: cutting firewood, washing kettles and pails, experimenting with what we hope will be a more efficient sap evaporator, and checking our first tap to see if the sap is running yet.
As the cycle of the seasons moves toward Spring, the days get longer and the sunlight soaks the land with welcome warmth.  Every being who has rested through the cold of Winter begins to awaken.  The birds are beginning to return, the bear cubs making their first explorations beyond the den where they were born in mid-Winter, and the sap is beginning to rise in the trees.  As the sugar-beet farmers in the Red River Valley stare across acres of mud and wait for their fields to dry enough to start planting again, here it’s maple sugar-making time.
Sugar maples were one of the foundations of Ahnishinahbæótjibway permaculture, of the Aboriginal Indigenous peoples’ harmonious and respectful inter-relationship with the natural cycles of Grandmother Earth.  A sugarbush is part of a complex, integrated ecosystem where several species of maple, basswood, birch, ash and other trees—along with hundreds of species of shrubs, grasses, ferns and herbs, birds and insects, and animals all live in symbiotic and mutually-supportive harmony.  Ahnishinahbæótjibway permaculture was an economy of abundance, egalitarian and inter-connected, and not susceptible to centralized control.  The Dodems (extended families) would gather at the family sugarbushes to make sugar together in the Spring.  Everybody from babies to centenarians worked together in the sugarbush and enjoyed the companionship of the extended family.  The heat from sap-boiling fires felt just right in the gathering warmth of springtime sunshine, and it was a beautiful time of year.
Although the methods used to make maple syrup and maple sugar have changed on the surface—steel drills instead of axes to tap the trees, tin cans and plastic pails instead of birchbark containers, metal or plastic “taps” instead of wooden ones—the basic process is still the same.  The trees are tapped by cutting or drilling through the bark into the sap-wood and the sap is collected, drop by drop, in pails or cans.  The maple sap, which runs sweet enough to make maple sugar only in the northeast part of this continent, is gathered and boiled for several hours to evaporate the water.  When it first starts to boil, the hot sap begins to froth.  We always use deer tallow or pork fat, dipped into the boiling sap to stop the foaming and boiling over.  Presently, some people think that using a spruce bough is the way the Aboriginal Indigenous people used to stop the foaming.  Not true.  Using a spruce bough actually makes the syrup taste lousy, almost like turpentine, thus enhancing the market for commercial white sugar, and justifying cutting down the maple trees for furniture.  It also discredits the Aboriginal Indigenous culture.
Ultimately, thirty or forty gallons of sap boiled down, are concentrated to make about a gallon of pure maple syrup, or a few pounds of maple sugar.
People have asked, “Isn’t it a lot of work to make maple syrup?”  It is, but in the old way it was done together as a Dodem, for the family, and sure, it was a lot of work, but it was a lot of fun, too.  The Dodem did all of their food-gathering and food-harvesting together: gardening, maple sugaring and gathering mahnomen (which is sometimes erroneously called “wild rice”).  In reality, making maple sugar is a lot less work than clearing a sugar-cane field, planting the cane, weeding the fields for over a year while the sugar-cane matures, burning the fields, cutting the cane in tropical heat, grinding the sugar-canes to extract the juice—and then finally beginning the boiling-down process that the Ahnishinahbæótjibway began with.  Many people don’t realize that market-scale production of sugar-cane began with slave labor, is now economically feasible only with cheap third-world labor and fossil-fueled machines, and is ecologically destructive.
Maple sugar is a living food, and each day’s sap run is different: syrup will be a slightly different color, and sugar will have a different texture.  Unlike white sugar, which is chemically refined and potentially addictive, maple sugar is an organic complex filled with minerals; a food which is good for you, part of a healthy natural diet.  And maple sugar will not unbalance the blood glucose of diet-controlled diabetics.
The sugarbush is a time of re-awakening and it was a time of celebration of family and Spring.  But, most of all, the sugarbush is a time of renewal, companionable working-together of family and friends, of giving thanks for the wonderful food given to us by Grandmother Earth.  Sugar-making, and the stewardship of Grandmother Earth which is inherent in it, is something which is naturally a part of all of us human beings who live here now—but we all have to learn to fine-tune ourselves as earth-beings into our natural cycles of life, and live in balance and harmony.  This we must do, in order to survive.
                                                            [This newsletter article was the collaborative work of Wub-e-ke-niew,Clara NiiSka, and Mary Harding]
Wub-e-ke-niew of the Bear Dodem, a Co-op member, is author of We Have the Right to Exist, A Translation of Aboriginal Indigenous Thought.

