
Indian is
an
English-language word, which came through the Late Latin, Latin, and
Greek
languages, and originally referred to the River Indus; it comes from
the same
roots as the word Indo-European.[i] There is
also a folk etymology which is
gaining currency: the word Indian came from the Spanish "en Dios,"
referring to the Judeo-Christian God.
The word Indian is not indigenous to this Continent, and does
not refer
to the autochthonous peoples of this Continent, who are linguistically
invisible in the Western European languages.
Indian is an euphemism for European subject person. The English word, Indian, is defined by the
dictionary[ii]
as "a. Of or pertaining to India or the East Indians; also,
noting,
belonging to, or pertaining to the race embracing the
aborigines of
America ..."[iii]. Indians and Aboriginal Indigenous people are
not the same people. In the 1950's
people admitted this, and many of the same individuals who now
vehemently
proclaim their Indian-ness, openly referred to themselves as "French
Canadians." Neither the Indians,
nor the Europeans who created the Indians, have a sense of their own
identity. They do not know who they are in
the same
way that an Aboriginal Indigenous person does.
In the ancient religious philosophy
of the Ahnishinahbæótjibway, life is
based on a circle: a
circle of equals rather than a hierarchy, inter-connected spheres of
life in
harmony with each other. The Europeans'
culture, like all hierarchies, is based on a power struggle. There was no patriarch in our society, and
there was no power struggle. There are
no words for war, or peace in the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
language. There is no word for God, no
word for Devil, no word for Chippewa, and no word for Indian.[iv] Our language and our culture are inseparable
from our all-encompassing religious philosophy; for us all time,
all
thought and all action, is within the non-violent context of
Grandfather Midé
and Grandmother Earth. Our land and our
forests are, and have always been, an integral part of our religion,
our
philosophy and our very identity as Ahnishinahbæótjibway.
One does not sell his/her identity;
one does not sell one's relations, one's family burial ground,
religion, nor
philosophy. In the treaty-making
process, the Euro-Americans dealt with their subject people,
the
Chippewa Indians whom they had created through colonization,
mythology and
genetic engineering. These people were
not from here, and had no deep connections to this land.
The United States Government expediently
dealt with Métis and White Indians who had Western European
values rather than
Aboriginal Indigenous ones. As Indian
Commissioner Thomas Morgan wrote in his 1892 Report to Congress, to
suggest
that mixed-bloods were not Indians in terms of their right to claim the
property of the putative tribe:[v]
would unsettle and endanger the titles to much of the
lands that have been relinquished by Indian tribes and patented to
citizens of
the United States.
The Ahnishinahbæótjibway
had no part in any of the U.S. Government's Indian treaties or
agreements.
The European subject Métis who have
been defined as Indian wards of the U.S. Government under trusteeship,
have no
legally defensible rights. Whatever
rights they claim as Indians are administered through Chief Jim Crow
and his
squaw, A-par-theid. The United States'
dealings with their Indians, in Treaties and subsequent documents
called
Agreements, did not relate to the European concepts of eminent domain,
consummated national title, and imperial dominion.
This cornerstone of the relationship between colonial nations
and
the territory which was presumed to comprise them (for the sake of
brevity
referred to as eminent domain), had already been claimed by European
nations
under their doctrines of right of Christian royalty to discovery,
sometimes
subject to consummation by exploration and occupation.
The eminent domain claimed by European
nations was divided and transferred among themselves under various
facets of
their so-called International Law under war and peace.
The unipartite and indivisible, holistic
inter-relationship of the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
Midé
and other Aboriginal Indigenous nations to Grandmother Earth was
considered
irrelevant, and was redefined by the racist European colonizers as
"aboriginal occupancy" invested with approximately the same rights as
a "wild animal." This is an
European perspective, derived from imperial Roman Law, which has no
validity on
this Continent.
The part of what is now called the
State of Minnesota, west of the Mississippi, had been claimed by Spain,
then
France, then Spain, and in 1803 the European claim of eminent domain
was
transferred to the British-Americans of the United States, under the
Louisiana
Purchase.[vi] The land east of the Mississippi River, in
the area now designated as part of the State of Minnesota, had been
claimed by
the United States since the end of the American Revolution in 1783, at
which
time the boundary to the west of Lake Superior was described as
following the
line of water communication to the Lake of the Woods, through that
Lake to its
Northernmost point, and then proceeding due west to the Mississippi
River.[vii] In 1787 this somewhat mythological[viii]
area was made a part of the Northwest Territory, and in 1819 the United
States
built Fort St. Anthony and renamed Fort Snelling, on the East Bank of
the
Mississippi River where the Minneapolis-St. Paul metropolitan area has
been
built. Indian treaties had nothing to
do with any of this, although treaties between the European sovereigns
did.
By the time the British and
British-Americans began negotiating Treaties with Indians, there was a
large
population of Métis people who were identified as Indians. They had White or other Lislakh fathers, and
had lost their identity and values as Ahnishinahbæótjibway
or
other Aboriginal Indigenous people.
These Métis Indians were the people with whom the
treaties were
signed. The Indian treaties were
written by the Europeans and Euro-Americans with the assumption that
the
European Sovereigns already had eminent domain, and what the Indians
were
ceding was usufruct and tenancy, giving up their rights of occupancy so
that
the territory ceded could be occupied by White settlers and their Black
slaves. The Whites implied that the
Indians could cede Aboriginal Indigenous peoples' rights, which they
could
not. Chief Justice John Marshall of the
U.S. Supreme Court put it:[ix]
The Indian territory is admitted to compose a part of the
United States. In all our maps,
geographical treatises, histories, and laws, it is so considered. They [the Indians] acknowledge themselves in
their treaties to be under the protection of the United States; they
admit that
the United States shall have the sole and exclusive right of regulating
the
trade with them, and managing their affairs as they think proper. ...
They
occupy a territory to which we assert a title independent of their
will, which
must take effect in point of possession when their right of possession
ceases.
... The Court has bestowed its best attention on this question, and
after
mature deliberation, the majority is of opinion that an Indian
tribe or
nation within the United States is not a foreign state in the sense of
the
constitution ...
This
decision,
which led to the Cherokee Trail of Tears in 1832, and is the one
usually cited
in U.S. claims of jurisdiction over Indians under what is called Sacred
Trusteeship, was decided on the basis of Métis people whose
Sovereignty was
already held by the European hierarchy.
The Cherokee Indian leader, John Ross, was "descendant on his
father's side of a trading family of Scots"[x],
and "in [the Cherokee] settlements were many mixed bloods resulting
from
the influx into Cherokee territory of Virginian settlers, British
Tories, and
itinerant peddlers from Germany."[xi] Marshall's
decision was decided in accord
with a philosophy of Natural Law in which the Supreme Lawgiver, the summa
"of reason and might, justice and power"[xii]
was the Trinity of Christian Deity, as mediated through Roman Law. This remains a racist world-view in which
Aboriginal Indigenous people are beyond the paradigm, non-existent in
terms of
rights defined by Western European civilizations for themselves. It also has absolutely no application to Ahnishinahbæótjibway
and other Aboriginal Indigenous people, or any of our rights or
property. No matter what claims the
Judeo-Christians
make about the omnipotence of their God and thus their world-view, such
philosophies do not belong on this Continent.
Minnesota was categorized by the
White man as a politically distinct territory in 1849.
At that time, Minnesota Territory included
not only the area later defined as the State of Minnesota, but also
much of
North and South Dakota. The United
States Census of 1850 enumerated six thousand, seventy-seven people in
Minnesota Territory.[xiii] The Census enumerated Whites as well as
French Métis people.
In 1850, Major Woods reconnoitered
the "North-Western Frontier of the Territory of Minnesota" at the
behest of Secretary of War,[xiv]
acting as an advance man for the treaty-making expeditions to come. He described his meeting with the Chippewa
Métis Indians at Pembina:
I told them I had been sent to that country by the
President (these people recognizing no authority but that emanating
from the
President) to examine it and see them; that the President was a
stranger to
them and their country; that he was anxious to bring them within the
protecting
guardianship of the United States; to provide them, as our
other Indian
tribes, with such necessities of life as were now beyond their reach;
to
encourage and aid them in habits of life that would place them above a
dependence on the game of the plains for their subsistence; ... that it
was his
ardent wish that our frontiers might be traversed in safety by Whites
and
Indians; that he would adopt measures to enforce this wish by sending
large
military forces into the country ... I
urged them to organize themselves into a band, and appoint their chiefs[xv]
that they might have some order and government amongst themselves
with chiefs
...; that as they were, if the United States had any business to
transact with
them, there was no person to address from whom the wishes of the
people
could be obtained, &c., &c.
