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Late Lieut.-Gov. of Manitoba, the
North-West Territories, and Kee-wa-tin.
TORONTO, March, 1880.
The
question of the relations of the Dominion of Canada to the Indians of
the North-West, is one of great practical importance The work, of
obtaining their good will, by entering into treaties of alliance with
them, has now been completed in all the region from Lake Superior to
the foot of the Rocky Mountains. As an aid to the other and equally
important duty—that of carrying out, in their integrity, the
obligations of these treaties, and devising means whereby the Indian
population of the Fertile Belt can be rescued from the hard fate which
otherwise awaits them, owing to the speedy destruction of the buffalo,
hitherto the principal food supply of the Plain Indians, and that they
may be induced to become, by the adoption of agricultural and pastoral
pursuits, a self supporting community—I have prepared this collection
of the treaties made with them, and of information, relating to the
negotiations, on which these treaties were based, in the hope that I
may thereby contribute to the completion of a work, in which I had
considerable part, that, of, by treaties, securing the good will of the
Indian tribes, and by the helpful hand of the Dominion, opening up to
them, a future of promise, based upon the foundations of instruction
and the many other advantages of civilized life.
M.
One
of the gravest of the questions presented for solution by the Dominion
of Canada, when the enormous region of country formerly known as the
North-West Territories and Rupert's Land, was entrusted by the Empire
of Great Britain and Ireland to her rule, was the securing the alliance
of the Indian tribes, and maintaining friendly relations with them. The
predecessors of Canada—the Company of Adventurers of England trading
into Hudson's Bay, popularly known as the Hudson's Bay Company—had, for
long years, been eminently successful in securing the good-will of the
Indians—but on their sway, coming to an end, the Indian mind was
disturbed. The events, that transpired in the Red River region, in the
years 1869-1870, during the period when a provisional government was
attempted to be established, had perplexed the Indians. They, moreover,
had witnessed a sudden irruption into the country of whites from
without. In the West, American traders poured into the land, and,
freighted with fire-water, purchased their peltries and their horses,
and impoverished the tribes. In the East, white men took possession of
the soil and made for themselves homes, and as time went on steamboats
were placed on the inland waters—surveyors passed through the
territories—and the “speaking wires,” as the Indian calls the
telegraph, were erected. What wonder that the Indian mind was
disturbed, and what wonder was it that a Plain chief, as he looked upon
the strange wires stretching through his land, exclaimed to his people,
“We have done wrong to allow that wire to be placed there, before the
Government obtained our leave to do so. There is a white chief at Red
River, and that wire speaks to him, and if we do anything wrong he will
stretch out a long arm and take hold of us before we can get away.” The
government of Canada had, anticipating the probabilities of such a
state of affairs, wisely resolved, that contemporaneously with the
formal establishment of their rule, there should be formed alliances
with the Indians. In 1870 the Parliament of Canada created the
requisite machinery for the Government of the Province of Manitoba and
of the North-West Territories respectively, giving to the former a
Lieutenant-Governor and Legislature, and to the latter, a
Lieutenant-Governor and Council, Executive and Legislative—the
Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba being ex officio
Lieutenant-Governor of the North-West Territories. Subsequently the
North-West Territories were erected into a distinct government, with a
Lieutenant-Governor and Executive, and Legislative Council. The
District of Kee-wa-tin, “the land of the north wind,” was also
established, comprising the eastern and northern portions of the
Territories, and placed under the control of the Lieutenant-Governor of
Manitoba, and an Executive and Legislative Council. Since 1870, no less
than seven treaties have been concluded, with the Indian tribes, so
that there now remain no Indian nations in the North-West, inside of
the fertile belt, who have not been dealt with.
It
is the design of the present work to tell the story of these treaties,
to preserve as far as practicable, a record of the negotiations on
which they were based, and to present to the many in the Dominion and
elsewhere, who take a deep interest in these sons of the forest and the
plain, a view of their habits of thought and speech, as thereby
presented, and to suggest the possibility, nay, the certainty, of a
hopeful future for them.
Prior
to proceeding to deal, with the treaties of the Dominion of Canada, it
will render this book more complete to present the reader, with
information as to three treaties which preceded those of the Dominion,
viz., the treaty made by the Earl of Selkirk in the year 1817, those
popularly known as the Robinson Treaties, made by the late Hon. William
B. Robinson, of the City of Toronto, with the Indians of the shores and
islands of Lakes Superior and Huron in the year 1850, and that made by
the Hon. William Macdougall, for the surrender of the Indian title, to
the great Manitoulin Island, both acting for and on behalf of the
Government of the late Province of Canada.
Ere however entering upon an explanation of
these two first-mentioned treaties, I submit a few brief observations.
The
Indians inhabiting the region covered by the treaties in question,
extending in Canadian territory from Lake Superior to the foot of the
Rocky Mountains, are composed of distinct tribes having different
languages.