3876.   Wub-e-ke-niew , & NiiSka, C. (1997). Language from an Ahnishinahbæótjibway perspective.
Abstract: Presented to the University of Minnesota’s Spring Anthropology Conference in the context of a workshop on language jointly given by Wub-e-ke-niew and Clara; the paper was circulated at the conference
Once upon a time, not so very long ago, the air in Southern California was clean, faintly resinous with chaparral on warm afternoons, tangy with the sea, softly perfumed with the flowers that carpeted the hills and canyons in the early spring.  I, who have lived perhaps half a lifetime, remember standing amid the toyon and manzanita in San Diego, watching the snow shimmering on distant mountain peaks.  As a child I played beneath the gnarled giants of ancient live oak trees, and cupped my hands into cool small streams to drink the sparkling water.
Once upon a time, less than fifteen years ago, my husband, Wub-e-ke-niew and I cut through the winter ice on Red Lake to get our drinking water.  The deer trails were many across the snow in the woods.  We ate duck and rabbit, partridge, venison and moose, and in the summer our nets were heavy with fish.  We filled our pails with blueberries and raspberries, highbush cranberries and chokecherries, ate a surfeit, and left more than we picked.  We filled the cars of visitors with vegetables from our garden, and still had more than enough to last the winter.  The morning birdsongs of spring and early summer were loud enough to wake us at first light.  Wub-e-ke-niew is Ahnishinahbæótjibway of the Bear Dodem, and dialogue and meta-dialogue with Grandmother Earth are an inherent part of his native language.  Unlike “English, which is a pseudo-male language,” he says, “the Ahnishinahbæótjibway language is both male and female.”
It tears my heart apart to go to Southern California, now.  Richard Nixon signed the Clean Air Act, and the air is brown and acrid, burning the eyes, clogging the lungs and obscuring even the closest hills.  From the mountaintops, I have looked down at scarred land disappearing beneath the filthy haze.  The smog spills through mountain passes out into the desert, poisoning and even killing trees which grew when Columbus landed, some of them older than Christianity.  The Pacific Ocean is faintly slimy with sewage, and I would hesitate to dip my hands into the scummy trickles of polluted water where clear streams once flowed.  Freeways roar through the canyons, shopping centers and parking lots entomb the land once vibrant with chaparral, and tier upon tier of ticky-tacky suburban housing developments suffocate the hills where early spring flowers bloomed.  Wub-e-ke-niew, who visited Southern California in 1995, told me, “The original plants are gone, replaced by alien plants from all over the world.  It is a dead land, like a fatally ill man on life support—and they should pull the plug and let it die, it’s going to anyway.  They are downsizing the ecosystem, and before everything is gone, we need to downsize the big corporations and governments that are wrecking it.  We all live here.  We are all a part of it, and it belongs to all of us.  But, the English language disenfranchises us and we become corporate slaves.”
On a warm afternoon last summer, I sat on the rocks by the shore of Red Lake, and watched the sun move slowly toward the horizon.  The play of light between sky and water belied the dying lakes, the water so murky I would not swim in it.  Those who still fish pull many empty nets, and I would hesitate to eat any of the few fish they catch, some with cancerous growths on them.  The snow-water we melt for washing in the winter-time leaves a faint ring of oil in the pails—it’s been that way since the Gulf War.
Grandmother Earth has been raped and plundered: vast expanses of clear-cut stretch toward the horizon at Red Lake.  Snowmobile trails along the highway have replaced most of the deer trails through the woods, and the rabbits and partridges are very few.  I went blueberry picking two summers ago, and during the course of a day found only a few handfuls of berries.  My husband says that insecticides have killed the pollinating bees, and when a hibernating bee woke early in the house last winter, he lived with it rather than killing it or taking it outside where it would freeze.  When spring came, he caught the bee and let it go outside, and watched as it sat on a tree, stretching its wings and cleaning itself.  Each year, we see a few more of our trees die, and last spring the birdsong was but a faint echo of what it was ten years ago.  My husband has begun feeding the birds to get them through the winter, and tells the clerk in the co-op where he buys the seed, “You cut down the forests to plant sunflowers and corn, and I have to come to town to buy sunflower seed and corn to feed the birds whose natural food grows in the forest, and that’s foolish and obscene.  The forest took care of the birds—that’s how it’s naturally supposed to be.  I’ve never fed the blue jays before, but now everything has been destroyed, and I had more than fifty blue jays stay to eat all winter.  It’s sad.”
I have a friend who defends the forest with the ferocity of a grandmother protecting her young, writing passionate and carefully researched letters, and testifying to congressional committees.  I thank her for the acres for which she has gained a reprieve, and grieve for each new swath of clearcut, and for the regimented rows of sterile tree-farms.  I look beyond the few rows of pine trees planted in what the Department of Natural Resources calls an “aesthetic” buffer along many highways in northern Minnesota, to the ragged stands of aspen behind them, and notice that the piles of pulp-sticks waiting by the railroads in Bemidji are of smaller trees than they were just a few years ago.  Some were very young trees, only a few inches in diameter.  Destroying the ecological infrastructure upon which all life—including our own—depends, is unthinkable thought in Ahnishinahbæótjibway, beyond the pale even of insanity.
Wub-e-ke-niew says that the Ahnishinahbæótjibway language is egalitarian, but that English has hierarchy, disharmony and disrespect, “built right into the language.”  In the late modern/postmodern world, where the dominant discourse is in English and other European languages, Wub-e-ke-niew says, “There are no checks and balances on the multi-national corporations.  They are like a runaway bulldozer with no operator at the controls, destroying everything in its path.  There need to be some checks and balances, people taking responsibility for what is being destroyed.  Newt Gingrich says that they are downsizing ‘big government,’ giving responsibility back to the states—why isn’t Congress solving the problems?  The states are only part of the problem, and the states are throwing money to institutions like the school boards and the prison system, and the problem never gets solved.  It’s pretty clever: delegating and delegating again, throwing money to some bigmouth, who gets the money and it’s gone.  It’s like Johnson’s War on Poverty: they kept delegating responsibility until the money was all spent, but the poor are still with us.  They are not going to solve the problem: there are no viable goals and objectives, they have slogans but they don’t have a plan to solve the problem of destroying the ecosystem, and they don’t want to solve the problems because they need conflict and chaos in order to govern.”
Wub-e-ke-niew remembers the old-growth forests which stretched across northern Minnesota for the many millennia his indigenous ancestors spoke in harmony with Grandmother Earth and Grandfather Midé.  Here lived white pines two hundred and fifty feet tall and nine feet in diameter, sugar-maples more than two thousand years old.  In his book, We Have The Right To Exist, he writes:
In my great-grandfather’s time, old-growth forests covered more than half of this Continent, from the Atlantic Ocean to the tallgrass prairies west of the Mississippi.  The trees rose to meet the skies, and the sentience of these ancient living beings was a part of our Ahnishinahbæótjibway community, part of the seamless continuity of time.  They were more magnificent than the finest of the Europeans’ cathedrals, but they were not oppressively cold, psychologically manipulative man-made canyons of stone; nor flying-buttressed edifices like hordes of giant locusts crouched in waiting to devour the land and suck the life out of Grandmother Earth.  Our forests were comfortable and nurturing, like the haven of baby chicks under their mother hen’s wings.  The forests were home, serene and secure, gentle and wise.  Theirs was a concert of voices: the sharp snapping of trees in the cold winter nights, the wind in the pines, the low calls of mother foxes to their young, the soft conversation of our Dodemian and the crackling of the fires in the sugarbushes, the spring symphony of birds, the drumsongs drifting across the water in summer, and the whooshing beat of the air as millions of birds flew south in the fall.  When I was young, I walked through these forests.  The earth was soft underfoot, like walking on a plush carpet.  The undisturbed primeval forests had very little underbrush, and a person could see a great distance.
When we were young boys playing in the old-growth pine forests, we used to watch the flying squirrels in the pines in wonder and amazement.  We watched them glide from one tree to the next, walking behind them on a thick carpet of pine needles.  They were beautiful, graceful animals.  It’s been more than forty years since I have seen a flying squirrel.  They have joined the vanishing species that disappear with the plunder of the ecology.  They are gone, because their home in the ancient pines has been clear-cut, replaced by aspen, and the whole ecosystem has changed.  There is no habitat for flying squirrels in aspen brush.  Where are the smallest of the woodpeckers, that used to be all over the woods when I was a boy?  In the last ten years, I have only seen three of these tiny birds.  Where are the cedar swamps, so thick that it was dark at noon?  I used to go down into these swamps and pick our swamp tea, and a few of the moccasin-flowers.  All of this is gone ... (1995:91-92)
Generation after generation, the ecosystem that sustains all of life on this Earth has been destroyed by the “civilization” brought to this continent by the Europeans.  Generation after generation, small freedoms have been nibbled away.  Returning to the Cities after an absence of eighteen years, I feel the tightening constraints: photo ID to work, photo ID to enter the stacks at Walter library, hyper-alert caution when walking alone after dark, police sirens and gunshots at night, windowless school buildings, car-alarms... the list goes on and on.  When I talked to my husband about my culture-shock, he told me, “violence is built into the English language.”
Some of the older anthropologists at the University of Minnesota have talked in class about the destruction of the social fabric of the villages where they did their early fieldwork.  The integrity and harmony of those villages has been profoundly altered by global market economies, they say.  Social theorists like Anthony Giddens write about the transformations wrought by “late modernity”—in time, space, community and interpersonal relationships—with what seems to me a certain forced optimism.  As one who has seen the remnants of an intact egalitarian community, who has glimpsed the enormous loss of human possibility in late modernity, I read such writing with sorrow.  Wub-e-ke-niew adds, “This society does not have manners and respect.  People are not treated as human beings—manners and respect are not a part of [Western] culture.  Until that’s built into the culture and language, to treat other people with manners and respect, it’s going to keep getting worse.”  But, it is pointless to lament without offering an alternative.
As human beings caught in a web of positive-feedback loops called “progress,” we stand at a fork in the road, unique in scale if not in kind.  On the one hand is an eight-lane superhighway leading to increasing ecocide, and quite probably to our own destruction—we are interdependent with all of the other life on this planet, and if we kill the Earth which sustains us, we too shall perish, despite hubris and our faith in Science.  On the other hand, there is an unmarked and unmapped path: a historical moment in which radical transformation is possible: of the deep structure of Western society, and of the language with which that structure has been constructed.
Wub-e-ke-niew and I used to talk about, “Why Columbus?”  For what, have his relatives, his Dodem, and his community been annihilated during centuries of genocide?  He says, “Perhaps it had to come full circle, perhaps once ‘civilization’ began, there was no other way it could finish.”  When George Bush bombed the ancient cradle of Western Civilization, the  place which the Christian Bible calls the Garden of Eden, the circle began to close—after millennia of destruction of others, the force of Western technological warfare returned, against its own roots.  Now, there is continual festering violence in what the Christians, the Jews and the Muslims call their ancient homeland.  Wub-e-ke-niew asks, “When are the crusades going to end?”  Humanity cannot survive another circuit of the same violent circle.  What is another path?
A crucial key is language, defined in the broad sense of [any] “systematic means of communicating ... “ (Webster, 1993).  Language is a core aspect of the “software” of society: mediating social interaction, structuring the ways in which one interprets and then behaves in the world.  The shared meanings conveyed in language are a vital aspect of culture and society.  Although I disagree with those who say that language is uniquely human, language is fundamental to human society.  However, Wub-e-ke-niew emphasizes crucial distinctions between indigenous language and Western hierarchical languages.  Indigenous languages like Ahnishinahbæó tjibway were an integral part of being a human being.  Hierarchical languages like English, however, “dehumanize you.  I look at the English language as a human rights violation, giving you an identity which is not really you.  I see that language as being crooked and full of dishonest schemes.  Part of its pious hypocrisy is its hierarchy—the people on the lower levels of the Western hierarchies are excluded from what is called ‘proper English.’  These people’s adaptations to the language, like Ebonics, are discredited.  Rather than being a part of the community, the English language is being used as a tool of oppression and dehumanization.”
From at least the moment of our conception, we are bathed in language, our mother’s voice resonating through amniotic fluid, surrounded by our mother’s emotional energy in conjunction with language, exposed to subtle biochemicals transmitted through the placenta in association with language.  As neonates, we grow in the context of language; to some degree “hard-wired” for our native language as our neurons grow and our synapses link in the setting of language.  The discourse through which our identities are formed and maintained is coded and structured by language.  The interactions through which we negotiate our relationship to society—and, in the aggregate, form our society—are mediated by language.  Our understanding of the world is powerfully influenced by language, as are our actions within the world.  The thoughts which we communicate to others, and much of what we tell ourselves, is in language.  Each language transmits across the generations the history and values of those whose language it is.  Language and the deep structure of society are inextricably linked.
Changing the language in fundamental ways, will inevitably change society.  The kinds of deep linguistic transformations which will heal the social ills compounded over millennia are not instantaneous—the pathologies of Western civilization cannot be cured in years or even decades.  However, profound metamorphoses can happen over just a few generations.  Hierarchical language has been an effective tool of oppression because most peoples’ understanding of their native language is implicit and the generative forces of grammar, syntax, structure, patterns of discourse, and constellations of word connotation are outside of their usual awareness.  Deconstructing the language and its meta-narratives (both present and absent) is a necessary precursor to debunking and transcending the illusions of Western Civilization.
Modern languages change continually, and a comparison of popular dictionaries, from the present and from fifty years ago, for instance, will reveal subtle but important changes which are interconnected with social changes like the decline in personal autonomy.  Wub-e-ke-niew sees such shifts as being phase changes rather than structural or paradigmatic transformations, pointing out that, “When the Western Europeans emigrated from Europe, the majority of them were slaves.  What they found here was an abundance of resources, which subsidized the ‘American Dream.’  But, now the resources are gone, and the social system is changing back to the feudal slavery of medieval Europe.  Old folks talk about the ‘cabin at the lake’ they used to have, but now, they and their children don’t have cabins at the lake anymore.  It’s not like it used to be.  There are no more resources, and the ‘American Dream’ has become an abstract, hierarchical illusion.  The imported European social system hasn’t fundamentally changed—they can’t get out of the box that confines them, and the underlying feudalism will resurface and prevail.  They go around and around, like a caged animal pacing back and forth, but they are prisoners of their language.  In order to change, they need female as well as male language, to create balance.  Then, they can escape from the cage of feudalism.”
In English, the word “communication” has acquired a new meaning involving transmission of information in one direction only, as in “mass communication.”  The maintenance of hierarchical society has historically involved the use of euphemisms, particular ones changing as their currency transmutes them from discrete hint to direct reference (an etymological study of euphemisms could disclose some interesting patterns about a society).  Public relations and advertising professionals are sensitive to the constructive power of language, coining such canny phrases as the “Wise Use Movement.”  Wub-e-ke-niew adds, “Euphemisms and metaphors are abstract illusions.  Replacing something that’s real with something that’s full of metaphors—I think that’s funny.  The English language is so crooked, it allows people to tell lies with euphemisms and metaphors, while pretending they’re telling the truth.  An example is the special way that junk dealers have of dealing with people.  An old junk dealer not too far from here, when somebody asks him how much he wants for an old rusty wheel-rim, for example, has a long and eloquent speech about how valuable his junk is, and how it’s worth much more than the (inflated) price he’s asking for it.  He will tell his customers that his junk is so valuable, he might want to keep it for himself instead of selling it.  He uses the same reverse psychology even when he’s selling his used cars—he’ll tell you, ‘I want to keep this car.’  But, when you give him a good offer, he’ll sell it right away.”