They replied to me by several speakers, in substance:
that they had separated from the Chippewas of Lake Superior a long time
back,
and came to that country in the pursuit of game and furs ... Their "old men" say that the
buffalo have decreased by about one-half within their
recollection; that the
reflecting portion of them see very plainly that the buffalo must
eventually
disappear, and their children will be left to starve. ... They could
not agree
about their chiefs and requested me to appoint them, which I declined;
but
after much fruitless discussion, with no prospect of agreement amongst
themselves, I told them that there were three men, whose names I gave
them,
that had been highly recommended to me as suitable men for chiefs.
... They
came back the next day in a body, and informed me that they had agreed
upon the
men I had nominated to them.
"Sakikwanel," in English
"Green feather," to be principal chief
"Majekkwadjiwau," in English
"End of the Current," to be 1st 2nd chief
"Kakakanawakkagan," in English
"Long Legs," to be 2d chief.
These are the men they selected, with my assistance, for
their chiefs. I did not feel authorized
to appoint them, and intended to do it conditionally and submit their credentials
to the Governor of Minnesota Territory, and the Superintendent of
Indian
Affairs therein; but finding that a conditional exercise of authority
in the
matter would only give rise to further dissentions [sic], I presented
these
chiefs with appointments, in writing, dating the 24th of
August, '49,
and gave each of them a medal.
I am happy to say that, since my return, Governor Ramsey
has approved of my course. After the
above narrated ceremony was over, I again spoke to them, and told them
what was
expected of them in their intercourse with whites, with half-breeds,
and with
each other, and with neighboring tribes.
I told the chief what were their duties, and also the sub-chiefs.[xvi]
Major
Woods also
organized the French people he identified as half-breeds:
On the 24th of August these people had returned from
their Spring hunt, and about 200 of the hunters came to see me. They had appointed four men as their
speakers. I told them that in virtue
of their Indian extraction, those living on our side of the line were
regarded
as being in possession of the Indians' right upon our soil;[xvii]
that they were on our frontiers treated as component parts of the
Indian
tribes; that they either came under the Indians' laws or regulations,
or formed
such for themselves. I urged them to
organize themselves into a band under a council or chiefs, invested
with ample
authority to act in their name, in all matters which might arise to
affect
their interests ... The next day they
returned in about the same numbers, and presented me with nine names as
the
committee they had selected for the future government of the half-breed
population within our borders. Mr.
Wilky, the first on the list, is the president of the committee. He is a French half-breed, of a good
character,
well disposed toward the United States, and intelligent.
The other eight of the council are men the
most esteemed in the country, and friendly toward the United States. They say it is their wish to become
agriculturalists. ... Their desire for
a military post is urged ...
As the letter of the Secretary of the Interior to the
President, in relation to that frontier, was sent me with my
instructions, I
ventured to suggest to them that the United States contemplated opening
that
country for settlement. To do which it
would be necessary, first, to extinguish the Indian title.
... The half-breeds are delighted at such a
prospect, and would readily acquiesce in reasonable treaty
stipulations for
the country. The Indians are more
phlegmatic of their high appreciation of such a blessing ... The still
more
distant Indians that have their abode on the Missouri river, ... and
Red Lake,
... must be dealt with by expeditions and a vigorous policy.[xviii]
The half-breeds are much more numerous than the Indians
in this Department. They are mixed
bloods of different tribes which have spread themselves from the stony
mountains to the Atlantic ocean. We
have counted the descendants of thirteen different bands.
... The half-breeds are mild, generous,
polished in their manners, and ready to do a kindness; of great
uprightness,
not over anxious of becoming rich ...
They are generally gay and fond of enjoyment; they affect music,
there
being but a few, comparatively speaking, who do not play the violin. ... We see but slight dissensions in their
families, which are for the most part numerous. ...
The half-breeds number over five thousand souls. They
first established themselves at
Pembina, near the mouth of the river of that name, about 1818, when
they had
with them a resident Canadian priest.[xix]
In 1851, two years after Major Woods
had done the groundwork, Governor Alexander Ramsey of Minnesota
Territory went
to Pembina to make a treaty with the Pembina and Red Lake Chippewa. He was accompanied by an escort of dragoons
from Fort Snelling, commanded by Second Lieutenant James L. Corley of
the Sixth
United States Infantry, and "equipped in excellent style for active
service."[xx] The expedition's guide was Pierre Bottineau,
who sometimes wore a White man's hat and sometimes a half-breed's chapeau. The 1851 Treaty Session began September 15
at Norman Kittson's fur trade post at Pembina.
According to Willoughby M. Babcock, who recorded the
proceedings,
"some two hundred and fifty members of the Pembina and Red Lake bands
of Chippewa"
were present. There may have been a few
Ahnishinahbæótjibway who were present as
third-party
observers; however the Chippewa Métis and French Métis
were the Indian
principals of the treaty. Babcock wrote
that, "in addition there were several hundred half-breeds--the actual
occupants of the land in question, who were not slow to press their
claims for
compensation should the government agree to purchase it," as well as
other
Indians. Although Woods had informed
the half-breeds, two years earlier, that they were to be treated as
Indians, at
that point the "United States barred them from 'participation in the
treaty council', so during the negotiations they stood around the
negotiating
table."[xxi] The treaty was made by Alexander Ramsey and
Reverend J.P. Bardwell during two days of "holding informational
interviews with the chiefs and headmen" who had been appointed by U.S.
Government officials, after which Alexander Ramsey abruptly adjourned. It provided for the cession of a tract
approximately thirty miles wide on each side of the Red River,
annuity
payments (some of which had already been spent at Kittson's trading
post), and
consolidation with "other bands of Chippewa."[xxii] This 1851 Treaty was rejected by the U.S.
Senate during the Spring of 1852.
Alexander Ramsey made certain that
the people he dealt with the next time would be unable to speak English. In 1852, he issued an executive order
abolishing the teaching of reading, writing, and English to both the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
and the Indians, and "the substitution of manual-training system. He was supported by all Indian agents of
Winnebago, the Sioux, and the Ojibwa [sic].
This had an effect on Red Lake as the mission or religious
school
was abandoned in about 1855."[xxiii] Some Ahnishinahbæótjibway
at Red Lake are convinced that Ramsey's executive order has not yet
been
rescinded.
In 1863, under the Abraham Lincoln
Administration of the United States, Minnesota Governor Alexander
Ramsey again
"negotiated a treaty" with a group of people the U.S. government
defined as the "Red Lake and Pembina Bands of Chippewa Indians," i.e.
predominantly French Métis. On
September 21 of that year, he came to the "Old Crossing" of the Red
Lake River, which was on one of the main routes of the Red River
Oxcarts. Governor Ramsey's military escort
included
"180 mounted men, 68 army (6-mule) wagons, 13 ox wagons, and a half
dozen
other vehicles."[xxiv] It included the 8th Regiment of the
Minnesota Volunteers, the 1st Regiment of the Minnesota Mounted
Rangers, the
3rd Minnesota Battery, United States Army Indian Scouts, and probably
more of
the United States Army than is enumerated by Ramsey, since Captain
Ruffee (who
later was Indian Agent at Red Lake and Leech Lake, when these
Reservations were
under military control) was there.
On September 22, according to
Governor Ramsey and Indian Trader Ashley Morrill's official journal
(which the
U.S. Government hid for more than a century as classified information),
the
French Pembina Métis arrived, along with Hole-in-the-Day and a
number of
professional Indian treaty-signers.
Ramsey writes that he did not want the Pembina half-breeds
there, but he
delayed the negotiations until they got there.[xxv] He
justified including the Pembina
half-breeds in the negotiations by writing:[xxvi]
[T]he Pembina Indians are completely under the control of
their half-breed relatives, and could not have been induced to come
unless
accompanied by the latter, who have been long accustomed to consider
themselves, to a certain extent, the real owners of the soil, and as
having
even a greater interest in any treaty for its purchase than its far
less
numerous or powerful aboriginal occupants.
Alexander
Ramsey[xxvii]
counted "579 Indians, 24 half-breeds ... of the Red Lake Bands," of
whom most were Chippewa Métis, and a few were Ahnishinahbæótjibway
who were observing the proceedings.