The Ojibbewas,
Chippawas, or Saulteaux as they now call themselves, are found in
numbers in the District of Kee-wa-tin and the Province of Manitoba. In
the North-West Territories they are not numerous except within the
limits of Treaty number Four. These Indians migrated from the older
Provinces of Quebec and Ontario many years ago.
The
Crees, inhabit the North-West Territories and are divided into Plain,
Wood and Swampy Crees, according to the region of the country they
dwell in. The Swampy Crees reside in Manitoba and Kee-wa-tin.
The
Black Feet nation are to be found towards the slope of the Rocky
Mountains, in the region comprised within the limits of the Treaty
number Seven.
A few Chippawayans, or Northerners, dwell
within the North-West Territories.
The
once powerful nation of the Assiniboines, or Stonies—a kindred tribe to
the Sioux—are greatly reduced in numbers, and are now only to be met
with in the North-West Territories.
The
Sioux in the Dominion are refugees from the United States, the first
body having come over some fourteen years ago. A large influx of
similar refugees, have recently fled to the Dominion from, the same
country, as the issue of the recent war between the United States and
the Sioux.
In the year 1811, the Earl of Selkirk
purchased [Footnote: Vide
Appendix for copy of the agreement in question.] from the Governor and
Company of Adventurers trading into Hudson's Bay, in consideration of
ten shillings and certain agreements and understandings contained in
the Indenture, a large tract of territory within Rupert's Land
described in the Indenture as follows:
“All
that tract of land or territory being within and forming part of the
aforesaid lands and territories of the said Governor and Company,
bounded by an imaginary line running as follows, that is to say,
beginning on the western shore of the Lake Winnipic, otherwise
Winnipeg, at a point in fifty-two degrees and thirty north latitude and
thence running due west to the Lake Winnipegoos, otherwise called
Little Winnipeg, then in a southerly direction through the said Lake so
as to strike its western shore in latitude fifty-two degrees, then due
west to the place where the parallel of fifty-two degrees north
latitude intersects the western branch of Red River, otherwise called
Assiniboine River, then due south from that point of intersection to
the height of land which separates the waters running into Hudson's Bay
from those of the Missouri and Mississippi, then in an easterly
direction along the said height of land to the source of the River
Winnipic, or Winnipeg (meaning by such last named river the principal
branch of the waters which unite in Lake Sagenagos), thence along the
main stream of these waters and the middle of the several lakes through
which they flow to the mouth of the Winnipic River and thence in a
northerly direction through the middle of Lake Winnipic to the place of
beginning.” The deed is accompanied by a map intended to show the tract
of country, and there is an endorsement on the map that as the surveys
were not sufficient to ascertain with precision whether, latitude
52°
does intersect the river called Red or Assiniboine River, it was
agreed, that in case the waters of of Red River, shall on more accurate
survey be found, not to extend so far north as latitude 52°, then
the
west boundary of the tract of land intended to be within the grant,
should be a line drawn due north and south, through the post upon the
Red River, marked on the plan is “Carlton House.”
The
Company reserved the right to call upon the Earl to set off one-tenth,
however, of the tract for the use of the servants of the Company—and
the Earl covenanted, within ten years, to settle within the tract one
thousand families, each of them consisting of one married couple at the
least, on pain of revocation of the grant, if on receipt of notice to
that effect from the Company he did not, within three years after the
receipt of the notice, complete the settlement of the one thousand
families.
In pursuance of
his obligations, Lord Selkirk, in the autumn of the year 1811, sent out
a number of families from the County of Sutherland, in Scotland, who
spent the winter at Fort Churchill on the western shore of Hudson's
Bay. On the arrival of spring, they travelled thence to the confluence
of the Assiniboine and Red Rivers, and thus was commenced the
interesting settlement of the Red River, which is now included in the
Province of Manitoba. It is not my purpose to notice here the eventful
history of the Selkirk colonists, and I will only note the fact that in
1836, the Company bought back the whole tract, from the heirs of Lord
Selkirk, for the sum of £84,000, the rights of colonists who had
purchased land between 1811 and 1836, being respected.
In
the year 1817 the Earl of Selkirk, visited his wide domain, and entered
into negotiations with the Indian tribes, for the extinction of their
title, to a tract of land described as follows:
[Footnote:
A large portion of the ceded territory is now comprehended in the
Territory of Dakota, United States.] “All that tract of land adjacent
to Red River and Assiniboine River, beginning at the mouth of Red River
and extending along the same as far as Great Forks at the mouth of Red
Lake River and along Assiniboine River as far as the Musk Rat River,
otherwise called Rivière des Champignons, and extending to the
distance
of six miles from Fort Douglas on every side, and likewise from Fort
Doer, and also from the Great Forks and in other posts extending in
breadth to the distance of two English statute miles back from the
banks of the river.”