The underlying nature of Western languages, including English, is partially revealed by ancient writers like Plato (428 bce - 348 bce).  In Phaedo, he writes in language in which hierarchy is already implicit, embedded in apparently unquestioning acceptance of the legitimacy of institutions of God and rulers.  In a voice which he writes as that of the condemned Socrates, Plato urges retreat into what he describes as a perfect abstract, a rejection of the natural world, claiming “observation by means of the eyes and ears and all the other senses is entirely deceptive” (1971:83a).  He characterizes that which is “earthly” (1971:81c) as tainting and contaminating the immortal soul, and associates the “divine” (1971:82c) with “despising the body” (1971:65c).
Wub-e-ke-niew observes, “Creating an abstract and an illusion like God—that’s disgusting, revolting.  They need a god to go to war, and that’s obscene.  Their god only talks to certain groups of people; He never talks to me.  With illusions and abstracts talking to them, they should be locked up in a crazy house.  I never did see the devil, either, although the Catholic prefect at the Catholic mission school was always chasing him, always looking for the devil.  I never saw the devil, but I did see a crazy man chasing an illusion—that’s what cults do to people.
“Abstract language is detached from the land.  It needs to connect back to the land—we are all human.”  With the rejection of reality embedded in Western philosophy, and in the abstract “ideal” of the English language, there is no culturally validated way of even communicating clearly about the extent to which the ecosystem is being devastated.  The material world, including the web of life of which human beings are inextricably a part, has been devalued, ignored and evaded as a part of the ancient philosophers’ strategy of denying death by denying the corporal, visceral, vital aspects of life.  We and our children are confronted with the very real possibility of the extinction of all humanity because of our destruction of the ecosystem which sustains us—we have nearly come full circle to the ultimate irony of the ancient Greeks’ rhetorical denial of death.  Wub-e-ke-niew points out, “They destroyed the ecosystem in Europe, and now they have come over here, but they haven’t changed their language or their values.  They look at the ecosystem for their food, clothing and shelter, but they destroy it to get money, and use the money to buy things.  Because of their male language, they continually keep on taking, and never put anything back.  We looked at the ecosystem for our food, clothing and shelter, too, but we took only what we needed and kept it in balance.  Why are the immigrants from Europe destroying the ecosystem?  They didn’t take care of the ecosystem in Europe, and they are not taking care of this one, either.  Their language shows their destruction of it, their violence.”
Plato’s rejection of reality has powerful political implications.  In Phaedo, he has Socrates state the legitimacy of God and civil rulers in other contexts, as well as in the construction of discourse removing their inherent hierarchy from easy challenge.  By also discrediting direct observation of reality in favor of an abstract which is deeply knowable only by experts such as philosophers, he claims a monopoly on “truth” and delegitimizes any potential challenge to the deep structure of the state and its religious infrastructure.  Plato defines the senses as, “An impediment which by its presence prevents the soul from attaining truth and clear thinking” (1971:66a).  This has been a very effective strategy: during the past millennia empires have risen and fallen, revolutions have toppled leaders, but the underlying hierarchical structure, once established, legitimized and embedded in the vulgate, has endured and spread around the globe.  In present-day Euro-American society, this inheritance from the ancient Greeks applies not only to church and state, but also to multi-national corporations.  Wub-e-ke-niew says, “Another abstract, make-believe, is living in La-La Land so the corporations can steal from you—they say, ‘make believe we’re not stealing from you.’  They all have a juvenile mentality, very childlike.  That’s what’s wrong, part of it.”
Another aspect of late modern language which is crucial to the problems facing us all, is dualism.  Plato writes in Phaedo, “Are we satisfied, then, said Socrates, that everything is generated in this way—opposites from opposites?  Perfectly, [said Cebes]” (1971:71a).  Dualism helps mask the dissonance between the abstract and reality.  Wub-e-ke-niew writes, Westerners, “Use dichotomies to keep people inside of their culturally and linguistically constructed box.  Within the structure of illusions which comprise the ‘shadows on the walls of the cave’ of Plato’s truth, harmonious reality has been distorted and stretched, spun out into insubstantial polar opposites. ... [Western] reality-of-the-mind is characterized by denial, loss of awareness into the black hole of artificial subconsciousness, and an overriding, transcendent fear” (1995:352).  Dualistic language rends the coherent totality of indigenous reality into abstract shreds which are then compartmental ized hierarchically.  It is the deep structure of English and other Western languages which sustains the mind:body, master:slave, culture:nature, war:peace and male:female dichotomies, and in conjunction with linearity, makes coherent holistic understanding extremely difficult.  Dualism makes possible the violence which saturates the English language.  Wub-e-ke-niew adds, “It also legitimizes slavery by defining slaves as the ‘other.’  They create illusions; the language lets them be grand masters of deception.”
Dualism also generates a second, less visible, set of schisms on English, what Wub-e-ke-niew calls a “double perspective—everything that comes out of their mouth has a double meaning.”  Because the reflections of reality which course down the hall of mirrors comprising the abstract are split into opposing pairs, there is, in English, an “unsaid” for everything that is said, an unspoken shadow of discourse, an implied opposite that is an inherent part of the message—potent, but difficult to challenge because it is obscured beneath a surface of literal meaning.  The consequence, Wub-e-ke-niew writes, is, “Layer upon layer of lies so deep that the truth has become invisible to them.  By understanding the Euro-Americans’ language, and studying their behavior and thought patterns through their language, I can see who they are.  They live in a maze of unreal dichotomies.  Many believe that they are telling the truth, but beyond the boundaries of their language, they are lying” (1995:72).  When George Orwell, in his novel 1984, wrote of “double-speak,” he was touching on the dualism of English.
            Violence and dualism are linked—violence which is directed at a language-constructed, abstract other is significantly different in meaning from that which is directed toward the extended self.  In English, we can do to “them” what we would find unacceptable when done to “us.”  Wub-e-ke-niew provides the example of “War and Peace.  The Ahnishinahbæótjibway did not go to war.  The European colonizers created an artificial foe—the Indians—and used their language to create a program of war, in order to justify their stealing.  In English, war is violent, but peace is even more violent than war.  The Western Europeans claim that we were violent, but we didn’t go on their land—they are the ones who came onto our land.  If we were so violent, why didn’t they use our prisons, instead of having to build their own?  They brought the Bible and the gun, and these are both violent.”
The violence which permeates the English language is perceptible semantically and grammatically.  A thesaurus hints at the range of violence which writers of the English language have lexicalized, including: anarchy, anger, bedlam, brawl, brutality, chaos, choler, commotion, confusion, discord, disorder, ferocity, fierceness, fight, fray, frenzy, fury, harpy, intensity, ire, lawlessness, mayhem, pitch, protest, rage, rebel, revelry, revolt, riot, savagery, scuffle, severity, shrew, termagant, tumult, turmoil, upheaval, uproar, vehemence, virago, wrath ... the list goes on and on.  English grammar molds one’s most egalitarian intentions into hierarchical sentences: the subject verbs the object, one-up, one-down, subjecting the objectified to a good verbing (with aggressive sex-and-violence connotations lurking in that grammar).  In the English language, Wub-e-ke-niew observes, “sex and violence are inseparable—they are ‘two peas in a pod,’ if you want to use a metaphor.”
Violence also pervades the discourse of English.  Wub-e-ke-niew says, “Every day, you hear abusive language on the streets, ‘butch,’ ‘son-of-a-bitch,’ ‘mother-fucker.’  We did not have anything like that in our language—there are no swear words in Ahnishinahbæótjibway (and the closest translation of ‘war’ is ‘two or three guys talking about something’—in nonviolence, and they would be able to come to a consensus about it, in balance and harmony).  Why are the Western European languages so violent?  You can see the same kind of violence on the freeway every day: people cutting each other off, shaking their fists at each other and cursing.  Whenever they get behind the wheel of a car, their anger comes out.  The Western languages are designed to dehumanize people, to take away their humanity, their identity and their self-esteem, to domesticate them, and to stereotype and label them, and that has to change.
“Western European civilization cannot exist side-by-side with indigenous peoples—it is too violent.  It has to destroy other people, and egalitarian indigenous people are dangerous to Western hierarchy.”  Wub-e-ke-niew says, “You can almost see the vanishing species that are gone, because of the violence.  It is out of balance.”  Scholars of late modernity and postmodernity write of fragmentation, of deconstructed theory and of an emphasis on the individual.  From another vantage point, one can see profoundly disturbing patterns of violently oppressive hierarchy, of invidious oppression, of shattered communities and of devastating destruction of the ecosystem.  Those of us who live in relatively privileged positions, in places insulated from the cataclysmic eradication of ecological integrity and indigenous communities, may not be fully aware of the total price extracted by the civilization, nor of the entire cost of its fruits.
As Machiavelli makes explicit in The Prince, violence is an intrinsic part of Western strategies of government.  “Divide and conquer” is a ploy older than Julius Caesar, and the violence embedded in English destroys extended families and community which might provide a base for resistance to the domination by those whom Chomsky calls “the opulent.”  English, Wub-e-ke-niew says, “is not designed for extended families, but for nuclear families within a society where the church, state, and other institutions are artificial surrogates, rather than the indigenous Dodems.  The institutions created by English are like adoption or placement in foster care—they take away more of a person’s identity.  The hostility of the state toward families shows in its welfare policies.  Their institutions are such that people are depending on being fed by the state, but now the leaders say, ‘go find a job.’  But, that’s just a slogan—they don’t have a plan, or goals or objectives.  If the state is a surrogate family, why aren’t they out there helping them?  It’s a very distant and cold father and mother that they have.  ‘Find a job’ is the same kind of rhetoric they used on us during Relocation.  ‘Relocation’ means taking you out of your home and abandoning you—there was nobody there to help you, no friends, they dump you out in the streets.  It’s like abandoning an infant in a church (or like Moses left in the bulrushes).  The leaders of Western Civilization don’t take responsibility: they are still juveniles, like schoolyard bullies.”
English takes away people’s identity, Wub-e-ke-niew says, “Like a ‘broken’ horse that a child can ride, compared to a horse in its natural state.  A domesticated horse will run back into a burning barn, although a horse in its natural state will run away from the fire.  English is designed to have power over you, take away your identity and domesticate you.  The English language takes away people’s spirit and their energy, what they call the ‘soul.’  English-speaking people try to domesticate everything including the ecosystem—that’s why everything which was so beautiful, has been destroyed.  For example, the water has been polluted, and you can’t drink it.  We might as well live in the desert—you can’t drink the water there either.  They put animals in zoos.  In zoos, there are emotions which are not natural and normal, man-made (and very childish) emotions like anger, jealousy and greed.  They dam up rivers and then sell land on the flood plain, where the land is supposed to flood.  ‘Honest Bob’ sells used cars, but he also sells real estate, for example in downtown Grand Forks.  People don’t belong on the flood plain, in high rises, or on Hale-Bopp.”
Racism and ethnocentricism are among the symptoms and manifestations of deeply ingrained violence in the English language.  Of particular relevance to anthropologists are the perceptions of autochthonous peoples which are embedded in the language and in the discourses in which that language plays a constitutive role.  Although the word “primitive” has often been replaced by politically-correct (but similarly loaded) substitutes such as “non-modern,” the word primitive is one which is not infrequent in currently-used anthropology texts.  In a thesaurus, primitive leads to savage, uncivilized and crude; and savage leads to untamed, as well as to brutal, ruthless, cruel, sadistic, animal, and fiend—as well as to wild, aborigine, native and uncivilized.  Wub-e-ke-niew observes that, after having been in contact with Western civilization for most of his lifetime, he does not want to be “civilized, because only civilized people kill one another.  (If we would have been civilized, we would have killed Columbus.)  I don’t want to be civilized, and I don’t want to be a White man.  I don’t need a soul, either—you can keep all of those European things.”  He also comments, “There are many prevailing stereotypes of primitive people, for example putting anthropologists in big iron kettles and boiling them.  Where did the ‘primitive’ people get the kettles from, and did they take the dirty socks off of the anthropologists first?”
Language structures the way in which one perceives and interacts with the world; it is simultaneously at the core of culture and society, the primary means of communication and the generation of praxis.  In the Ahnishinahbæótjibway language, Grandmother Earth is a powerful, female, being; nurturing, loving, and along with Grandfather Midé, the source of all life.  In English, “natural” is wild, wild is primitive, and primitive is but a short semantic distance from Satan.  “Earthy” is crude and vulgar—and vulgar is disgusting, obscene, and offensive.  These linkages are more than word-games: the consequences of language are writ large across both society and the landscape, starkly and appallingly visible to anyone who takes even a tentative first step beyond the constraints of “civilized” language.  As Wub-e-ke-niew puts it, “Civilized men—and women—are allowing our Grandmother to be raped.”
“My Ahnishinahbæótjibway language is both male and female,” Wub-e-ke-niew explains.  “English is a male language, and language is the heart of any people and their culture.  Language takes away peoples’ identity and their self-esteem, and they don’t know who they are.  They are confused by the language, by their imposed identity—disconnected from their roots and from who they are, molded into slaves for the corporations.  They are trapped by the dualism in English, and some become homosexuals because of the false unreality of the English language.”  Wub-e-ke-niew continues, “Language molds the way people understand the universe, the way they live their lives and how they are as human beings.  I remember the old Ahnishinahbæótjibway women who were still living when I was young.  Those old women had beauty, strength and balance which I have never seen in a White woman.  When women change the English language so that it is a balanced male-and-female language, then the world will change.”  By transforming the English language so that it is balanced, male and female, Western women can help rebuild the harmonious inter-relationship with Grandmother Earth and with community and family which was once the birthright of every woman.  We can reclaim our real identity and live as who we are meant to be as women.
Succinctly, Wub-e-ke-niew says, “Western European man is a prisoner of his language; Western European woman doesn’t have a language.  Indigenous women had languages, the ones that the White man destroyed.  Indigenous language is what kept this land a paradise; it was the balanced male-and-female understanding which preserved the harmony ... Grandmother Earth is very female.  Grandfather Midé and Grandmother Earth, that is what our over-all-of-Aboriginal-time ‘religion,’ ‘philosophy’ and ‘myth’ are about.”
Wub-e-ke-niew adds, “The female was not involved in making the languages of Western Civilization.  Using institutions and disciplines which he controlled, the White man said, ‘We’ll make a language, and she can use it with us.  That’s arrogance.  It says it right there, that the language does not have respect, nor manners, nor feelings for anyone else, just the few males at the top of the hierarchy.”
Language is the legacy of countless generations.  Hierarchy, duality, abstractions, violence and pseudo-male imbalances have been entrenched in Western languages over millennia, and resonate throughout these languages from the deep structure, through the grammar and the lexicon.  It is not probable that this heritage can be fully transformed in a handful of years.  However, this is a moment in history profoundly unlike any other.  The self-proclaimed heir of Western hegemony, the United States, is perched upon a land from which a few of her surviving autochthonous people still speak: cogently, urgently, and in thoughtfully articulated and nuanced English.  It is becoming increasingly apparent that Western society cannot long continue in present directions without dire consequences, including irreparable devastation of the ecosystem.  We are at the brink of profound changes, at the edge of a narrow window of opportunity to transform the deep structure of society—in ways which could lead to millennia of oppression amid the toxic ruins of the Golden Age of America, or, alternately, toward healing the violence, disharmony and imbalance which have been inherent in Western Civilization.
Transformation of the English language is a way of beginning the healing.  Such metamorphosis needs to be done from the grassroots, regenerating from a network rather than orchestrated from a position of authority within a hierarchy.  Beginning the process of understanding ourselves as embodied human beings, intrinsically connected to each other and inherently, inseparably part of the whole ecosystem, is a part of it.  Deconstructing the English language, understanding the ways in which English has distorted our perceptions and disconnected us from our selves and the rest of nature, is another part of the process, and one in which the first tentative steps have begun.  Wub-e-ke-niew suggests that, for women, it could be profoundly helpful to rename our body parts, drawing on our own understanding of ourselves as female human beings and transcending the definitions imposed on us by authorized—and/or aggressively puerile—male terminologies.  I have begun to see myself beyond words, in faint flickers of wisdom beyond the abstract knowledge of Western mind.
I dream of midafternoon spring sunlight glistening across meadows golden with California poppies, and remember the feel of warm earth beneath my bare feet.  Another one of us may dream of crystalline midwinters punctuated by starlight and the sharp popping of trees in subzero night, and, as Wub-e-ke-niew describes it, “the comforting howling of a family of wolves sharing a rabbit, and the safe, secure and blissful sleep that I had as a boy hearing the lullaby of the wolves, knowing that everything was in balance.  In the morning, I would go outside and breathe deeply in the fresh, clean clarity of frigid air.”  And, yet another one of us might dream of the kinetic, sensuous heaping of seals basking on rocky islands, nuzzling infant yelps wafted amid the keening of seagulls on salt-tanged sea breezes.  Everything is connected; we are all part of nature.