Ramsey also enumerated "362 Indians and 663 half-breeds" from
Pembina, most of whom were the French, French Métis, and Scots
associated with
Norman Kittson's fur trading post on the Red River.
Ramsey also wrote that "nearly all the half-breed [French,
British, and Métis] population from Saint Joseph" were at the
Old
Crossing, as well as a number of United States-Appointed Chiefs from
Leech Lake
and Crow Wing.
The 1863 Old Crossing negotiations
were against the backdrop of the Civil War.
Métis men were serving in the Union Army as both
volunteers and
draftees,[xxviii]
and
their descriptions of the violence they had seen were discussed both
among
their own people and in the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
community. Because of the massive war
expenses incurred by the Union, Ramsey was under considerable pressure
to
finalize the treaty, so that the Red River Valley could be sold to
White
settlers, and the proceeds credited to United States accounts in the
U.S.
Treasury.
The Ahnishinahbæótjibway
were also aware of the "exterminate or relocate" programs being
carried out at that time by the Cavalry against our relatives, the
Aboriginal
Indigenous peoples of the Great Plains.
Ramsey specifically alluded to the mass execution of 38
Aboriginal
Indigenous men, hung in Mankato, Minnesota on December 26, 1862, and
the
imprisonment of nearly 300 more. In
1863, the bounty-payment paid by the State of Minnesota for Indians'
and Aboriginal
Indigenous peoples' scalps was raised to more than one hundred dollars,
and
white settler Nathan Lamson had been paid $500 by the State for a scalp.[xxix] Some of the Métis and other Indian
scouts
were among the scalp-bounty hunters.[xxx]
On September 23, Governor Ramsey
gave a speech which opened negotiations for what was presented as a
right-of-way for a road across the Red Lake Ahnishinahbæótjibway
Nation. Ramsey had unsuccessfully tried
before to get the Red Lake Ahnishinahbæótjibway
to sell our
land, and his talk about right-of-way was misrepresenting his purposes.
Governor Alexander Ramsey recorded
his speech introducing the treaty in his journal:[xxxi]
Now, there is growing up a trade of considerable
importance between the British settlements on the north and the
American
settlements on the south. ... Now, this is a trade which cannot and
must not be
interrupted. And their Great Father,
feeling this, and desirous to prevent any trouble between his white and
red
people, has sent us here to come to some understanding with you about
it. Their Great Father has no especial
desire to
get possession of their lands. He does
not want their lands at all if they do not want to part with them. He has more land now than he knows what to
do with. He simply wishes that his
people should enjoy the privilege of traveling through their country on
steamboats and wagons unmolested.
In 1863, the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
did not speak English. The Pembinas,
the Chippewa Métis and the other Indians spoke French and
Chippewa Creole, but
they did not understand much English, either.
The negotiations were translated by
Paul H. Beaulieu, a Frenchman whose
patrilineal ancestor was French immigrant Pierre Hudon dit Beaulieu.[xxxii] Paul H. Beaulieu's father was a French
Canadian who came from Montreal to Wisconsin in the early nineteenth
century,
to manage the fur trade post at Lac du Flambeau. Ramsey
mentions[xxxiii]
that Paul H. Beaulieu, had a "thorough acquaintance with the Chippewa
[Métis Creole] language." He
neither spoke nor understood the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
language, and he had no inkling of what the Midé
religion was
about. The transcripts of the
proceedings were written in English only, by Governor Ramsey and Indian
Agent
Morrill.
The same Paul H. Beaulieu had been
employed by the Bureau as a part of the forcible relocation of Chippewa
Indians
and Ahnishinahbæótjibway from
Wisconsin and Eastern
Minnesota in the 1850's.[xxxiv] Paul H. Beaulieu and his relatives played an
important role for the United States Government in subsequent dealings
as
proxies for the Ahnishinahbæótjibway,
and with the United
States' subject Chippewa Indians.[xxxv]
Pembina Trader Norman Kittson had
been running steam-boats up and down the Red River: cutting forests as
fuel for
the wood-fired steam-boilers, starting forest fires.
These steamboats had a tendency to blow up--and they were
operating in an area which was at that time hotly contested by rival
factions
of Europeans.[xxxvi] Part of the Indian stereotype of the
Euro-Americans was to blame Indians for the Whites' mishaps and
misdeeds.
Ramsey himself does not admit doing
so, but he referred quite forcefully to "depredations" committed by
"Pembina Indians" against the steamboats, making threats of
retaliation against both the Indians and the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
for the alleged attacks on the steamboats.[xxxvii]
Indian Trader Norman Kittson was
allocated one hundred thousand dollars in the 1863 Treaty--at a time
when the
common working man earned less than a hundred dollars per year. Ramsey used the Euro-Americans' execution by
hanging of the Lakota people in Mankato as an example of possible
United States
action if Kittson were not paid for the steamboat through ratification
of the
treaty.
In the European concept of war and
peace, there has to be a confrontation in order to have a treaty. Throughout the history of the Indian
treaties the Europeans created confrontations in order to push their
agenda. Over and over (the Boston Tea
Party is one of countless examples), people under European Sovereignty,
whether
White colonists, Cavalry, or Euro-Indians, precipitated incidents for
which the
Aboriginal Indigenous people were held liable.
Tanner's Narrative records "danger of attack by
North-West
[Fur] Company employees, disguised as Indians."[xxxviii] Also, many of the so-called Chippewa Indians
who were involved in the 1863 and other Chippewa treaties were French
Métis who
had been defeated in the French-and-Indian wars, and relocated as a
conquered
people.
In spite of Governor Ramsey's
classical Treaty strong-arm tactics, the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
categorically rejected the proposed treaty of 1863.[xxxix] As Little Rock explained to the Treaty
Commissioners (and was inaccurately translated), Aboriginal Indigenous
people
cannot sell our sacred relationship to the land nor our religion:[xl]
What I am to say I speak with truth and confidence.
I want the earth to listen to me, and I hope
also that my grandfather may be present to hear what I have to
say, and I
invoke the Master of Life [sic.
This is a mistranslation--he said Grandfather and meant Midé]
to
listen to the words I have to speak. I
hope there is not a single hole in the atmosphere in which my voice
shall not
be heard. My friend, the question you
have laid before us is of great importance to us. We
have heard the words you have uttered, and understood them
partially. ... Now, my friend, I am going to show you how we came to
occupy
this land. The Master of Life [sic]
placed us here, and gave it to us for an inheritance.
... The Master of Life [sic] gave us the river and the
water thereof to drink, and the woods and the roads [sic] we
depend on
for subsistence, and you are mistaken if you think we derive no
benefits from
them. The Master of Life [sic]
gave it to us for an inheritance ...
Now, my friend, I am going to show you a little.
You know partially what I am going to
say. Here, on this track [sic],
is where my grandfather was placed--the one who made the soil. The Master of Life [sic], when he put
you here, never told you that you should own the soil; nor, when the
Master of
Life [sic] put me here, did he tell me that you should own the
soil. I see the place that was made for
you on the other side of the great sea. ... The words that were told to
my
great-grandfather you shall hear, but not comprehend. ...
And now that which he has given to his children for an
inheritance has been shaken to the winds.
You have trodden it under your feet.
My friend, at the time I speak of they put four doors (pointing
to the
four cardinal points) for my great-grandfather's house.
They put persons to guard the doors--a guard
at each door. This is what was spoken
by my great-grandfather at the house he made for us.
He was the one who spoke it.
And these are the words that were given to him by the Master of
Life [sic]:
'At some time there shall come among you a stranger, speaking a
language you do
not understand. He will try to buy the
land from you, but do not sell it; keep it for an inheritance to your
children.'"
Little
Rock spoke
from the heart. I ask my Euro-American
readers, would you sell an heirloom which had been in your family for
nearly a
million years? Would you sell your
identity, your religion, the graves of your ancestors, the very
foundation of
your lives? I don't need to ask the
Indians, because I know what they did.
The land was not theirs. Would
they have sold it, for less than two cents an acre, if it had been
theirs? I think not.
According to Governor Ramsey's
version of the proceedings, Little Rock is quoted as saying later in
the Treaty
proceedings, on Tuesday, September 29,[xli]
that he, Little Rock, had decided on boundaries for the land that was
to be
ceded--boundaries which just happen to be exactly the same boundaries
as the
Treaty Commission intended when the negotiations began.
Little Rock is further quoted, by Ramsey, as
saying that he "speak[s] on behalf of the chiefs, braves, young men,
women, and children."