The
Indians then inhabiting the region were described as being of the
Chippawa or Saulteaux and Killistine or Cree nations. They were made to
comprehend, the depth of the land they were surrendering, by being
told, that it was the greatest distance, at which a horse on the level
prairie could be seen, or daylight seen under his belly between his
legs. The consideration for the surrender, was, the payment of one
hundred pounds of good merchantable tobacco, to each nation annually.
The
treaty was signed by Lord Selkirk and by five Indian chiefs, who
affixed thereto drawings of the animals after which they were named, by
way of signature, a fac simile of which will be found elsewhere.
The surrender was to the Sovereign Lord, King George the Third. The
treaty was accompanied by a map which shows that the tract surrendered
extended to Grand Forks in what is now United States territory. A copy
of the treaty will be found in the Appendix and will prove of interest.
In
consequence of the discovery of minerals, on the shores of Lakes Huron
and Superior, the Government of the late Province of Canada, deemed it
desirable, to extinguish the Indian title, and in order to that end, in
the year 1850, entrusted the duty to the late Honorable William B.
Robinson, who discharged his duties with great tact and judgment,
succeeding in making two treaties, which were the forerunners of the
future treaties, and shaped their course. The main features of the
Robinson Treaties—viz., annuities, reserves for the Indians, and
liberty to fish and hunt on the unconceded domain of the Crown—having
been followed in these treaties. A special feature of the Robinson
Treaties, was the adjustment of a claim made by the Indians to be paid,
the amount received, by the Government, for the sale of mining
locations. This was arranged, by Mr. Robinson, agreeing to pay them,
the sum of £4,000 and an annuity of about £1,000, thus
avoiding any
dispute that might arise as to the amounts actually received by the
Government. The number of Indians included in the treaties were stated
by Mr. Robinson to be: on Lake Superior, 1240, including 84
half-breeds; and on Lake Huron 1422, including 200 half-breeds.
[Footnote: The census return of the Department of the Interior for the
year 1878 gives the numbers of these Indians as follows: Chippawas of
Lake Superior ... 1,947. Chippawas of Lake Huron ... 1,458.] The
relations of the Indians and half-breeds, have long been cordial; and
in the negotiations as to these initial treaties, as in the subsequent
ones, the claims of the half-breeds, to recognition, was urged by the
Indians.
I cannot do
better, in giving information with regard to these treaties, than
simply to reproduce the Report of Mr. Robinson to the Honorable Colonel
Bruce, Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs, in which he describes
the course of his negotiations and communicates their results. A copy
of the treaties will be found in the Appendix. The Report is as follows:
TORONTO, 24th September,
1850.
Sir:—I
have the honor herewith to transmit the Treaty which on the part of the
Government I was commissioned to negotiate with the tribes of Indians
inhabiting the northern shore of Lakes Huron and Superior; and I trust
that the terms on which I succeeded in obtaining the surrender of all
the lands in question, with the exception of some small reservations
made by the Indians, may be considered satisfactory. They were such as
I thought it advisable to offer, in order that the matter might be
finally settled, without having any just grounds of complaint on the
part of the Indians.
The
Indians had been advised by certain interested parties to insist on
such extravagant terms as I felt it quite impossible to grant; and from
the fact that the American Government had paid very liberally for the
land surrendered by their Indians on the south side of Lake Superior,
and that our own in other parts of the country were in receipt of
annuities much larger than I offered, I had some difficulty in
obtaining the assent of a few of the chiefs to my proposition.
I
explained to the chiefs in council the difference between the lands
ceded heretofore in this Province and those then under consideration,
they were of good quality and sold readily at prices which enabled the
Government to be more liberal, they were also occupied by the whites in
such a manner as to preclude the possibility of the Indian hunting over
or having access to them whereas the lands now ceded are notoriously
barren and sterile, and will in all probability never be settled except
in a few localities by mining companies, whose establishments among the
Indians, instead of being prejudicial, would prove of great benefit as
they would afford a market for any things they may have to sell, and
bring provisions and stores of all kinds among them at reasonable
prices.
Neither did the
British Government contemplate the removal of the Indians from their
present haunts to some (to them) unknown region in the far West, as had
been the case with their brethren on the American side.
I
told them that the two chiefs who were in Toronto last winter
(Shinguacouse and Nebennigoebing) only asked the amount which the
Government had received for mining locations, after deducting the
expenses attending their sale. That amount was about eight thousand
pounds which the Government would pay them without any annuity or
certainty of further benefit; or one-half of it down, and an annuity of
about one thousand pounds.
There
were twenty-one chiefs present, about the same number of principal men,
and a large number of other Indians belonging to the different bands,
and they all preferred the latter proposition, though two of them
(Shinguacouse and Nebennigoebing) insisted on receiving an annuity
equal to ten dollars per head.