References Cited
Plato.  The Collected Dialogues of Plato.  Edited by Edith Hamilton and Huntington Cairns. 1961. Princeton.
Wub-e-ke-niew. We Have The Right To Exist. 1995. Black Thistle Press, New York.

3877.   Wub-e-ke-niew =, 1. (1995). We have the right to exist: A Translation of Aboriginal Thought: The First Book Ever Published from an Ahnishinahbæótjibway Perspective. New York, NY: Black Thistle Press.
Notes: Source: Books in Print electronic database, Fall 1999
Source: WorldCat (November 1999 search), accession: 31999048.  On t.p. "t"is superscript. Includes bibliographical references (p. 309-366).
Source: PALS online catalog (October 1999 search)

3878.   Wub-e-ke-niew =, a. k. a. F. B. Jr. (1992 September). [Letter to Wellstone, Paul].
Abstract: Senator Paul Wellstone
United States Senator
2550 University Avenue W., #100 N
St. Paul, Minnesota 55114
attn.: Dwayne Williams

Dear Senator Wellstone and Dwayne Williams,

I am enclosing the “privacy release form” which we finally received.  We have been having an ongoing problem with delivery of our mail since 1985.
I am a Sovereign Anishinabe Ojibway person, living on my Aboriginal Indigenous land at Red Lake.  I am not an “Indian,” and I am not a “Native American.”  “Indian” and “Native American” are racist slurs referring to non-existent races of people.  As we have written you previously, the majority of the people identified as “Indians” are neither Anishinabe Ojibway nor Aboriginal Indigenous People—more than 95 percent of the people who are “Federally Recognized Indians” on the “Indian Enrollments” at Red Lake, for example, are people of European or Indo-European ancestry—not Anishinabe Ojibway ancestry.
The United States/English governments created “Indians” in order to steal this Continent.  Specifically at Red Lake, the people with whom the United States/England has dealt throughout their inter-relationship with the Anishinabe Ojibway People at Red Lake, have not been the Anishinabe Ojibway People.  Here, the majority of the “Indians” are people of French or French-Moorish patrilineal ancestry.  They do not have a patrilineal Clan nor Dodem of the Anishinabe Ojibway people—our Aboriginal Indigenous Sovereignty and identity are through our religion, the Midewiwin, through our patrilineal Clans and Dodems.  For example, the people who signed the “Treaty” in 1863, upon which the United States is resting its “title” to much of the Red River Valley, was signed by people of predominantly French-Moorish ancestry, not by the Anishinabe Ojibway People who owned the land.  The “Red Lake Tribal Council,” with whom the United States, the State of Minnesota, and other agencies of the U.S./English is also an organization comprised of French Métis—a puppet government created by the United States Congress, governing a “Tribe” created by the United States Congress.  The presence of what your own Senate Select Committee on Indian Affairs called a “federal instrumentality ... an arm of the Federal sovereign”1 is a human rights violation, as well as a violation of International Law.
We can document the devastating genocide of the Anishinabe Ojibway People here, under the United States/English colonial incursions onto our land.  After Adolf Hitler’s legacy of genocide became public knowledge, the United States/England’s policies—which continue to be the annihilation of all Aboriginal Indigenous Nations on this Continent [the same Senate Report quoted earlier anticipated that this would be accomplished within “fifty years”]—shifted and became more subtle.  The “Indians” which the U.S./England created serve several functions in the post-Third Reich policies: their numbers mask the fact that only a very few Anishinabe Ojibway People survive, and their inclusion in statistics masks the evidence of ongoing genocide.  The “Indians” are used as brokers and middlemen between the Aboriginal Indigenous People and the U.S./England: it is U.S.-controlled “1934 Indian Reorganization Act Tribal Councils” and other “Indian” agencies which sell, lease, and sign away Anishinabe Ojibway Peoples’ land, resources, and rights.  It is “Indians” who administer the programs which are still actively promoting genocide of the Anishinabe Ojibway people.  Because these “Indians” operate under a paper “sovereignty” delegated by the U.S. Secretary of the Interior, the U.S. Government is probably hoping that they can avoid accountability for their actions.
The Anishinabe Ojibway People at Red Lake still have some of our Aboriginal Indigenous land—we are the last ones in the United States who were not “allotted.”  We intend to keep our land, and we intend to preserve a future for our future generations.  We are a non-violent people, and this is our land.  We have a right to exist as a Sovereign People on our own land.
I have spent much of my adult life working to create a better world for the next generations of Anishinabe Ojibway people.  For many years, I tried to work with “Indians,” which was impossible because “Indians” do not own their own identity, they do not own their Sovereignty, and they operate out of the White values of their European or Indo-European patrilines.  As “Indians,” they are stuck in an identity controlled by Western European “Civilization”—an identity which is a stereotype and a stigma and racist.
In 1984, I tried to get a post office box at Red Lake.  The “Indians” who worked there said that there weren’t any post office boxes.  [There is not any rural mail delivery to most of the Reservation, although the population density along the potential mail routes is greater than many other rural areas which do have mail delivery.]  What they meant was, “we don’t have a post office box for you,” because this is Anishinabe Ojibway land, and I am one of the few surviving Anishinabe Ojibway people at Red Lake.  The Post Office’s refusal to rent me a post office box was a not-so-subtle way of saying that the “Indians” who control the political process under the aegis of the United States Government at Red Lake, did not want me establishing legal residency on my own land.  [I also could not get U.S.-funded housing, an Indian Health Service well, nor even a “fire number.”]  Fine, the United States can keep their “Indian programs.”
In 1985, I rented Post Office Box number 484 at Bemidji, 56601.  Post Office Box rental at Bemidji is not inexpensive.  I pay more than thirty dollars per year to pick up my mail at Bemidji, while most people living in the United States get mail delivered to their mailbox at home.  This would be alright with me, except that the Bemidji Post Office regularly does not put some of my mail into my post office box, although it is addressed to me, with my post office box number, and with the correct town and Zip code.   Some pieces of mail get “forwarded” to Red Lake, where either the B.I.A. opens my mail and reads it, or it is given out to other people, “Indians,” living at Red Lake, who open it, read it, and maybe they give it to me several months later and maybe they don’t.  Last month, a piece of mail correctly addressed to myself, was sent to Red Lake.  I happened to be expecting this particular piece of mail, and asked repeatedly and with increasing emphasis at the Bemidji Post Office, finally talking to the person in charge.  The Postmistress told me that it had been forwarded to Red Lake, which had then  returned it to the sender, “addressee unknown.”
We have been dealing in a “stopgap,” nonconfrontive way with the problem by asking people to send us important mail “certified, return receipt requested.”  Today I got a piece of certified mail which had been torn open by some party in the Post Office, damaging the contents.  I am enclosing a photostatic copy of the envelope and bag in which I received it.  Enough is enough!
I assume that the Bureau of Indian Affairs and/or other Neo-Fascist organizations within the United States Government are using the justification of “trusteeship” or some equally racist, apartheid illegal fiction to interfere with my private affairs.  I am not an “Indian”!  I am a Sovereign Anishinabe Ojibway person, and no government arising out of Western European Civilization has any jurisdiction whatsoever over my private affairs, my Sovereign person, nor my Sovereign land.  I am not violating any laws, either my own Traditional Anishinabe Ojibway laws, nor the laws of the United States/England, which is illegally claiming eminent domain over the territory of my Anishinabe Ojibway Nation.
I am requesting that your office ensure that the responsible parties (and irresponsible parties):
a) give all of my mail which the U.S.A., or any of its agencies including their 1934 Indian Reorganization Act “Red Lake Tribal Council” has taken previously, to me.
b) deliver all of my mail in the future, to my Post Office Box 484 at Bemidji, Minnesota, 56601, and cease and desist mutilating, mis-routing, delaying, opening, and otherwise interfering with my mail.
c) provide me with a detailed record of your actions in this case, including copies of all relevant files which any of your Government’s agencies have.
Thank you for taking action in this matter.
                                                            Wub-e-keniew, aka
                                                            Francis Blake, Jr.