As an Ahnishinahbæótjibway
who knows how our people think, I find it improbable beyond the
remotest
vestiges of credibility that the same person made both of the speeches
which
Ramsey attributed to Little Rock. A
Chippewa Indian would not have known (and they still don't know) enough
about
the Midé to give the earlier speech, and the Chippewa
interpreters did a very
bad job of translating it. An Ahnishinahbæótjibway
would have never claimed that they spoke on behalf of other Ahnishinahbæótjibway
in agreeing to sell land, even under the threat of imprisonment and
hanging
from the gallows which Ramsey apparently made.[xlii] What
the White man writes as American
History, including his version of Red Lake history, is filled with
references
to Indians speaking on behalf of everybody--that these Indians would do
so is
one of the reasons Lislakh people were used as Indians and Indian
Chiefs. For an Ahnishinahbæótjibway
to behave in this way would be a sacrilegious violation of our
fundamental
principles including that of personal Sovereignty.
Claiming to speak for others in the way that Ramsey alleges
Little Rock did was, as Noam Chomsky terms it,[xliii]
beyond "thinkable thought" for Ahnishinahbæótjibway.
The Ahnishinahbæótjibway
were aware of the Euro-Americans' standard Treaty-making procedure of
having
Indians sell land which was not theirs to sell. The
Red Lake Ahnishinahbæótjibway refused
to
agree to the Treaty, and remained at the negotiations until Governor
Ramsey and
his contingent left on Sunday, October 4, to make certain that
agreement would
not be made "for" the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
in our
absence. Ramsey records the Ahnishinahbæótjibway's
unanimous consensus against the Treaty as belonging exclusively to one
man,
writing that[xliv]
"May-dwa-gun-on-ind,[xlv]
however, it was evident, was the only obstacle in the way."
What began as a right-of-way
negotiation was taken to Washington D.C., where it was re-written as a
boilerplate land cession treaty with which the U.S. unilaterally took
about
eleven million acres. The people who
actually agreed to the land cessions and payment to the fur traders in
the
treaty were not Ahnishinahbæótjibway,
and were not
indigenous to this Continent. Two of
the people who allegedly agreed with X-marks as "Pembina Warriors"
actually used their French names--Joseph Gornon and Joseph Montreuil. Another, who the U.S. Government appointed
as a Red Lake Indian Chief, was a Frenchman named Racine who used the
name
Kah-nun-dah-wah-wenzo as a professional treaty-signer, and who also
helped
"sell" land at the treaties of Sandy Lake, Gull Lake, and Boise
Fort. All of those who assented to this
fraudulent treaty were European subject people who had no claim to Ahnishinahbæótjibway
land. Some of the Chippewa Indian
Chiefs who helped legitimize the theft of Ahnishinahbæótjibway
land were Scouts in the U.S. Army[xlvi]
(including Chief White Cloud and Chief Red Bear); some had been Civil
War
draftees.
In the winter of 1863-4,
May-dwa-gan-on-ind, the "Red Lake Chief [sic] who had refused to
sign the treaty ... walked a hundred and fifty miles [to White Earth]
to lay
his troubles before Bishop Whipple."[xlvii] Whipple
recorded in his diary that he left
for Washington to inform the U.S. government that the Red Lake Indians [sic]
did not know the character of the treaty they had made and that it was
"from beginning to end a fraud..."[xlviii]
The U.S. Senate took the 1863 Treaty
and amended it in New York so that more land could be alienated with
the use of
Halfbreed Scrip. One of the so-called
Red Lake Indian Chiefs who was taken East to agree to the April 12,
1864
Amendments died of the persuasion he was given there.
Rotgut whiskey was used by the U.S. Government as standard
procedure to procure "agreement" to Indian treaties.
As the widow of another victim of deadly
Eastern treaty persuasion said over the body of her husband, "I told
you
not to touch that thing [whiskey] which has killed so many of our
people. Had you paid attention to my
warning you
would not be where now you are."
Bishop Whipple was at the 1864
Amendment meetings as unpaid counsel to those he called Indians. He is quoted by a historian who knew him
personally as saying he "might as well have whistled against the
wind,"[xlix]
and later
wrote that the role he played in Washington was "one of the severest
personal conflicts" of his life.[l]
The U.S. issued Halfbreed Scrip on
Section 8 of the 1864 Treaty Amendments, under the philosophy explained
by
William E. Unrau, biographer of mixed-blood Vice President of the
United
States, Charles Curtis:[li]
Mixed-bloods played a pervasive role in the diminution of
the Indian land base [sic] in the United States.
A critical examination of certain articles
that were inserted in land-cession treaties from the Jeffersonian
era until
the termination of the treaty mechanism in 1871, granting allotments or
special
concessions to mixed-bloods, suggests that without the cooperation of
the mixed-bloods,
tribal dispossession by the federal government would have been more
difficult
to accomplish.
Building on antecedents dating back to
pre-Revolutionary America, exclusive benefits for mixed-bloods were
regarded as
rewards for assisting Indian Office personnel and for services on
Reservations
or at the treaty table and, more often than not, were justified on the
"civilizing" impact they would have on the tribes [sic] as a
whole.
Eighty
thousand
acres of virgin white and norway pine was cut on lands claimed with Red
Lake
and Pembina Half-Breed Scrip, and then the first issue of scrip was
cancelled
amid allegations of fraud. The U.S.
Government proceeded to issue a second set of Scrip in the 1870s. It was the same old fraud all over
again. The timber companies used
Halfbreed Scrip to gain access to the timber.
According to the 1880 McIntyre Report:[lii]
1. Large numbers of pieces of [scrip] have been issued to
persons who were not residents of the county ceded.
(The Treaty VII Article (13 Stat. page 690) [stated that
applicants] 'may be located upon any of the lands ceded by said
Treaty.')
2. To people that were dead.
3. To people not related to the Treaty Indians.
4. To the same person under another name.
5. To 'Senior' and 'Junior'--both one person.
6. To the husband, and again to the widow, 'as his heir'
Large numbers were defrauded out of the benefits by the
parties who took their applications, and in very many instances
the name of
the person fully entitled by age birth and residence have been forged
not only in making the application and election but in the making the
Powers of
Attorney to receive the scrip from the Indian Office to locate and sell
the
lands at the local land office.
There seem to be 3 classes in which fraud has occurred
and which call for official notice.
What shall be done:
1. Where patents have already been issued?
2. Where scrip has been located but as yet not
patented?
3. Pending applications for scrip? ...
About
five hundred
pieces of Halfbreed Scrip, covering 160 acres apiece, were issued, to
anybody
that was around.[liii] The issuance of Scrip to White men was
justified by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in 1871:[liv]
There were found ... certain white men who were heads of
mixed-blood families. In order to give
these families the benefit of the treaty, it was necessary that the
husband or
wife should be enrolled, and it was considered as doing less violence
to the
treaty to enroll the white husband and father as a mixed-blood, than to
call
the wife the head of the family. ... That Agent Gilbert himself did not
put the
claims of those white men upon equality with those of the half-breeds
is
evident from the fact that he collected from them, or allowed to be
collected,
a commission of $25 each before the delivery of the scrip.
Fevered
speculation
followed Scrip issue, and for a time there was a flurry of (illegal)
Scrip
trade in Minneapolis and St. Paul.
The B.I.A. condoned timber piracy
right on the Reservations, telling the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
that they "couldn't do anything about it." The
United States Government tacitly encouraged men whom they
publicly condemned as "timber thieves." In
the early 1900's, the U.S. justified the theft by collecting
stumpage, a fee which was a hidden tax.
The statute was enacted from H.R. 4384, with which the 48th U.S.
Congress replaced the statutes derived from H.R. 846.[lv]
[ii].The
New Century Dictionary of the English Language,
Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1952 (emphasis mine).
[iii].In
the same dictionary, the first definition of embrace is "in law,
to attempt to influence corruptly ..."
[iv].The
Chippewa, abetted by missionaries like Bishop Baraga, are stealing the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
language and redefining it to fit their own hierarchical European
world-view
and the philosophia perennis of the Holy Roman Empire, the
Latin
assertion that:
In its ceaseless
controversy with the pagan world, ... Christianity had not to adapt
itself to
the world; but the world, and the political world too, had to be
adapted to the
immovable
principles of Christianity.
(Heinrich
Rommen, LL.D., The
State in Catholic Thought, A Treatise in Political Philosophy, page
28, Op.
cit.)