The
chiefs from Lake Superior desired to treat separately for their
territory and said at once in council that they accepted my offer. I
told them that I would have the treaty ready on the following morning,
and I immediately proceeded to prepare it, and as agreed upon they
signed it cheerfully at the time appointed.
I
then told the chiefs from Lake Huron (who were all present when the
others signed) that I should have a similar treaty ready for their
signature, the next morning when those who signed it would receive
their money; and that as a large majority of them had agreed to my
terms I should abide by them.
I
accordingly prepared the treaty and proceeded on the morning of the
ninth instant to the council-room to have it formally executed in the
presence of proper witnesses—all the chiefs and others were present. I
told them I was then ready to receive their signatures; the two chiefs,
Shinguacouse and Nebennigoebing, repeated their demand of ten dollars a
head by way of annuity, and also insisted that I should insert in the
treaty a condition securing to some sixty half-breeds a free grant of
one hundred acres of land each. I told them they already had my answer
as to a larger annuity, and that I had no power to give them free
grants of land. The other chiefs came forward to sign the treaty and
seeing this the two who had resisted up to this time also came to the
table and signed first, the rest immediately following.
I
trust his Excellency will approve of my having concluded the treaty on
the basis of a small annuity and the immediate and final settlement of
the matter, rather than paying the Indians the full amount of all
moneys on hand, and a promise of accounting to them for future sales.
The latter course would have entailed much trouble on the Government,
besides giving an opportunity to evil disposed persons to make the
Indians suspicious of any accounts that might be furnished.
Believing
that His Excellency and the Government were desirous of leaving the
Indians no just cause of complaint on their surrendering the extensive
territory embraced in the treaty, and knowing there were individuals
who most assiduously endeavored to create dissatisfaction among them, I
inserted a clause securing to them certain prospective advantages
should the lands in question prove sufficiently productive at any
future period to enable the Government without loss to increase the
annuity. [Footnote: The annuities under these treaties have recently
been increased, the following item having been inserted in the Supplies
Act of Canada, viz., “Annual grant to bring up annuities payable under
the Robinson Treaty to the Chippawas of Lakes Huron and Superior, from
96 cents to $4 per head, $14,000.”] This was so reasonable and just
that I had no difficulty in making them comprehend it, and it in a
great measure silenced the clamor raised by their evil advisers.
In
allowing the Indians to retain reservations of land for their own use I
was governed by the fact that they in most cases asked for such tracts
as they had heretofore been in the habit of using for purposes of
residence and cultivation, and by securing these to them and the right
of hunting and fishing over the ceded territory, they cannot say that
the Government takes from their usual means of subsistence and
therefore have no claims for support, which they no doubt would have
preferred, had this not been done. The reservation at Garden River is
the largest and perhaps of most value, but as it is occupied by the
most numerous band of Indians, and from its locality (nine miles from
the Sault) is likely to attract others to it, I think it was right to
grant what they expressed a desire to retain. There are two mining
locations at this place, which should not be finally disposed of unless
by the full consent of Shinguacouse and his band; they are in the heart
of the village and shew no indications of mineral wealth, they are
numbered 14 and 15 on the small map appended to Messrs. Anderson and
Vidal's report. I pledged my word on the part of the Government that
the sale of these locations should not be completed, and as the
locatees have not, I believe, complied with the conditions of the Crown
Lands Department there can be no difficulty in cancelling the
transaction.
The chiefs are
desirous that their several reservations should be marked by proper
posts or monuments, and I have told them the Government would probably
send some one next spring for that purpose. As I know many of the
localities I shall be able to give the necessary information when
required.
When at Sault
Ste. Marie last May, I took measures for ascertaining as nearly as
possible the number of Indians inhabiting the north shore of the two
lakes; and was fortunate enough to get a very correct census,
particularly of Lake Superior. I found this information very useful at
the council, as it enabled me successfully to contradict the assertion
(made by those who were inciting the chiefs to resist my offers) that
there were on Lake Superior alone, eight thousand Indians. The number
on that lake, including eighty-four half-breeds, is only twelve hundred
and forty—and on Lake Huron, about fourteen hundred and twenty-two,
including probably two hundred half-breeds, and when I paid the Indians
they acknowledged they knew of no other families than those on my list.
The
number paid, as appears on the pay list, does not show the whole
strength of the different bands, as I was obliged at their own request
to omit some members of the very large families. I have annexed to this
Report the names of the chiefs, their localities, and number of souls
in each band as recognized by me in apportioning the money, thinking it
will be useful when paying the annuity hereafter.
This
information may I believe be fully relied on for Lake Superior, but the
census for Lake Huron is not so perfect; and I would suggest that
Captain Ironside should be furnished with copies of that document and
also of the pay-lists in order that he may correct in time any errors
that are found to exist.