1
American Indian Policy Review Commission, Final Report, submitted to Congress, May 17, 1977, volume one, pages 258-9

3879.   Wub-e-ke-niew =, a. k. a. F. B. Jr. (1992 October). [Letter to Dawson, Jim].
Abstract: Minneapolis Star Tribune
attention: Jim Dawson
                  Staff Writer
I enjoyed talking with you today.  Enclosed is an commentary article for the Star Tribune, as we discussed.  I have submitted a number of letters to the editor and commentary articles to the Star Tribune in the past, in response to various articles in your newspaper.  Euro-American newspapers, including the Star Tribune, have consistently refused to print not only my writing, but that of other members of the Anishinabe Ojibway community, generally on the grounds that our Aboriginal Indigenous perspective is “inflammatory.”  How do the editors think that their articles are to us?  The articles which the Euro-American media has written about “Indians” almost invariably include inaccuracies and mis-statements which denigrate the Anishinabe Ojibway people.  We read the Euro-Americans’ writing, and say, “here they go again with their lies.  Can’t they tell the truth, or are they pathological liars?”  Some of the Euro-Americans’ misconceptions are hilarious, but some of them are seriously damaging.  In the past, particularly when we did not speak English fluently, we could not defend ourselves.
The relationship which the Euro-Americans have tried to promote with Anishinabe Ojibway people since Hitler has been a paternalistic one, “father knows best” patronizing, as well as covertly genocidal.  (Prior to the Third Reich’s efficient application of an old European colonial strategy, their relationship toward us was an openly genocidal one.)  Such paternalism reinforces the Euro-Americans’ “superior” hierarchial position in their own eyes, inflating their egos at the expense of other people.  Paternalism blames the victims of Euro-American violence, by drawing the victims into the structure of their schemes of stealing and re-defining them.  A person has to be either brainwashed or into S & M to be suckered into this vicious mind game and crooked con.  Euro-American paternalism also follows the Machiavellian prescription of keeping occupied people powerless and isolated.  The Euro-Americans have tried to constrain descriptions of “reality” and history to their own limited versions, and have tried to re-define and re-name the Anishinabe Ojibway (“Chippewa Indians”) and other Aboriginal Indigenous people (“Indians” and “Native Americans”) to fit their own agenda of entrenching their hold on our Continent.
The élite of the Euro-American hierarchy centers its priorities on the G.N.P., on “making money.”  The Great White Father is only concerned with his own people, and lets the rest of the human beings on this continent go without—he is greedy and he does not belong here.  He uses an European Sovereignty to steal from the Aboriginal Indigenous people, who have our own Sovereignty very deeply rooted in this land.  He promotes violence rather than promoting harmony.  All you have to do is look at the destruction of the land all across this continent, and at the violence in the cities.  The environment has been ruined for the benefit of a few who the Great White Father calls his “chosen people.”  This has to stop.  These issues really have to be addressed; it can’t go on like this.
The Great White Father is a terrible role model, with his greed and his violence and self-destructive behavior.  The “Indian” stereotype created by the White man is not any better: drunken, lazy, dirty, savage, primitive, etc., etc., etc., “Indian.”   Just recently, the newspaper printed the news that the Churches apologized to the “Indians.”  Their apology is meaningless; they are lying again.  The Churches are apologizing to the wrong people.  They are apologizing to the people that they created, who have White patrilineal ancestry.  These people are not the people against whom the Churches focussed their genocidal activities.  There are no “Indians” here, just European subject people filling an invented European stereotype.  The Churches have yet to even admit that there are Anishinabe Ojibway and other Aboriginal Indigenous People here.  The Churches need to deal honestly with the genocide that they have committed, and also with their violently destructive world-view.
The United States’ Constitution is one in a long series of European government documents which denies the legitimacy of Anishinabe Ojibway and other Aboriginal Indigenous Nations’ right to exist as Sovereign peoples on our own land.  We have (using the “Indians” as a front) been defined, under European law, as “uncivilized,” and therefor without claim—under racist Euro-American statutes and U.S. Supreme Court decisions—to what has been our land, as Nations, since time immemorial.  If you study the history of United States “claim” to eminent domain on this Continent, you will find that it rests firmly on the genocidal Judeo-Christian hocus-pocus of claiming somebody else’s land “in the name of God;” in the Genesis prescription of giving everything a different name in order to claim it.  The Anishinabe Ojibway religion, the Midewiwin, is much older than Judaism, Christianity, Islam, and Buddhism all put together.  Our tradition goes back for more than four ice ages, to the beginning of human time.
We, the Anishinabe Ojibway People, have a right to exist as a Sovereign Nation on our own land.  We are a non-violent people, and we have an ancient, non-violent religion, the Midewiwin, which we call “Grandfather,” and which is inseparable from Grandmother Earth.
We can back up what we say, including that the majority of “Indians” are in fact White people.  You are welcome to come visit, and look at our research.
                                                            Wub-e-keniew
                                                a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr.

3880.   Wub-e-ke-niew = (a.k.a., F. B. Jr. (1993 March). [Letter to Blake, Tony].
Abstract: Dear Tony Blake,
Thank you for your letter, although I can not be of much help to you in tracing your lineage.
My great-grandfather on the patrilineal line was Bah-se-noss, who was a full-blooded Anishinabe Ojibway.  Bah-se-noss was a Midewiwin title, and he also had a personal name, but he had neither a Christian name nor a “surname.”  His wife was Nay-bah-nay-cumig-oke—not “Mrs. Bah-se-noss.”  She married into his Bear Dodem, but she kept her own name.  Their son was Bah-wah-we-nind, my patrilineal grandfather.  His son, my father, Wub-e-ke-niew, who was given the Christian name “Francis Blake” [I am a “junior”] by the Priest when he was forced into the Mission School (draconian compulsory-education laws) in the early 1900’s.
My father’s older half-sister, Lizette, had the same mother (Ke-niew-e-gwon-e-beak) and a different father.  When she was compelled to go to school, she attended under the name of Lizette Blake, which was given to her by the Priest.  Her father was Kah-ke-gay-yah-be-ge-tah, and since he was a mixed-blood not Aboriginally from Red Lake, there is the remote possibility that he was descended from John Blake (born about 1826 in Maine), who was a lumberman and later an “Indian Agent” in Northern Minnesota.  There was another family of Blakes at Red Lake, patrilineally descended from Kah-ke-zhe-baush (born around 1820) and my great-grandfather’s sister or cousin, Quay-ke-ke-zhig-oke; all of these people had been killed by the time I was born, although I remember seeing a picture of their grandson, Robert Blake, which had been taken in the early 1900’s.
The Christian names which were given to the Red Lake Anishinabe Ojibway were intended to obscure our identity—and some of them were given with apparent cynicism on the part of the Indian Agents and Missionaries who did the naming.  For example, one of my great-aunts (my grandfather’s sister) was given the name “Mrs. Blackjack” although there was never a “Mr. Blackjack.”  (There was also a “Mrs. Joker.”)  Around the turn of the century, there was a great emphasis on both baptism and the giving of “Christian” names as a part of the process of trying to destroy Anishinabe Ojibway culture and my grandfather Bah-wah-we-nind, although he never gave up his Anishinabe Ojibway language nor religion, appears in the Catholic baptismal records as “George Bahwahwenind,” and then, after his step-daughter was named Lizette Blake in school, he shows up on the B.I.A. records as “George Blake.”
The United States tried to destroy the identity of the surviving Aboriginal Indigenous people here in several ways.  One of them was by taking away our names and forbidding us to speak our language—and trying to give us a “Chippewa Indian” identity.  According to many United States documents, from a time period extending over more than a century (including U.S. Senate documents from 1977), the ultimate goal of U.S. “Indian” policy was the Final Solution of annihilating Aboriginal Indigenous Peoples completely.  Among the strategies discussed openly in U.S. documents of the 1800’s, and documentably employed at Red Lake, was a genetic engineering of destroying the Sovereignty of Anishinabe Ojibway people by eliminating Anishinabe Ojibway patrilines—the U.S. Government brought in Whites who they called “squaw men” with that intent.
Anishinabe Ojibway group membership, identity, land and Sovereignty are held through the Dodems of the Midewiwin, inherited from father to son, i.e. patrilineally.  As a consequence of U.S. policy, only about a quarter of one percent of the eight thousand “Red Lake Chippewa Indians” enrolled by the U.S. Government on the Red Lake “Indian Rolls” are Anishinabe Ojibway.  The rest of them are “Chippewa Indians;” patrilineally White.  In plain English, these people are European subject people, with European values, traditions, and customs.  In other words, they are history—which is sad, but that’s the way it is.  (If the United States had not done their social and genetic engineering; if they had not engaged in genocide, the ratio of mixed-blood people with Anishinabe Ojibway patrilines and with European patrilines would be 50:50, instead of 1:400.)
I wish you luck in your search for your ancestors.  If you have not already looked into the Latter Day Saints’ Ancestral File, I highly recommend it.  It is computerized records which encompass at least half of the population of the United States prior to 1900.  These records are open to the public without fee—contact the nearest L.D.S. (“Mormon”) Temple for more information.  We did not look through the “Blakes” in the Ancestral File (there was no reason to, because I am only the second generation with the name “Blake”), but had good luck with more than half of the Métis families we were looking for, finding some of compiled genealogies extending into pre-Colombian Europe.
The sources which we have used in compiling a genealogy of the Red Lake Anishinabe Ojibway and Métis include Bureau of Indian Affairs records: particularly the “Indian Enrollments” (1885 - 1940), the “Annuity Payment Records,” allotment records, probate records, B.I.A. correspondence (particularly from the 1800’s), Indian Claims Commission Reports, Treaties and Agreements and the papers associated with them, B.I.A. reports, and other U.S. Government records.  Some of these records (for example, the “Indian Enrollments” and some of the correspondence) are available from the National Archives on microfilm; some of them have been microfilmed by other parties (for example, some of the Annuity payrolls by the Minnesota Historical Society), and some of them exist only as original documents in the National Archives in Washington D.C. and various regional depositories.  Because the Mohawks’ primary White-Government relationship is with the State of New York on the U.S. side of the border, rather than the U.S. Government, there would probably not be the same huge mass of information in the U.S. Archives.  You would probably find more than you might expect in the New York State Archives/Historical Society, as well as in the Canadian Archives.
The records relating to this area were deliberately scrambled up—it took two computers, several years, knowledge of the Ojibway language, and correlation with Anishinabe Ojibway oral genealogies (much of what we were looking for was documentation of what the older Anishinabe Ojibway People already knew) to straighten the records out.  There were some terrible things which were done here, and the records were intended to obscure that: Anishinabe Ojibway names were stolen; the Catholic cemetery was bulldozed (the Priest wanted to hide that the French Métis buried in the Catholic cemetery had stolen names—the Anishinabe Ojibway were buried close to our houses); the names were spelled almost every possible way that they could be, etc..  The 19th-Century record-keepers never dreamed that a multi-lingual Anishinabe Ojibway person would be going through their records with a computer!  There are almost certainly extensive records on the Apache, which you might find helpful.  The National Archives publishes guides to “Indian Records” and also to genealogical records.  These guides are in most public libraries; microfilms can be purchased through the mail.
We also used many of the more standard genealogical sources: church records, census records, obituaries and “community affairs” reports in old newspapers, incidental genealogical information in history books and anthropological reports, etc.  The Minnesota Historical Society has a wealth of documents which include useful genealogical information about both the Anishinabe Ojibway and the Métis, including some compiled genealogies in donated personal papers, as well as a surprising amount of information in such sources as fur trade records.  I assume that the New York Historical Society has at least as good a collection.
Good luck with your search.
                                                            Sincerely,
                                                                        Wub-e-ke-niew, a.k.a.
                                                                        Francis Blake, Jr.