As is explained in more detail in the chapter on
language, Baraga extensively rewrote the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
language in his 1853 Dictionary of the Otchipwe [sic]
Language. Using the vocabulary and
grammar he learned
from Chippewa Métis, and his ecclesiastical understanding of
language, Bishop
Baraga reformulated the language he called Otchipwe to conform
with the
hierarchical world-view of the Europeans.
Ahnishinahbæótjibway
is a single morpheme in our language. A
partial translation of this word in
English is, "We, the original people, who have always been
here." Breaking the word Ahnishinahbæótjibway
into smaller parts, as has been done in the Chippewa language, destroys
its
meaning as an Aboriginal Indigenous word.
Although there is no translation of
the word Indian in the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
language, there
are descriptions of the various groups of people who English-speaking
people
call Indians, including: We-me-ti-go-zhens, Wah-bish-kí-we-i-ne-ne,
Wi-sah-ko-de-wi-ne-ne (which refers to a mixed-blood person with
a White
father and has connotations of pain and bitter taste), and Mah-ko-de-wi-ne-ne
(which has been mutated in Chippewa into the racist word Mah-ko-de-wiy-aus). None of these words translates the word
Indian, in part because the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
language has
no concept of hierarchy.
[v].As
quoted by William E. Unrau, Mixed-Bloods and Tribal Dissolution,
Charles
Curtis and the Quest for Indian Identity, 1989, University of
Kansas Press,
page 2.
[vi].The
Cherokee removal legislation, which generated revenue from the sale of
"public domain" Cherokee land, was attached to the legislation
authorizing the Louisiana Purchase.
[vii].Theodore
Blegen, Minnesota, A History of the State, 1963, page 123. The surveys of this boundary were completed
in the 1920's, with the final survey report written in 1931.
[viii].The
early Euro-American colonists on the Eastern Seaboard did not know
where the
Mississippi River was--there is no Mississippi River due west of Lake
of the
Woods. The land to the north of the
Mississippi River, on the Hudson’s Bay Watershed, had been claimed by
the
British under the Hudson’s Bay Company Charter. In
1818, the boundary between the British-Americans and
British-Canadians west of Lake of the Woods to the Rocky Mountains was
set at
the 49th Parallel, leaving the Northwest Angle as a legacy of their
geographical confusion. On September 17
of the same year, Catholic Missionaries Father Joseph N. Provencher and
Severen
J. N. Dumoulin established a mission at Pembina. Four
years later, in 1823, Major Stephen H. Long went to Pembina,
and set a survey stake at what he determined to be the 49th Parallel,
slightly
to the North of this French mission and fur trade settlement, and the
mission
was abandoned. French Catholic Father
George Anthony Belcourt re-established the Mission in 1831, under the
eminent
domain of the United States.
[ix].Cherokee
Nation v. Georgia, 1831.
[x].Edward
H. Spicer, A Short History of the Indians of the United States,
1969,
page 59.
[xi].Ibid,
page 57.
[xii].Heinrich
Rommen, LL.D., The State in Catholic Thought, page 194, Op.
cit.
[xiii].Patricia
C. Harpole and Mary D. Nagle, editors, Minnesota Territorial
Census, 1850,
Minnesota Historical Society, 1972.
[xiv].Major
Samuel Woods, Pembina Settlement, Executive Document No. 51,
House of
Representatives, 31st Congress, 1st Session.
[xv].The
word ogima, which the Chippewa say means Chief, is probably a
corruption
of the Ahnishinahbæótjibway word
meaning, in part,
Grandmother. Bishop Baraga's
dictionary, Op. cit., ascribes the meaning of ogima as
including
U.S. Indian Agent, having power over people, Emperor, and Chief. In the egalitarian society and language of
the Ahnishinahbæótjibway, there was no
concept like
Chief. Everybody was responsible for
the community. They were polite and
generous, and had manners.
[xvi].Major
Samuel Woods, Pembina Settlement, pages 24-5, Op. cit.
[xvii].Since
the U.S. already defined themselves as owning the land, why were they
preparing
to negotiate treaties? Could it be that
they were after the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
title--which was
never ceded. The State of Minnesota
uses the "Fact that tribal lands presently comprising Red lake Indian
Reservation in Minnesota were never formally ceded," in conjunction
with
the Roman Imperial logic of the Jul 13, 1787 Northwest Ordinance and a
twisted
re-interpretation of their responsibility for their own subject people,
to
encroach at Red Lake, e.g., in the 1962 case: State v.
Holthusen,
113 N.W. 2d 180, 261 Minn. 536.
[xviii].Major
Samuel Woods, Pembina Settlement, pages 28-31, Op. cit.
[xix].G.A.
Belcourt, Missionary Priest, Ibid, page 40.
[xx].Willoughby
M. Babcock, With Ramsey to Pembina, a Treaty-Making Trip in 1851,
in Minnesota
History, March, 1962.
[xxi].Ibid,
pages 7-8.
[xxii].Ibid,
pages 8-9.
[xxiii].Erwin
F. Mittlelholtz, Red Lake Indian Reservation, A Centennial Souvenir
Commemorating a Century of Progress, 1858-1958, Volume 2, Beltrami
County
Historical Society Collections, page 20.
[xxiv].Journal
of the Proceedings Connected with the Negotiation of a Treaty with the
Red Lake
and Pembina Bands of Chippewas, concluded at the Old Crossing of the
Red Lake
River on the Second of October, 1863,
by Alexander Ramsey and A.C. Morrill [Indian Agent], Op. cit.,
pages
13-48.
[xxv].Governor
Ramsey had, in the past, negotiated treaties with Métis people,
including one
with Sioux halfbreeds in the southern part of Minnesota.
His associate is quoted by William Watts
Folwell, in A History of Minnesota, Volume I (1929, revised
1969), as
saying that such Half-breed treaties "will come back to haunt
us." Ramsey and his contemporaries
must have known that the Ahnishinahbæótjibway
and other
Aboriginal Indigenous people could not and would not sell our land,
although he
may not have understood the depth to which our identity, our
Midé religion, and
our land are inseparably inter-connected.
[xxvi].Journal
of the Proceedings Connected with the Negotiation of a Treaty with the
Red Lake
and Pembina Bands of Chippewas, concluded at the Old Crossing of the
Red Lake
River on the Second of October, 1863,
by Alexander Ramsey and A.C. Morrill [Indian Agent], Op. cit.,
pages
13-48.
[xxvii].Attached
letter from Alexander Ramsey, St. Paul, Minnesota, October, 1863, Ibid,
page 7-13.
[xxviii].Annual
Report of the Adjutant General of the Legislature of Minnesota, Session
of 1864,
Printed by Authority, Minnesota Adjutant General's
Office, St. Paul, 1863. Catalogued by
the Minnesota Historical Society as Roster of N.W. Volunteers;
and
Theodore H. Beaulieu, White Earth, Minnesota: "Minnesota Chippewa
Indians
who took an active part in assisting the State ..."
photostatic copy of letter dated April 10,
1914.
[xxix].Theodore
Blegen, Minnesota, A History of the State, 1962, Op. cit.,
page
281
[xxx].Oral
history.
[xxxi].Babcock,
Op. cit., page 16.
[xxxii].Bureau
of Indian Affairs, White Earth Land Settlement Act Documents, Beaulieu
Genealogy.
[xxxiii].Alexander
Ramsey, Op. cit., page 21.
[xxxiv].National
Archives Microfilm Publications, Microcopy No. 234, Letters
Received by the
Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-81, Roll 168: Chippewa Agency, 1880
and
Chippewa Agency Emigration, 1850-59, and Chippewa Agency Reserves,
1853-55. N.A.R.A.
[xxxv].His
son, C.A.H. "Clem" Beaulieu translated for the U.S. Government during
the 1889 negotiations. His grandson,
also named Paul H. Beaulieu, played a critical part in getting the
Indian
Reorganization Act onto Red Lake, and this younger Paul H. Beaulieu was
the
father-in-law of the first Tribal Chairman of the Indian Reorganization
Act
Tribal Council at Red Lake. There were
more than one hundred legitimate patrilineal descendants of the
Beaulieus who
received allotments on the White Earth Reservation.
[xxxvi].According
to the documents of the Indian Claims Commission, it is also possible
that the
steamboat incident was precipitated, using Métis, to generate
conflict which
could be used as a lever to force concessions in the Treaty
negotiations planned
for the next year.
[xxxvii].National
Archives Microfilm,
Op. cit.,
page 42.