As
the half-breeds at Sault Ste. Marie and other places may seek to be
recognized by the Government in future payments, it may be well that I
should state here the answer that I gave to their demands on the
present occasion. I told them I came to treat with the chiefs who were
present, that the money would be paid to them—and their receipt was
sufficient for me—that when in their possession they might give as much
or as little to that class of claimants as they pleased. To this no
one, not even their advisers, could object, and I heard no more on the
subject. At the earnest request of the chiefs themselves I undertook
the distribution of the money among their respective bands and all
parties expressed themselves perfectly satisfied with my division of
their funds.
On my arrival
at Penetanguishene I found the chiefs Yellowhead and Snake, from Lake
Simcoe, and Aissance, from Beausoleil's Island, waiting to see me, to
prefer their claim to a small tract of land between Penetanguishene and
the vicinity of the River Severn. I was aware of their intending to
make such a claim and took the precaution of asking the chiefs
assembled in council at the Sault whether it was well founded, they
emphatically declared that those chiefs had no claim on Lake Huron,
that they had long since ceded their lands and were in the receipt of a
large annuity, this I believe to be the case and Captain Anderson, whom
I met there, is of the same opinion; but I promised to inquire into it
and give them an answer, and I will therefore thank you to cause the
necessary information from your office to be furnished to me on the
subject. Should it appear that these chiefs have any claim I think I
could get their surrender of it for a small amount, and there remain
sufficient funds at my disposal for the purpose.
The
Canadians resident on the lands just surrendered at Sault Ste. Marie
are very anxious to obtain titles to the land on which they have long
resided and made improvements; they applied to me after the treaty and
I advised them to memorialize the Government the usual way setting
forth the manner in which they were put in possession by the military
authorities of the time, and that I had little doubt that the
Government would do them justice. I think the survey of the tract
should be made so as to interfere as little as possible with their
respective clearings and that those who can show a fair claim to the
favorable consideration of the Government should be liberally dealt
with.
It will be seen on
referring to the treaty that I have kept within the amount at my
disposal. Of the £4,160 agreed by me to be paid to the Indians of
both
lakes, there remains £75 unexpended. I could not from the
information I
possessed tell exactly the number of families I should have to pay, and
thought it prudent to reserve a small sum to make good any omissions,
there may still be a few who will prefer claims, though I know of none
at present. If not, the amount can be paid next year with the annuity
to such families as are most deserving; or it may be properly applied
in extinguishing the claim made by the Lake Simcoe Indians, should it
appear on inquiry to be just.
The
whole amount given to me in August was £5,033 6s. 8d., of this
sum
their remains £800, which I have placed in the Bank of Upper
Canada to
the credit of the Receiver-General, and I have prepared a detailed
account of the whole, which with the proper vouchers, I shall deliver
to the Accountant of the Crown Lands Department.
I
have much pleasure in acknowledging the valuable assistance afforded me
by all the officers of the Honorable the Hudson's Bay Company resident
on the lakes; and the prompt manner in which their Governor, Sir George
Simpson, kindly placed their services at my disposal.
The
report made last year by Messrs. Anderson and Vidal I found of much use
to me, and the long services and experience of the former gentleman in
Indian affairs enabled him to give me many valuable suggestions.
Captain
Cooper and his officers by attending at the council, and otherwise,
gave me most cheerfully all the aid in their power; and Captain
Ironside, of your Department, with his assistant, Assickinach, were of
essential service to me.
I
found it absolutely necessary to have the aid of some one in taking the
census of the Lake Huron Indians at the time they were receiving their
presents at Manitoulin; and as Captain Ironside was fully occupied in
attending to his own duty, I requested Mr. Keating, who had long known
the Indians on that lake, to give me his assistance. This he cheerfully
and very efficiently did, and afterwards was with me in distributing
and paying out the money.
I
have, in course of my negotiations with the Indians on the present
occasion, collected some information which may be useful to your
Department and will at an early day send it to you.
I
will thank you to lay the two treaties accompanying this Report before
His Excellency, and trust they may meet with his approval.
I have, &c.,
(Signed) W. B. ROBINSON.
THE HON. COL. BRUCE,
Superintendent-General, Indian Affairs.
Some
years after the completion of the Robinson Treaties, the then
Government of the old Province of Canada deemed it desirable to effect
a treaty with the Indians dwelling upon the Great Manitoulin Island in
Lake Huron, as a complement to the former treaties, and with the object
of rendering available for settlement the large tract of good land upon
the Island. The duty was entrusted to the Honorable William McDougall,
then Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs, who, in the month of
October, 1862, proceeded to the Island, accompanied by the late William
Spragge, Esq., Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and Mr. F.
Assicknack, of the Indian Office, Toronto, as interpreter. Mr.