3881.   Wub-e-ke-niew = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1993 June). [Letter to Guinier, Lanai].
Abstract: Professor Lanai Guinier
University of Philadelphia Law School

Dear Professor Lanai Guinier,

We are writing in the hopes that you or one of your colleagues may be able to put us into contact with a lawyer who is able to take on the establishment in a case involving Aboriginal Indigenous Peoples’ Sovereignty and human and natural rights.
I am an Anishinabe Ojibway—I am not an “Indian.”  I live on my ancestral Aboriginal Indigenous homelands, which the White man calls “Red Lake Indian Reservation.”  For several years, I have been writing a newspaper column in the Native American Press, clarifying the identity of the peoples who are here, and standing up for my peoples’ rights.  I have been addressing the problems in the community, and have been addressing the violence which has been brought in by external forces such as the United States Government.  The philosophy of the Anishinabe Ojibway has always been non-violence.  There were no wars here, and we do not have a word for “war” or “peace” in our Anishinabe Ojibway language.
The historical background which led up to the present problem includes that the United States Government is trying to re-define both the Aboriginal Indigenous People and the French Métis, and make us into “Indians,” which is an artificial identity.  I told the United States Supreme Court and the Bureau of Indian Affairs that I am not a “Chippewa Indian,” and I turned in my “Indian Enrollment Card” to Justice Thurgood Marshall, who kept it.
We have been working for the last eight years, researching the genealogy and the history of Red Lake, debunking the lies which have been told about the Anishinabe Ojibway.  The people who signed the Red Lake Treaty were not Anishinabe Ojibway—we can prove with meticulously documented genealogies that they were French Métis who the U.S. Government re-defined as “Red Lake and Pembina Chippewa Indians.”  As is proven by the transcripts of the Treaty Negotiations, the Red Lake Anishinabe Ojibway did not sign the Treaty.  As was said at these negotiations, we cannot sell Grandmother Earth, which is our identity, our birthright, and a part of our religion the Midewiwin.  This relationship to the land, our religion, our philosophy, and our non-violence, is why our permacultural ecosystem was intact, why a person could drink the water from any lake or stream—and for that matter, why all newcomers were greeted as friends.  If we had been the violent, warlike people presented in the projection of Western European Civilization, the “Indian” stereotype, Columbus would have never landed.
The Anishinabe Ojibway people define ourselves, in accordance with our ancient Midewiwin religion, in terms of our patrilineal Dodems, which White anthropologists have translated as “Clans.”  I am of the Bear Dodem, as were my father, grandfather, great-grandfather, and so on into time immemorial—as is my son.  The Métis people who are maintained here by external forces do not have Anishinabe Ojibway Clans/Dodems.  They are patrilineally European.

At the present time, there are approximately eight thousand people on the Red Lake “Chippewa Indian” rolls.  Of these, about two hundred are actually Anishinabe Ojibway—the rest are White people, French Métis, and others, many without a drop of Anishinabe Ojibway blood.
The United States Government uses these “Chippewa Indians” to maintain the fiction that our Anishinabe Ojibway land was ceded; as a smokescreen to hide the massive genocide of the Anishinabe Ojibway; and through the intentional blurring of our identities as “Indians,” to maintain an occupation force under U.S. control in what remains of the Anishinabe Ojibway community.  The “Indian culture” which is fostered by external forces is one of violence.
Red Lake Reservation is categorized as one of two “Closed Reservations,” meaning that the land was never allotted.  The United States Government unilaterally and fraudulently [we have documentation to prove this] forced the 1934 Indian Reorganization Act onto Red Lake Reservation in 1959, and at the present time is dealing with this external government called the “Red Lake Chippewa Tribal Council” through the Western European Sovereignty which unilateral U.S. Statute assigns to the Secretary of the Interior under what they call the “Sacred Trust.”  The reality is that it’s an occupation force.
There is an island of land claimed by the State of Minnesota on the Red Lake Reservation, called the “Redby Townsite,” which originated from a railroad patent unilaterally granted by the United States Congress.  The “Redby Townsite” went through a land company, and much of it ended up in White hands, as planned.  There remain some parcels of land which are on the State of Minnesota property-tax rolls, and for which Beltrami County collects a “garbage tipping fee” although they do not collect the garbage.
THE CASE:  On June 12, at approximately 7:30 p.m., I called my son, who was living in a house for which I have been the care-taker for a year and a half, on the Redby townsite.  By some circumstance, I telephoned him at the particular moment that two Métis Indians had broken into his house, and were in the process of assaulting him.  Myself and the other people with me could hear him screaming over the phone, “Don’t kill me, don’t kill me,” after which the phone went dead.  The assailants had torn the phone out of the wall.  I immediately left for Redby, and the Reservation police were called.  I took my son to the hospital for X-Rays in Bemidji, 37 miles away.  (I am enclosing a copy of the hand-out that the Bemidji Hospital gave him.)  The Reservation [Bureau of Indian Affairs] Police did not arrive until we were ready to leave for Bemidji.
I and my son filed assault charges both in the Bureau of Indian Affairs (which is called a “CFR—Code of Federal Regulations”) Court at Redlake, and with the County Attorney in Bemidji.  In the French Métis culture which prevails on the Reservation because of their majority population, the “traditional” way of dealing with an assault is to perpetuate the violence by going over and beating up the assailants.  Some friends of mine offered to “even the score” by beating up the people who tried to kill my son, but I said no.  We need to use their law, and address the violence which is in this community.
The Red Lake B.I.A. police have not even picked up the assailants for questioning—one of them is the son of a police officer.  The Beltrami County Attorney is claiming that he has no jurisdiction over “Indians” on the land that the county claims in Redby townsite, although these “Indians” were created and are defined by imported European law.  They are shirking their responsibility, and they are enabling the genocide of the Anishinabe Ojibway to continue, and are covering up the grand theft of the land.  I repeat, there is no such person as an “Indian,” and never was.  The County Attorney is colluding with the long-term U.S. policy of obscuring the issues by claiming that the European immigrant Métis are the same people as the Anishinabe Ojibway.  The Métis Indians are not indigenous to this land.  The Beltrami County Attorney is caught up in the United States Government’s structure of artificially defined apartheid based on illusory “Indian blood quantum” [which has nothing to do with Aboriginal Indigenous ancestry].
As a parent, I am understandably upset about the assault of my son, but I am also concerned about the larger issues.  We have done the background research to prove that the people I am saying are Europeans are, in fact, Europeans.  The paper “sovereignty” wielded by the Bureau of Indian Affairs has been consistently used to oppress the Aboriginal Indigenous People, through their subject people, their created “Indians.”
Throughout the course of their history on this Continent, the Europeans have consistently refused to recognize the inherent Sovereignty of the Aboriginal Indigenous People here.  And yet, it is our land and resources which underwrite the United States economy and the U.S. monetary system.  Our people have been going without in our own land.  We, the Anishinabe Ojibway, are neither a “minority” nor an “ethnic group”—those few of us who have survived the centuries of genocide remain a Sovereign people, and we have an inherent right to exist on our own land.
There is much more detail, but we don’t want to make this letter too long.  Do you know of a lawyer who is willing to take on the United States Government, the governments originating out of Western European thinking in the United Nations, and is willing to use this particular case as a lever to get at the broader issues?  The immigrant European Nations, including the United States Government (which bases its legal system, including so-called “Indian law” on British Common Law, Roman Statute law, and Judeo-Christianity), has consistently refused to recognize the inherent Sovereignty of the Aboriginal Indigenous Nations of this Continent.  They are bringing a foreign law onto this land, and although even the [European-law] United Nations says they do not “recognize” us, are implicitly acknowledging our existence through their unilateral writing of labyrinthine “Indian law,” the paper “Indian Sovereignty” used by the U.S. Department of the Interior, and their use of “Indians” to obscure the genocide.  This stealing of Aboriginal Indigenous Peoples land and resources, this consistent refusal of Western European Civilization to recognize the Aboriginal Indigenous peoples and our inherent right to exist unmolested on our own land, and the ongoing genocide, must come to an end.  The violence must be addressed.  We have, over the course of the last eight years, already done much of the background research, and we can win.
Thank you.                                          Wub-e-keniew,  a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr.