[xxxviii].James,
Tanner's Narrative, page 227, as cited in the Erminie
Wheeler-Voegelin
and Harold Hickerson, Chippewa Indians I, The Red Lake and Pembina
Chippewa,
Garland Press, 1974, pages 69-70.
[xxxix].38th
Congress, 1st Session, Confidential Executive Papers, Message of
the
President of the United States, A treaty [sic] between the
United States
and chiefs, headmen, and warriors of Red Lake and Pembina bands of
Chippewa
Indians, concluded on the 2d of October, 1863; January 8,
1864--Treaty read
the first time, referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs, and
ordered to be
printed in confidence for the use of the Senate.
[xl].Ramsey,
Op. cit., pages 18, 23.
[xli].Ibid,
page 30.
[xlii].Ibid,
page 29.
[xliii].Noam
Chomsky, "The Bounds of Thinkable Thought," The Progressive,
October 28, 1985, pages 28-31.
[xliv].Ramsey,
Op. cit., page 43.
[xlv].The
identity of this particular person identified as May-dwa-gun-on-ind,
whose
father died in 1862, is an interesting question. A
later May-dwa-gun-on-ind, whose English name is given as Isaac
H. Tuttle on the 1884 B.I.A. Census, was named by the B.I.A. as Head
Indian
Chief at Red Lake, and played a major role in the 1889 Minnesota
Chippewa
Commission negotiations. According to
the Red Lake community version of the transcripts of the 1889
negotiations,
this man had not been at the Old Crossing in 1863--although the B.I.A.
alleges
that Isaac Tuttle and the earlier May-dwa-gun-on-ind are the same
person. The question became even more
interesting
when we found the obituary of Chief Isaac H. Tuttle in the April, 1874
issue of
The Spirit of Missions, published by the Protestant Episcopal
Church in
the U.S. of America. In his obituary,
Isaac Tuttle is identified, as he was at Red Lake, as being a converted
Indian
Protestant (mixed-blood), who acted as a lay minister.
The B.I.A. frequently replaced an
Aboriginal Indigenous individual who died or was killed, with an Indian
who had
been given the same name, keeping their records so that the
substitution was
not readily apparent.
[xlvi].National
Archives, Microfilm Series 233, Roll 70, Indian Scouts, 1866-74.
[xlvii].William
Watts Folwell, A History of Minnesota, Minnesota Historical
Society,
Volume 4, pages 476-7, Op. cit.
[xlviii].Ibid,
footnote number 41.
[xlix].Folwell,
page 477, Op. cit.
[l].Ibid,
quoting a November 14, 1866 letter to Joel Bassett.
[li].William
E. Unrau, Mixed-Bloods and Tribal Dissolution, Charles Curtis and
the Quest
for Indian Identity, preface, Op. cit.
[lii].
McIntyre Report, National Archives, Record Group 75, Item 368.
[liii].The
individuals who received halfbreed Scrip under the Treaty September 30,
1854,
"with the Chippewa Indians of Lake Superior and the Mississippi," are
listed in Executive Document No. 193, House of Representatives,
42nd
Congress, Second Session, Chippewa Half-Breeds of Lake Superior. The names of those who were issued Halfbreed
Scrip under the 1963-64 Red Lake and Pembina Chippewa treaty have not
been
published elsewhere. They were [Red
Lake Halfbreed Scrip numbers given in brackets]:
Kan-an-tan-cum-ig-ish-kug [#484];
Ko-shan-gon [#486];
Ma-ta-go-en [no
number given]; Mah-che-ke-stig [no number
given]; Man-she-gan-to-ance
[#487];
Abair, William [#412];
Adams, Joseph [#125];
Agasadeba,
Joseph [#82];
Aikin, Agase [#156];
Aitkin, Robert [#112];
Aitkins,
Salim
[#215];
Alie, Joseph [#324];
Amiste, Joseph [#286];
Amlin, Isidore
[#289];
Amlin, Johanas [#135];
Amlin, Louis (Jr.) [#84];
Amlin, Louis Sen.
[#60];
Amlin, Louis, Senior [#85];
Artebees, Pierre [#147];
Atkins, Archibald
[#149];
Atkinson, George [#83];
Azure, Antoine La Belle [#137];
Azure, Antoine
[#445
B]; Azure, Charles Sen. [#325];
Azure, Charlience [#326];
Azure,
Gabriel Jr.
[no
number given]; Azure, Gabriel Sen. [#136];
Azure, Joseph Junior
[#394];
Azure, Joseph Sen. [#393];
Azure, Pierre La Belle [no
number given];
Azzure,
Joseph Sen. [#393];
Bache, John [#331];
Barousa, Ambrose [#255];
Baton,
Baptiste [#448];
Baton, Louis [#150];
Batosh, Antoine [#182];
Bear,
John [#126];
Beaubien, John [#1];
Beauchamp, Angelic [#127];
Beauchamp, David
[#380];
Beauchamp, Felix [#46];
Beaudrie, Baptiste [#436];
Beaulien, Chas. H.
[#42];
Beaulieu, C.H. Jun. [#43
& 111];
Beaulieu, Charles H. [#42];
Beaulieu, John
[#1];
Beaupre, Charles [#148];
Beaupre, Joseph [#44];
Beauprie, Paul
[no
number
given]; Beauregard, Alexis [#403];
Beauvier, Paul [#183];
Belanger,
Joseph
[#38];
Belcour, Antoine [#47];
Belgard, Augustin [#290];
Belgarde,
Joseph
[#327];
Belgarde, Theodore [#328];
Belhemeur, Modest [#291];
Bell,
Frank
[#400];
Bell, John [#401];
Bellair, Francis [#157];
Bellanger, Joseph
Jun.
[#39];
Bellcourt, Eustache, Jun. [#329];
Bellcourt, Pascal [#379];
Bellehemeur,
Michel Jr. [#158];
Bellhemeur, Antoine [#381];
Bellhemeur, Francois
[#330];
Belon, Augustus [#402];
Belon, Henry (2nd) [#449];
Belon, Henry [#36];
Belon,
Joseph [#37];
Below, Augustus [#402];
Below, Francois [#124];
Below,
Henry
(2nd) [#449];
Below, Henry [#36];
Below, Joseph [#37];
Below, Louis
[#488];
Berger, Pierre Jr. [#5];
Berger, Pierre Sr. [#138];
Blae, Francois
[#124];
Blow, Antoine Sr. [#351/estate];
Blow, Margaret [no
number given];
Bonga,
George [#177];
Bonga, James [#40];
Bonjer, James [#471];
Bosquet,
Henrie
[#468];
Bottineau, Charles Sr. [#292];
Bottineau, Charles [#109];
Bottineau,
Daniel [#7];
Bottineau, John B. [#128];
Bottineau, Joseph [#10];
Bottineau,
Pierre Jr. [#119];
Bottineau, Pierre Sr. [#119];
Bottineau, Severe
[#45];
Bousquet, Henrie [#470/estate];
Bousquet, Margaret [#470/heir];
Bouvier, Paul
[#183];
Brandconier, Jean B. [#238];
Brilliant, Antoine [#490];
Brisette,
Edmond Jun. [#6];
Brissette, Alfred [#8];
Bruna, Paul Z. [#413];
Brunell,
Belony [#293];
Brunell, Pierre [#294];
Brunelle, Alex [#296/estate];
Brunelle,
Frank [#297/estate];
Brunelle, Joseph Jr. [#11];
Brunelle, Louis
[#117];
Brunelle, Paul [#295];
Brunelle, Pierre [#296
& 297/heir];
Brunette, Louis
[#9];
Brunette, Saquat [#41];
Bushey, John [#331];
Calin, Joseph Bte. [#257];
Caplette, Antoine [#186];
Caplette, Baptiste [#187];
Caplette, Louis [#184];
Cardinal, Baptiste
[#333];
Cardinal, Peter [#332];
Cardinale, Jean [#129];
Caribeau, Francois
[#139];
Caribeaux, John Bte. [#438];
Cayol, Vetal [#15];
Chaboiler, Josette
[#159];
Chaboilez, Alexander [#115];
Champaigne, John Bte. [#463];
Champaigne,
Pierre
[#382];
Charboneau, Peter [no
number given]; Charette, Alexander
[#256];
Charette, John Bte. [#49];
Charette, John [#185];
Charette, Louis
[#188];
Cherrier, Timothee [#298];
Cheuvert, Alfred [#12];
Cline, Francis
[#491];
Clothier, Antoine [#50];
Colafell, Angus [#414];
Cologne, Francois Jr.