McDougall encountered considerable difficulties, but by firmness and
decision eventually succeeded in obtaining a surrender from the Indians
of the Island, excluding however from the surrender that portion of it
easterly of Heywood Island and the Manitoulin Gulf.
The
terms of the treaty, which will be found in the Appendix, were adapted
to the peculiar circumstances of the Indians and were well and wisely
framed. The result has been to render available for settlement a large
tract of land on the Island, much of which is now occupied by a
prosperous and thriving population. I conclude this brief notice of an
important treaty by submitting, to the attention of the reader, the
report of the Hon. W. McDougall, to His Excellency the Governor-General
in Council, of the results of his mission.
MANITOULIN ISLAND,
November 3rd, 1862.
The
undersigned has the honor to state for the information of His
Excellency the Governor-General in Council, that, under the authority
of the Order in Council of the twelfth day of September, 1862, he
proceeded early in the month of October last to visit the Great
Manitoulin Island, accompanied by William Spragge, Esq., Deputy
Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and Mr. F. Assicknack of the Indian
Office, Toronto, as interpreter.
The
resident agent, Captain Ironside, under instructions from the
Department, had caused the Indians residing on the Island to be
notified of the intended visit of the undersigned, and of its object
and had summoned them to attend at Manitowaning on the fourth ultimo.
The
Chiefs and principal men, with the exception of one or two detained by
illness and nearly all the males above the age of eighteen years, were
present at the council.
The
undersigned stated the object of his visit, explained the wishes of the
Government in regard to the settlement of the Island, and proposed the
terms in respect to the Indians specified in the Order in Council
authorizing the negotiation. The Indians had selected one of their
Chiefs to reply to the overtures of the Government, and without taking
time to consider these overtures he proceeded to announce the
determination of the Indians to reject them unconditionally.
The
undersigned made some further explanations and directed an ajournment
of the council for an hour, during which time the Indians were
requested to consider the propositions he had made with care and
deliberation.
On
re-assembling there was an evident disposition among the bands living
westwardly of the place of meeting to listen favorably to the
propositions of the Government, but the majority were still unwilling
to treat, and by intimidation and threats of violence prevented any
open expression of opinion except by the old war Chief, Assicknack, who
declared his full assent to the wishes of the Government.
Ascertaining
that the Chief's opposition came from Indians living eastwardly of
Heywood Sound, the undersigned determined to modify the propositions of
the Government, so as to meet in some degree the objections from that
quarter.
He accordingly
adjourned the council until the following Monday, the first day of
meeting being Saturday, informing the Indians that those who were
disposed to continue the negotiations would remain while those who had
resolved to reject every proposition of the Government might go home.
He also informed them that no threats or intimidation would be allowed,
and that any one who should attempt violence would be surely punished.
Nearly all the Indians remained or returned on Monday, and being
apprised of the nature of the proposition the undersigned intended to
submit, namely, to exclude that part of the island eastwardly of the
Manitoulin Gulf and Heywood Sound from the proposed agreement, they
came to the adjourned meeting in a more friendly mood and expressed
their willingness to surrender for sale and settlement all that part of
the island westwardly of the Gulf and Sound.
The
undersigned submits herewith the deed or instrument which embodies the
agreement made and concluded between the respective parties. It was
executed by the undersigned and the Deputy-Superintendent of Indian
Affairs on behalf of the Government, and by nineteen of the Chiefs and
principal men on behalf of the Indians.
In
consequence of the modification of the terms of agreement authorized by
the Order in Council as above-mentioned and the addition of other terms
deemed necessary to prevent future difficulty, and which will be found
in the instrument, the undersigned caused a provision to be inserted
that it was not to take effect until approved by the Governor-General
in Council.
The undersigned therefore now begs to submit
the same for such approval.
(Signed) WM. McDOUGALL,
Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs.
In
the year 1871, the late Honorable Joseph Howe, then Secretary of State
of Canada, recommended the appointment by the Privy Council of Canada,
of Mr. Wemyss McKenzie Simpson, as Indian Commissioner, in consequence
of “the necessity of arranging with the bands of Indians inhabiting the
tract of country between Thunder Bay and the Stone Fort, for the
cession, subject to certain reserves such as they should select, of the
lands occupied by them.” Mr. Simpson accepted the appointment, and in
company with Messrs. S. J. Dawson and Robert Pether visited the
Ojjibewas or Chippawa Indians, between Thunder Bay and the north-west
angle of the Lake of the Woods, and took the initiatory steps for
securing a treaty with them thereafter. On his arrival at Fort Garry,
he put himself, as directed by his instructions, in communication with
his Honor, the Hon. A. G. Archibald, then Lieutenant-Governor of
Manitoba and the North-West Territories. A conference took place
between His Honor, Messrs. Simpson, Dawson and Pether, and the Hon.