3882.   Wub-e-ke-niew = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1993). 1910 letter questions how W.E. Natives establish blood quantum. Ojibwe News.
Abstract:
June 10, 1910
Hon. E. H. Long
 Spe’l. Ass’t. to Att’y. Gen’l.
Detroit, MN

Dear Sir:
I have the honor to submit the following matter for your consideration:

While engaged at White Earth, in notifying applicants for fee simple patents to appear at your office in Detroit, there to establish their status as to blood, I had occasion to visit the tent occupied by Mrs. Delia Gubins and Elizabeth LeClair, her sister, and while there they made the following statement, to wit,
You dont want to take us for Indians for we are not.  This is the first time we have ever camped out: we belong in St. Paul, and are french and not Indians.  Our fathers name was Benjamine La Fond; he was a black-smith, our mothers name was Margbaret La Fond; they both received half-breed scrip but we never claimed to have Indian blood until Gus Beaulieu came to us in St. Paul, and told us that he would get us on the White Earth rolls and get us good allotments and find buyers for them.  That the tribal fund would soon be divided and we would get a share; we would be fools not to take a chance like that to get some of the tribal money.
Then they made a complaint that their parents had been beaten out of their scrip; that their mother Margaret, sometimes known as Maria La Fond, had sold her scrip to Isaac Van Ettan, “a man who was married to a cousin of Gus Beaulieu,” for $40 and later their father had sold his and they understood that it had been placed on land in the Iron range, that was worth Millions of dollars.  They wanted the Government, to get the land for them as their parents had been swindled out of their scrip.  I advised them to report the matter to you and see what you could do; I asked them to do this for the reason that I did not have a witness with me when they told me the story and I think that it will be of interest to us if we wish to show how people have become enrolled on this reservation.
Yours respectfully
Thomas E. Harper
Special Agent

3883.   Wub-e-ke-niew = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1994). According to the headline in the October 6 Minneapolis Star Tribune, “Show of force evicts farmer who didn’t pay tax.”...
Abstract: According to the headline in the October 6 Minneapolis Star Tribune, “Show of force evicts farmer who didn’t pay tax.”  The problem is that the Gibbon, Minnesota farmer who lost his farm, Oliver Kramer, thought he owned “his” land—and he didn’t.  Under the British/Roman legal system exported from Europe, White property-holders have a feudal relationship with the State—the very terms for land “title,” like “fee simple,” are derived from the old European feudalism.  In this foreign way of thinking, “landowners” receive certain rights and privileges to a piece of land from the state—for which they must pay property taxes.  Although the entire structure on this Continent is based on stolen Aboriginal peoples’ land and resources; the White economic, legal and political system favors the upper artificial socio-economic class of Whites, the so-called “property-holders,” who then cry about the high taxes that they’re paying and point their fingers at the people who are disenfranchised and exploited by their White system.  The privileged self-righteously label these people “welfare queens,” “food stamp recipients” and “dead-beat dads”-—although the smug “taxpayers” fail to look at where they came from, and how they are also pigging out on “welfare” and profiting from property stolen from the Aboriginal people of this Continent.
When the United States Constitution was written, the only people who could vote were “property-owners,” and also written into the U.S. Constitution is the discriminating phrase, “Indians not taxed.”  “Indian land” is not property, in the legal real estate White man’s definition of the word.  The White “untaxed” Indians are created to be used as proxies, scapegoats and brokers.  They have never actually owned any land, and under the imported European property-structure, never will.  There are no “Indians,” and the mythological “Indian Title” is created by the White man for his own greedy purposes.           The Western European culture has always been parasitic, and there is someone always waiting in the wings or the smoky back-rooms to take advantage of another’s misfortunes which are created by the imported European system to keep the class system intact.  In the case of Kramer the farmer, Reuben Meyer (a County Commissioner) knew all about Kramer’s tax problems, and bought the land for a fraction of its market value.  Something’s fishy in Gibbon, Minnesota.
THE GANG OF TEN: Speaking of something fishy, there have always been private sales of fish by Red Lake fishermen, which are defined by the State of Minnesota as “bootlegging” under their White economic system and their White racist laws.  These fishermen are forced into “bootlegging” by economic exclusion—the White man wants them to use their money, but not to participate in the inner sanctum of the Whites’ economic and law-making system.  If these guys had been upper-class Whites, they could have bought a Congressman, a Senator and probably George Bush—then they would have been wheeling-and-dealing “entrepreneurs,” but instead they’re labelled as criminals and law-breakers.
Also on October 6, the Bemidji Pioneer reported the indictment of ten men for illegally buying and selling fish.  The charges resulted from using taxpayers’ money to create a phony corporation, Can-Am foods, which created employment for the in-group running a three-year sting operation.  The indictments mention only a few hundred fish at a time, because clear-cutting has destroyed the ecosystem and decimated the fish population.  The “good guys” and their families and friends ate so much “bootleg” Red Lake Walleye, I hope they get mercury poisoning from the pollutants they’ve been pumping into the Blackduck River, the air, and the rest of the environment.
WHITE-WATER CASE: In a related, crooked scheme, several Chippewa Indians were arrested recently for setting two and a half miles of gill-net in Upper Red Lake—on what the State of Minnesota claims as the “White-Water” side.  (That they were greedily setting too many nets was not the issue.)  The State of Minnesota just went to court about Indian hunting and fishing rights, and a decision was handed down that Indians could hunt and fish on ceded lands, even though the Treaties were not made in Chippewa or French, only in English, and neither the Europeans who call themselves “Indians” or the Europeans who call themselves “Americans” own the land, which belongs to the Aboriginal people.
In this local scam of White-Water fish, the land and water in question have never been ceded—maybe this is why the Indian fishermen were arrested for exercising “treaty-rights.”  On the one hand, the State of Minnesota is using their Indians to claim Red Lake Ahnishinahbæótjibway land and water under the Northwest Ordinance, “because it was never ceded.”  On the other hand, the State of Minnesota is using their Indians to claim Red Lake Ahnishinahbæótjibway land and water—including the Eastern half of Upper Red Lake under the provisions of legislation passed by the U.S. Congress on January 14 of 1889.  The Nelson Act reads:
“... and such cession and relinquishment shall be deemed sufficient as to each of the said several reservations, except as to the Red Lake Reservation, if made and assented to in writing by two-thirds of the male adults occupying and belonging to such reservation, and as to the Red Lake Reservation the cession and relinquishment shall be deemed sufficient if made and assented to in like manner by two-thirds of the male adults of “all” [sic] the Chippewa Indians in Minnesota.”
The 1889 Nelson Act was unilaterally passed by the U.S. Congress in January.  Six months later, in July, the Minnesota Chippewa Commission showed up at Lac Rouge (the foreign French Métis term which in foreign English means Red Lake) to “negotiate the Treaty,” meaning getting the consent of Indians to rip off more than three million acres of Red Lake  Ahnishinahbæótjibway land.  Both the oral history and U.S. Government documents state that the boundary line drawn by both the Indians and the Whites would be a mile East of Upper Red Lake.  (The Chippewa Commission covered their ass in Washington by amending the official transcript, referring to “mistakes” in the lines.)  The 1889 Nelson Act was unilaterally drawn up and enacted, and it would be mighty White of you if it was unilaterally repealed.
The “Red Lake Band” and the “Tribe,” who are claiming to be “Sovereign,” are the ones who should be standing up for their enrolled Chippewa fishermen.  But, neither the Bureau of Indian Affairs or the foreign 1934 I.R.A. Chairman, Bobby Whitefeather—who is paid more than $60,000-plus dollars a year to be a mythological full-blooded Indian are defending their Tribal Members.  Just like Whitefeather’s predecessors, “Butch Brun” and Chairman-for-Life Roger Jourdain celebrated the hundredth anniversary of 1889 Chippewa Commission rip-off with much fanfare, and a fake medicine man with a pipe.  These burnt-stump immigrant Frenchmen foolishly proclaimed the “founding of the Red Lake Nation in 1889,” hoping that all the Aboriginal people were dead.  These Chippewas need the Indian identity that’s given to them by the White Man, and the fraudulent 1889 “Agreement” is a crucial part of the Minnesota Chippewa Indians’ identity.  The January 14, 1889 legislation is also very important to the State of Minnesota, which is collecting illegal taxes derived from the more than three million acres of Aboriginal land stolen in 1889, and still selling resources from this stolen land.
My telephone number is (218) 679-2382 and my mailing address is P.O. Box 484, Bemidji, MN 56601.
                                                            Wub-e-ke-niew

3884.   Wub-e-ke-niew = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1993). The “Assimilation” policies of the United States Government are also in violation of the provisions of the International Convention for the prevention and punishment of Genocide. ...
Abstract: The “Assimilation” policies of the United States Government are also in violation of the provisions of the International Convention for the prevention and punishment of Genocide.  Maybe the reason that the molders of public opinion are calling the present-day horrors “ethnic cleansing” is to evade responsibility.  Do the Nuremberg Principles apply to fratricide?