[#299];
Cologne, Francois [#48];
Courchaienne, Francis [#14];
Couvert, Joseph
[#13];
Dagneau, Francois [#458];
Dagneau, Joseph [#450];
Daniel,
Peter [#130];
Dauphinais, Michael [#352];
Dauphinais, Michel [#58];
Dauphininais, Joseph [#189];
Davis, William Jr. [#441];
Davis, William
Sr.
[#248];
Day, Alfred E. [#417
& #477];
Day, Alvin [#415
& #478];
Day,
James R. [#416
& #479];
Day, Joseph [#57];
Day, Samuel R. [#418
&
#480];
Day, Thomas [#419
& #481];
De Cateau, Francois [no
number
given]; De
Cautaux, Baptiste [#178];
De Coteau, Pierre [#191];
De Jordon, Allex
[#161];
De
Jourdan, Francois [#160/estate];
De Jourdan, Margret [#160];
De Lorme,
Basil
[#258];
De Lorme, William [#259];
De Luc, Angoine [#420];
De Montigney,
Thomas
[#460];
Dease, John [#253];
Dechamp, Francois [#353];
Decoteau, Francis
Jun.
[#451];
Decoteau, Louis Jun. [no
number given]; Defoe, Henry [#163];
Dejarlis,
Abraham [#216];
Dejarlis, Chas. [#190];
Delonais, Baptiste [#354/heir];
Delonais, Baptiste [#55];
Delonais, David [#355/held
in trust];
Delonais, Deorn
[#121];
Delonais, Isabella [#355/trustee];
Delonais, Joseph [#54];
Delonais,
Michael [#354/estate];
Delonais, William [#121];
Delonais, Xavier
[#53];
Deloreme, Joseph Jun. [#239];
Delorme, Joseph Sen. [#218];
Desjailais,
David
[#16];
Desjardins, Joseph [#301];
Desjarlais, Antoine [#288];
Desjarlais,
Francois, Sr. [#300];
Desjarlais, Francois [#56];
Desjarlais, Peter
[#162];
Desjarlaius, Joseph [#301];
Desjarlias, Alexander [no
number given];
Devereaux,
George [#421];
Doffinais, Maxim [#352/estate];
Du Mas, Ceuile [Cenile]
[#217];
Ducept, Michael, Jr. [#19];
Ducept, Pierre [#17];
Duchanne, Joseph
[#240];
Ducharme, Baptiste, Junior [#260];
Ducharme, Baptiste [#261];
Duchaune,
Joseph
(Sen'r) [#287];
Duchaune, Joseph [#240];
Dufort, John B. [#283];
Dumay,
Ceuile
[Cenile] [#217];
Dus May, Pieriche [#475];
Duseaume, Joseph [#18];
Fairbanks, Albert [#3];
Fairbanks, James [#2];
Fairbanks,
John [#284];
Faith, Dianne [#192];
Fayan, Antoine [#462];
Finley, James
[#20];
Flament, Joseph [#52];
Flament, Pierre [#277];
Foley, John W. [#334];
Folstrom,
George [#302];
Folstrom, James [#303];
Folsum, Frank [#422];
Forth,
Dianne
[#192];
Frederick, Joseph Jr. [#179];
Frederick, Langie [#59];
Gagnon, Paul [#151];
Gardepie, Francois [#357];
Gardepie,
Joseph [#356];
Gariepe, John B. [#262];
Gaubin, Antoine [#60];
Gaubin,
Catherine [#358/heir];
Gaubin, Jean [#359/estate];
Gaubin, Joseph
[#358/estate];
Gaubin, Louise [#359/heir];
Geneaux, Quebesansick [#62];
Gervais, Jno. Bte. [#123];
Gervais, Pierre, Jr. [#122];
Gingras, Frank
[#335];
Gladdue, Antoine [#360];
Gladdue, Chas. [#437];
Gladdue, Joseph [#336];
Gladdue, Michael [#263];
Gladue, Corbert [#383];
Gladue, Pierre [#361];
Gobbin,
Batiste [#395];
Gobin, Louis [#131];
Goddon, Louis [#362];
Godon,
Joseph
[#391];
Gordon, Julber [#22];
Gornowe, Laurence [no
number given];
Goslin,
Augustine [#264];
Goslin, Paul [#193];
Goslin, Stanislaus [#304];
Goslin,
Turneau [#265];
Gourneau, Baptist [#164];
Gourneau, Elizabeth
[#165/heir];
Gourneaux, Francois [#165/estate];
Granbois, Ezidore [#266];
Grandbois,
Louis,
Junior [#349];
Grandbois, Louis [#219];
Grant, Charles [#171];
Grant,
James
[#170];
Grant, Narcisse Jr. [#21];
Grant, Peter [#34];
Gregory, Joseph
[#61];
Guardipee, Alexis [no
number given]; Guardippe, Louis [#267];
Guinon,
Paul
[#151];
Gunvelle, Antoine [#467];
Gurneo, Joseph Jr. [#363
and
#364/heir];
Gurneo, Joseph Sr. [#364/estate];
Hamlin, Isidore [#489];
Hamlin, Joseph [#241];
Harman,
Edward [#365];
Hool, Antoine [#237];
Hool, Josette [#237/estate];
Jarvin, Seleman [#405];
Jecieu, Joseph [#120];
Jenin,
Joseph [#120];
Jerome, Andrew [#220];
Jerome, Joseph [#140];
Jerome,
Louis
[#366];
Jourdain, Bazil 2d [#64];
Jourdain, Francis [#65];
Jourdain,
Joseph
[#51];
Jourdain, Pierre [#63];
Jourdan, Francois [#160/estate];
Kepenanga, Sin Pierre [#23];
Kipland, Paul [#152];
La Compte, Antoine [#133];
La Douceure, Bazile [#242];
La
Fonde, Benjamin [#73];
La Font, Benjamin [#67];
La Fontaine, John Bte.
[#452];
La Fountaine, Francois [#459/estate];
La Fountaine, Isidore [#337];
La
Fountaine, Madeline [#459/estate];
La Franboise, Louis Jr. [#270];
La
Franch,
Elizabeth [no
number given]; La Franch, Marie [no
number given]; La
Franche,
Pierre [no
number given]; La Plant, Oliver [#223];
La Plante, Antoine
[#305];
La Pointe, Pierre [#454];
La Rocque, Louis [#154];
La Ronde, Edward
[#338];
La
Roque, Antoine [#308];
La Roque, Batiste Jr. [#254];
La Roque, Calice
[#224];
La Roque, James [no
number given]; La Roque, Joseph [no
number given];
La
Roque, Louis Jr. [#221];
La Roque, Pierre
[#25];
La
Rose, Frank [#68];
La Sarte, Jophes [no
number given]; La Sarte,
Raphael [#66];
La Shapel, Peter [#425];
Labonbarbe, Baptiste [#70];
Labonicane, Jerome
[#439];
Lacert, Pierre [#200];
Ladoux, John Bte. [#194];
Lafontaine, Isadore
[#453];
Laforte,
Ninim (Romaine) [#269];
Laforte, Pierre [#268];
Lambert, Thomas [#423
&
#483];
Lambert, William [#424
& #482];
Landry, Alexander [#474];
Landry,
Charles Jr. [#24];
Lane, Esiare [#398];
Lange, Edward [#271];
Langie,
Alexis
[#339];
Langie, Francois Jr. [#399];
Langie, Francois Sr. [no
number
given];
Langie, Jean [#197];
Langie, John [#446];
Lapsineer, Isaac [#132];
Laquet,
Pierre [#153];
Larence, Norbert [#306];
Larente, Paul [#367];
Laroque,
Baptiste
Sr. [#309];
Lasarte, Louis [#368];
Latturelle, Geo. W. [#307];
Laurence,
Baptiste [#72];
Laurence, Charles [#243];
Laurent, Antoine [#222];
Lavaillet,
Louis [#199];
Laverdure, Francis Exavier [no
number given]; Laverdure,
Francis
Xavier [#455];
Laverdure, Joseph (2nd) [#464];
Laverdure, Joseph
[#461];
Laverdure,
Pierre Jr. [no number
given]; Laverdure, Pierre, Sen. [#396];
Laverdure, Xavier
[no
number given]; Lavillien, Sophia [#408,
name changed to Sophie
Parasien,
Enggnore [#409];
Lawrence, Baptiste [#72];
Lawrence, Charles [#243];
Lawrence,
Thomas [#69];
Le Compt, Amable [#310];
Le Compte, Antoine [#133];
Le
Pointe,
Pierre No. 2 [#469];
Leazie, Paul [#285];
Leith, Joseph [no
number
given];
Leith, Peter [#369];
Leith, Thomas [no
number given]; Leith, William
[#370];
Lenoir, Baptiste [#71];
Lepine, Ambroise D. [#407];
Lequier, Francois
[#278];
Lequier, Mitchel [#196];
Lequier, Xavier [#195];
Letendre, Antoine
[#340];
Letendre, Exavier [#198];
Letendre, Exavier [#498];
Letendre, Louis Jr.