James McKay, a member, at that time, of the Executive Council of
Manitoba, and himself a half-breed intimately acquainted with the
Indian tribes, and possessed of much influence over them. The Indians
in Manitoba, in the fall of 1870, had applied to the
Lieutenant-Governor to enter into a treaty with them, and had been
informed that in the ensuing year negotiations would be opened with
them. They were full of uneasiness, owing to the influx of population,
denied the validity of the Selkirk Treaty, and had in some instances
obstructed settlers and surveyors. In view of the anxiety and
uneasiness prevailing, those gentlemen were of opinion “that it was
desirable to secure the extinction of the Indian title not only to the
lands within Manitoba, but also to so much of the timber grounds east
and north of the Province as were required for immediate entry and use,
and also of a large tract of cultivable ground west of the Portage,
where there were very few Indian inhabitants.” It was therefore
resolved to open negotiations at the Lower Fort Garry, or Stone Fort,
with the Indians of the Province, and certain adjacent timber
districts, and with the Indians of the other districts at Manitoba
Post, a Hudson's Bay fort, at the north end of Lake Manitoba, the
territory being occupied principally by one nation, the Chippawas, of
whom the Saulteaux of the lakes are a branch, although there are also a
number of Swampy Crees resident within it.
Mr.
Simpson accordingly issued proclamations, inviting the Indians to meet
him on the 25th of July and 17th of August, 1871, at these points
respectively, to negotiate an Indian treaty. The Lieutenant-Governor
also issued a proclamation forbidding the sale or gift of intoxicating
liquors during the negotiation of the treaty, and applied to Major
Irvine to detail a few of the troops under his command to preserve
order, which request was acceded to.
The
Lieutenant-Governor and Mr. Simpson arrived at the Stone Fort on the
24th of July, 1871, but as the Indians had not all arrived the meeting
was postponed till the 27th, when a thousand Indians were found to have
assembled, and a considerable number of half-breeds and other
inhabitants of the country were present, awaiting with anxiety to learn
the policy of the Government.
Lieutenant-Governor Archibald, after the
Indians were assembled opened the proceedings by delivering the
following address:
“On
the 13th September last, on my first arrival in the country, I met a
number of you at the mission, I told you I could not then negotiate a
Treaty with the Indians, but that I was charged by your Great Mother,
the Queen, to tell you that she had been very glad to see that you had
acted during the troubles like good and true children of your Great
Mother. I told you also that as soon as possible you would all be
called together to consider the terms of a treaty to be entered into
between you and your Great Mother.
“I
advised you to disperse to your homes, and gave you some ammunition to
enable you to gain a livelihood during the winter by hunting.
“I
promised that in the spring you would be sent for, and that either I,
or some person directly appointed to represent your Great Mother,
should be here to meet you, and notice would be given you when to
convene at this place to talk over what was right to be done.
“Early
in the spring, Mr. Simpson, who sits beside me, was made Commissioner.
He left his home at once for this Province, by Rainy Lake and the Lake
of the Woods.
“The Indians
of the lake districts meet, as you know, on Rainy River yearly, about
the 20th June, to fish for sturgeon, I and they could not be called
together sooner.
“Mr.
Simpson met them there at that time, and talked over their affairs with
them, and made certain arrangements with them. He then hurried on to
see you, and reached this Province a week ago last Sunday. He then sent
messengers at once to all the Indians within certain bounds, asking
them to meet him here on the 25th day of July. Some of you were unable
to come so soon, and he has therefore, at the instance of those who
were here, waited till to-day to open the talk. I believe that now you
are all arrived, and ready to proceed to business.
“It
will be the duty of the Commissioner to talk to you on the particular
details of the treaty, and I will give place to him presently, but
there are one or two things of a general kind which I would like,
before I close, to bring to your notice, for you to think about among
yourselves.
“First. Your
Great Mother, the Queen, wishes to do justice to all her children
alike. She will deal fairly with those of the setting sun, just as she
would with those of the rising sun. She wishes order and peace to reign
through all her country, and while her arm is strong to punish the
wicked man, her hand is also open to reward the good man everywhere in
her Dominions.
“Your Great
Mother wishes the good of all races under her sway. She wishes her red
children to be happy and contented. She wishes them to live in comfort.
She would like them to adopt the habits of the whites, to till land and
raise food, and store it up against a time of want. She thinks this
would be the best thing for her red children to do, that it would make
them safer from famine and distress, and make their homes more
comfortable.
“But the
Queen, though she may think it good for you to adopt civilized habits,
has no idea of compelling you to do so. This she leaves to your choice,
and you need not live like the white man unless you can be persuaded to
do so of your own free will. Many of you, however, are already doing
this.