3885.   Wub-e-ke-niew = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1993). "Being Indian is a very old tradition among the blacks in New Orleans. I have Indian blood, but you don’t have to," according to Big Chief Ferdinand ...
Abstract:  “Being Indian is a very old tradition among the blacks in New Orleans. I have Indian blood, but you don’t have to,” according to Big Chief Ferdinand Bigard, quoted in an article by Shelley Holl in Sunday’s Minneapolis Star Tribune.  “Being Indian” is also an old tradition among a number of peoples in Northern Minnesota, including the French Métis, the French Mulattos, and others who may not have a drop of aboriginal Indigenous blood—this includes the former “Indian Tribal Chairman” Roger Jourdain.  Many of these “Indians” will tell you that being “Indian” is a matter of spiritual orientation,” or “adoption by the ‘tribe’” [but which “tribe,” and who owns and defines it?]; but in another linear-thinking category they reckon their U.S. Government “Indian blood quantum” down to fractional 64th’s and marry their own first cousins so their children can be “enrolled, federally recognized ‘Indians’.”   This kind of inbreeding was a part of the Wanna-be Indians’ traditional French-Arab culture in France four hundred years ago.  Aboriginal Indigenous Peoples’ Dodems prevent this kind of incest.  If many of these  “Indians” looked as their actual ancestors, they’d be quadroons.
 I applaud Joe Sayers’ efforts to address racism in Bemidji.  However, by maintaining his public identity of “Indian,” he is defeating his own purpose, and ends up promoting the racist mythologies which cannot be separated from the artificial identity of “Indian.”  Although the racism that Joe Sayers is dealing with in Bemidji is real, Joe is relying on the White man for his identity.  The “Indian” identity is a projection, a stereotype which is by definition loaded with the racism of the immigrant Europeans.  When he, and other sincere “Indians” trash that stupid artificial identity, and become who they really are—then they won’t be handicapped and handcuffed by this imposed identity.  Right now, they’re being outmaneuvered by racist European philosophy that’s built into the invented European identity of Indian.  When these “Indians” take on their real identity, then the White man won’t be able to categorize them, manipulate them, and dismiss them as “tokens.”
If the people who are promoting this racist Indian stereotype get themselves out of this identity trap, and find out who they really are, then they own their identity, and can get back their personal Sovereignty, their culture, and their history.  One needs to seriously address the racism of the United States Government, which is using Aboriginal Indigenous Peoples’ money and resources to intentionally create a messed-up, factioned Indian community.  Under this classic Machiavellian tactic, a few, mostly White, “Indians” are subsidized in high-paying, status-laden jobs, while under this crooked scheme, most of the rest of the “Indians” are confined in welfare ghettos, and told they are supposed to be “Indian and free,” and “Indian and proud.”
By learning his language of crooked European English, I see the White man for who he really is.  His language clarifies the White man’s racist strategies.  What he has done is told the “Indians” that “Indian” is a wonderful and romantic identity, and has told the “Indians” to go get their “Indian traditions.”  The real Indian tradition is selling stolen Aboriginal Indigenous property, and signing crooked Treaties (like the 1837 one).  But, by promoting his Disneyland mythology of caricature Indians, by sending people down the “Red Road” which he defines, the White man diverts people away from studying his crooked language and culture, and distracts people from having the power of knowing who they really are and owning their real identity.
INDIAN RELIGION:  The mainstream Judeo-Christians are violating their own U.S. Constitution with their legislation establishing “Indian Religion” under U.S. jurisdiction.  The Senate Subcommittee recently met in Hawaii (the only state which does not have “tribes of Indians”—unless they are turning the indigenous Hawaiian people into “Indians”).  The mainstream Judeo-Christians also violated their own Constitution, and David Koresh’s Civil Rights, by killing him and his followers.  Whatever happened to “Freedom of Religion?”
I asked Senator Inouye’s office to send me a copy of their proposed legislation a month ago.  I haven’t heard from them yet, and probably never will.  There is no provision in the Treaties (which the “Indians,” not the Aboriginal Indigenous People, signed) giving the United States Government jurisdiction over Aboriginal Indigenous Peoples’ burial sites.  The “Indian Freedom of Religion Act” is trying to change this, and give the U.S. jurisdiction over our peoples’ burial sites using their fictitious “Indians.”  I predict that one of the consequences of this present “religious freedom” act will the a “legal” market in stolen grave goods, which have already been dug up.  They’re covering up this violence (and the genocide which has been and continues to be done against Aboriginal Indigenous people) by having White “Indians,” like those  on the Minnesota Indian Affairs Council, rebury Aboriginal Indigenous People after their possessions have been stolen.  The racist piece of legislation, the “Indian Freedom of Religion Act” is anarchy—where can an Aboriginal Indigenous Person take the U.S. and their White “Indians” flunkies and sue them?  Will the amended “Indian Freedom of Religion Act” be reciprocal, and give Aboriginal Indigenous People the “legal right” to go dig up the “Indian’s” graves, which are in the Christian cemeteries.  Will we be able to dig up famous White people like George Washington, sell their artifacts, and then go bury them someplace else in unmarked graves, so the next generation can claim they “never existed”?
The “Indian Freedom of Religion Act” establishes “Indian” religion under U.S. regulation, and creates White “Indian Medicine Men,” like Big Chief Bucky Head and Holy Man Sargent.  Grand Medicine Man Inouye already has his Department of Interior flunkies issue licenses to carry eagle feathers, as well as the feathers themselves.  Do the Government Indian Medicine Men have an “endorsement” on their laminated plastic “Indian Card”?  One of the most vicious—and most hidden—strategies of the imperial Indo-Europeans (for at least the last three thousand years) has been using an “established” religion, rather than honest spirituality, to control and subjugate their people.  David Koresh was simply following the same pattern as the “world religions,” all of which are dishonest manipulations of human beings, and all of which have committed child abuse (how about the “Indian boarding schools”) as well as genocide.  If these “world religions” were legitimate, you wouldn’t see any missionaries, particularly those who “shoot to convert” along with their secular brothers who “shoot to feed.”  You don’t see any Aboriginal Indigenous missionaries, we don’t need to sell people on our spirituality.  I haven’t seen any of the real Midewiwin spiritual elders out trying to “convert” people—although there are some fraudulent “Indian Medicine Men” who make big bucks playing the “Indian religion” scam.
 My telephone number is (218) 679-2382 and my mailing address is P.O. Box 484, Bemidji, MN 56601.
                         Wub-e-ke-niew

3886.   Wub-e-ke-niew =(a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1996). Big Tree Hunt.
Abstract: “In 1962, the Department of Natural Resources launched a Big Tree Hunt to locate and identify the state’s largest native trees.  Since its inception, thousands of Minnesotans have enthusiastically participated in the program.  Today, the program elicits considerably more response.  The Horticultural Society of Minnesota works with the DNR’s Division of Forestry to expand the list of record trees to include naturalized, non-native and horticultural varieties. ... Send your report to: Frank Usenik, Big Tree Hunt, Department of Natural Resources, Forestry Division, Centennial Office Bldg., 658 Cedar St., St. Paul, MN 55155. ...”
[followed by a table comparing the DNR's "big trees" to those listed in Britton and Brown (1917).]

3887.   Wub-e-ke-niew = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1995). Corruption in “Indian Country” are making the news, with the indictment of Chip Wadena and his cohorts.  But fraud, embezzlement, stealing has been business as usual on the U.S. Indian Reservations since the United States began. ...
Abstract: Corruption in “Indian Country” are making the news, with the indictment of Chip Wadena and his cohorts.  But fraud, embezzlement, stealing has been business as usual on the U.S. Indian Reservations since the United States began.  The stage was set in the U.S. Constitution with the clause, “Indians not taxed,” meaning that those defined as Indians would have neither land nor political representation.
The pattern in “Indian Affairs” has been fraudulent dealings, investigations including Congressional hearings, hand-wringing in the media, and surface restructuring of the political administration of Indians, which set the stage for a new round of corruption.  The Indian Treaties were understood to be “shameful documents” even at the time that they were signed; the halfbreed scrip issued from the Treaties was the subject of years of Congressional investigations; the crookedness emanating from the General Allotment Act has not yet been fully put to rest (for example, the White Earth Land Settlement Act which contributed to Chip Wadena’s troubles); the Meriam Report’s documentation of abysmal living conditions on the Reservations which fueled the cries for “reform” which led to the 1934 Indian Reorganization Act; in 1977 the Senate American Indian Policy Review Commission reported that Indians’ position was “little better than that which he enjoyed in 1928 when the Meriam Report was issued.”
The most recent round of Indian corruption is leading once again to calls for “reform;” this time the focus is on re-writing the 1934 I.R.A. Constitutions.  This proposed solution will simply lead to more corruption, and yet another round of investigations twenty years from now; it will not break the pattern of restructuring corrupt Indian Affairs once each generation.  Rewriting the “Indian Constitutions” does not touch the foundations of the problems, and as long as the policy-makers deny their history, they cannot hope to escape from the vicious cycle of corruption, restructuring and corruption in which they are caught.
John Collier was Commissioner of Indian Affairs when the present Indian Reorganization Act constitutions were written and put in place on most of the reservations.  Although the I.R.A. was promoted as providing democracy for Indians, Collier wrote that “Over Indian matters ... Congress still holds plenary power.”  Indian Commissioner Ross Swimmer confirmed this in a Minneapolis press conference on July 12, 1988, telling a group of concerned Indians, “I’m telling you, you don’t have a government!”
As long as the phrase “Indians not taxed” remains in the U.S. Constitution, the people who are identified as Indians are caught in a powerless position: without representation in mainstream U.S. democracy, and subject to the administrative “sovereignty” ascribed to the U.S. Secretary of Interior in Indian Affairs.
The root of the problem is that “Indian” is an identity created and controlled by the European immigrants to this continent.  Indian is a European word, and the U.S. claims both the power to define Indians in a wide range of ad hoc circumstances, and the power to terminate Indians “with a stroke of the pen.”  The crux of the entire mess which Indian Affairs has always been, is that Indian is an artificial identity, and the vast majority of people who have been defined into the Euro-American Indian identity are not the aboriginal people who are autochthonous to this continent.
The United States policy-makers do not dare amend the U.S. Constitution to eliminate the “Indians not taxed” clause, nor to deal honestly with the history which has led them to the current round of corruption and cries for reform; not one man nor woman among them has the courage to confront the genocide and blood-soaked land upon which the U.S.A. is founded.  They do not want to acknowledge or deal with the realities of their national past, to see the linear-thinking structure which generates endless cycles of corruption, debate, reform and corruption.  It is far more politically expedient to focus their attention away from history and onto the present, patching together another quick fix in the same old pattern, and pretending it is “new.”
Writing and re-writing Indian Constitutions will not fix the problem, because what the media are portraying as an “Indian problem” is really a white man’s problem—inextricably connected to the violence in the streets, the decay of the social and environmental infrastructure, to the sham democracy presented to far more Americans than merely Indians with 1934 I.R.A. Constitutions.  I would like to see the white men in the power structure take responsibility for what they are doing, and where they have come from, and honestly speak to what their ancestors have done, and why those ancestors ran away from their plundered homelands.  Instead of barrelling into the next century like a runaway bulldozer, they need to turn around and take a look at where they came from; they need to take responsibility for the species that they have sent into extinction, and the peoples and languages they have destroyed.  Without a clear view of the past, corruption and fraud will continue.  A criminal will change his name to evade responsibility for the crimes he has committed in the past.  Western European man has also changed his identity—here, they call themselves Americans, and some even call themselves Indians.

3888.   Wub-e-ke-niew = (a.k.a. Francis Blake, Jr. (1993). Dear Grampa:  How many Branch Davidians can you fit into an F.B.I. patrol car? ...
Abstract: Dear Grampa:  How many Branch Davidians can you fit into an F.B.I. patrol car?
Answer:  All of them: One in the front seat, three in the back seat, two in the trunk, and eighty-five in the ashtray.

 

 

 

 

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