[#311];
Leveille, Joseph [#312];
Leveille, Sophie [#408];
Main, Pieriche [#475];
Major, John [#79];
Marchand,
Benjamin [#313];
Marchand, Felix [#225];
Marchand, Philip [#397];
Martell, John
B. [#141];
Martell, Michael [no
number given]; Martin, Michael [no
number
given]; Mason, Joseph [#226];
Mathew, Thomas [#26];
McCoy, Joseph
[#371];
McGillis, William [#280];
McLellan, Charles [#435 &
#485];
McLellan,
Norman [#426
& #484];
Meadey, John [#77];
Menie, Francois [#116];
Mime,
Francois, Jr. [#273];
Mime, Pierre [#272];
Mince, Francois Jr. [#273];
Mince,
Pierre [#272];
Montour, Abraham [#274];
Montour, Pascal [#275];
Montreil,
Joseph Jr. [#74];
Montreil, Joseph Sav. [#314/heir];
Montreil, Joseph
[#314/estate];
Montreil, Joseph [#75];
Montriel, Alexcis [#75];
Montriel,
Joseph [#74];
Monzinie, Bazil [#80];
Morain, Baptiste [#201];
Morin,
John
[Bte.] [#440];
Morin, Joseph Jr. [#87];
Morisin, Albert [#427];
Morriset,
Arsene [#227];
Morrison, Bostwick [#250];
Morrison, John George [#4];
Morrison,
Joseph [#251];
Morrow, Jonace [#27];
Moshkoas, John [#78];
Mounet,
Antoine
[#202];
Mounet, Michael [#76];
Moursete, Harcine Jr. [#372];
Mouzinie,
Bazil
[#80];
Ne Deau, Benjamin [#142];
Ne Deau, Joseph Jr. [#89];
Ne
Deau, Joseph Sr. [#90];
Nolan, Joseph Jr. [#316];
Nolin, Duncan [#315];
Nolin,
Norbert [#317];
Packnand, Michael [#228];
Palinquin, Daniel [no
number
given]; Paquin, Baptiste [#204];
Paranteau, Francois [#91];
Paranteau,
John
Bte. [#443];
Paranteau, Peter [#203];
Paranteaux, Abraham [#442];
Paranteaux,
Alexander [no
number given]; Parisian, Francois [#169];
Parisian,
Isidore [#384];
Partra, Charl [no
number given]; Paul, Joseph [#229];
Paul, Mitchel
[#341];
Pellican, Daniel [#404];
Peltier, Benjamin [#276];
Pepin, Peter [#93];
Peppin,
Etiene [#92];
Peppin, Merance [#318/heir];
Peppin, Oliver
[#318/estate];
Perrault, Joseph E. [#180];
Picard, Paul Jr. [#35];
Picard, Paul Sr.
[#88];
Pickard, Paul Junior [no
number given]; Pilot, Joseph [#244];
Potral,
Henrie
Jr. [#411];
Potral, Henrie [#230];
Quinn, Mary Louise [no
number given]; Quinn, William
[#476];
Raiche, Joseph Jr. [#350];
Rasignol, Margaret [#145/heir
& 373/heir];
Rasignole, Augustin [#145/estate];
Rasignole, Etienne
[#146];
Rasignole, Felix [#143];
Rasignole, Joseph [#373/estate];
Rasignole,
Louis
[#144];
Reese, Edward [#430];
Reiche, John B. [#95];
Richie, Norman
[#428];
Richott,
Joseph [no
number given]; Richott, Raphel [#206];
Richotte, Joseph Jr.
[#342];
Richotte, Michael [#205];
Richotte, Pierre [#245];
Riel, Francis
[#319];
Rinville, Baptiste [#96];
Rinville, Francois [#97];
Robinette, Vanance
[#99];
Rogers, Henry [#98];
Rolette, Joseph [#429];
Rondeau, Benjamin
[#134/heir];
Rondeau, Benjamin [#320];
Rondeau, Joseph Jr. [#94];
Rondeau, Peter
[#134/estate];
Roy, John [#28];
Roy, Joseph A. [#473];
Roy, Narcisse
[#385];
Saice, Baptiste [#166];
Saice, Charles [#100];
Saice,
Francois [#167];
Saice, Joseph [#181];
Santwier, Albert [#465];
Saquier,
Francois [no
number given]; Saweyare, Alexis [#343];
Sayer, George
[#102];
Sayer, Henry [#103];
Sayre, Leading Feather [#108];
Senteur, Albert
[#465];
Sere, William [#168];
Sharett, Frank [#282];
Sharette, Antoine [#281];
Shaurett, Frank [#282];
Shenvert, Alfred [no
number given]; Smith,
Joseph
[#252];
Smith, Louis [#232];
St. Arneau, Alexander [#101];
St. Arneau,
Charles
[#321];
St. Germin, Augustine [#246];
St. Germin, Joseph [#233];
St.
Luke,
Baptiste [#231];
St. Peters, Francis [#456];
Sutherland, Alexis [#207];
Sutherland, Ambroise [#208];
Taylor, Henry [#374];
Taylor, James B. [#104];
Taylor,
William [#432];
Thebold, Paul [#431];
Thomas, Joseph [#210];
Thomas,
Louis
(Petite) [#344];
Thomas, Louis [#209];
Tifault, Louis [#345];
Tifault,
Thomas
[#247];
Trotterchaud, Charl [no number
given]; Trottier, Charl [#444];
Trottier, Michell [#457];
Turcote, Baptiste Sr. [no number
given];
Turpin,
Amable [#346];
Turpin, Batiste (Baptiste) [#279];
Turpin, Exavier Jr.
[#410];
Turpin, Frank [#322];
Turpin, Joseph [#392];
Turpin, Severe [#472];
Vale, Moses [#29];
Vallait, Louis [#30];
Valle, Antoine
[#214];
Vallee, Baptiste Jr. [no
number given]; Vallee, Baptiste
[#213];
Valley, Joseph [#211];
Vandale, John [#33];
Vandale, Peter [#347];
Vandall,
Pierre [#236];
Vasseur, Andrew Baptiste [#114];
Vasseur, Andrew [#113];
Vermet,
Joseph [#386];
Vermuet, Pierre [#387];
Vetal, Baptiste [no number
given];
Vetal, Batiste [#348];
Vilbrum, Antoine [#81];
Vilbrum, Battiste
[#105];
Vilbrum, Mitchel [#107];
Vilbrum, Pierre [#106];
Villeneave, Francis
Jr. [#31,
"same as Frank"]; Villenueve, Frank [#118];
Villenueve, Hyacinth
[#212];
Villneuf, Cuthbert [#32];
Vivier, Bernard [#235];
Vivier, Louis
[#155];
Wallet, Isidore [#466];
Wallette,
Antoine [#388];
Wallette, Francois [#174];
Wallette, Isidore [#173];
Wallette,
Joseph Jr. [#376];
Wallette, Joseph [#375];
Wallette, Moses [#377];
Wallette,
St. Pierre [#378];
Warren, Amenzond [#323];
Wells, Daniel [#389];
Wells, John
[#390];
Wilkey, Alexander [#176];
Wilkey, John (Jean) Bte. [#172];
Wilkey, John
Bte. Jr. [#447];
Wilky, Augustin [#175];
Wright, Franklin B. [#433
&
#486];
and Wright, Robert L. [#434
& #487]
[liv].Report
of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, to the Secretary of the Interior
for the
year 1871,
Washington, Government
Printing Office, 1872, page 243.
[lv].85th
Congress, 2nd Session, House of Representatives, Report No. 2489,
to accompany S. 2922.
[lvi].S.
Lyman Tyler, A History of Indian Policy, U.S. Department of the
Interior, 1973, page 314. The
legislation was a rider on an "obscure" Indian appropriation bill.
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