“I drove yesterday
through the village below this Fort. There I saw many well-built
houses, and many well-tilled fields with wheat and barley and potatoes
growing, and giving promise of plenty for the winter to come. The
people who till these fields and live in these houses are men of your
own race, and they shew that you can live and prosper and provide like
the white man.
“What I say
in my drive is enough to prove that even if there was not a buffalo or
a fur bearing animal in the country, you could live and be surrounded
with comfort by what you can raise from the soil.
“Your
Great Mother, therefore, will lay aside for you 'lots' of land to be
used by you and your children forever. She will not allow the white man
to intrude upon these lots. She will make rules to keep them for you,
so that as long as the sun shall shine, there shall be no Indian who
has not a place that he can call his home, where he can go and pitch
his camp or if he chooses build his house and till his land.
“These
reserves will be large enough, but you must not expect them to be
larger than will be enough to give a farm to each family, where farms
shall be required. They will enable you to earn a living should the
chase fail, and should you choose to get your living by tilling, you
must not expect to have included in your reserve more of hay grounds
than will be reasonably sufficient for your purposes in case you adopt
the habits of farmers. The old settlers and the settlers that are
coming in, must be dealt with on the principles of fairness and justice
as well as yourselves. Your Great Mother knows no difference between
any of her people. Another thing I want you to think over is this: in
laying aside these reserves, and in everything else that the Queen
shall do for you, you must understand that she can do for you no more
than she has done for her red children in the East. If she were to do
more for you that would be unjust for them. She will not do less for
you because you are all her children alike, and she must treat you all
alike.
“When you have made
your treaty you will still be free to hunt over much of the land
included in the treaty. Much of it is rocky and unfit for cultivation,
much of it that is wooded is beyond the places where the white man will
require to go, at all events for some time to come. Till these lands
are needed for use you will be free to hunt over them, and make all the
use of them which you have made in the past. But when lands are needed
to be tilled or occupied, you must not go on them any more. There will
still be plenty of land that is neither tilled nor occupied where you
can go and roam and hunt as you have always done, and, if you wish to
farm, you will go to your own reserve where you will find a place ready
for you to live on and cultivate.
“There
is another thing I have to say to you. Your Great Mother cannot come
here herself to talk with you, but she has sent a messenger who has her
confidence.
“Mr. Simpson
will tell you truly all her wishes. As the Queen has made her choice of
a chief to represent her, you must, on your part, point out to us the
chiefs you wish to represent you, as the persons you have faith in.
“Mr.
Simpson cannot talk to all your braves and people, but when he talks to
chiefs who have your confidence he is talking to you all, and when he
hears the voice of one of your chiefs whom you name he will hear the
voice of you all. It is for you to say who shall talk for you, and also
who shall be your chief men. Let them be good Indians, who know your
wishes and whom you have faith in.
“You
will look to the Commissioner to fulfil everything he agrees to do, and
the Queen will look to the chiefs you name to us, to see that you keep
your parts of the agreement.
“It is our wish to deal with you fairly and
frankly.
“If you have any questions to ask, ask them,
if you have anything you wish the Queen to know, speak out plainly.
“Now
chiefs and braves and people, I introduce to you Mr. Simpson, who will
say anything he thinks fit in addition to what I have said.
“When you hear his voice you are listening to
your Great Mother the Queen, whom God bless and preserve long to reign
over us.”
Mr.
Simpson also addressed them, and thereafter, in compliance with a
request of the Lieutenant-Governor, the Indians retired to select their
chiefs and principal spokesmen.
On
the next day the conference was resumed, the chiefs and spokesmen being
presented. The Indians, on being asked to express their views, “stated
that there was a cloud before them which made things dark, and they did
not wish to commence the proceedings till the cloud was dispersed.” On
inquiry it was ascertained that they referred to the imprisonment of
four Swampy Cree Indians, who had been convicted under a local law, of
breach of contract, as boatmen, with the Hudson's Bay Company, and on
default of payment of a fine, had been sent to prison. The
Lieutenant-Governor, as a matter of favor, ordered the release of these
prisoners, and the sky became clear. Next day the Indians met again and
declared that they would never again raise their voice against the
enforcement of the law, but much difficulty was experienced in getting
them to understand the views of the Government—they wishing to have
two-thirds of the Province as a reserve. Eventually on the 3rd of
August, 1871, a treaty was concluded, its principal features being the
relinquishment to Her Majesty of the Indian title; the reserving of
tracts of land for the Indians, sufficient to furnish 160 acres of land
to each family of five; providing for the maintenance of schools, and
prohibition of the sale of intoxicating liquors on the reserves; a
present of three dollars per head to the Indians and the payment to
them of an annuity of three dollars per head. [Footnote: In consequence
of misunderstandings having arisen, owing to the Indians alleging that
certain promises had been made to them which were not specified in
these treaties, a revision of them became necessary, and was effected
in 1875, as will be seen reported hereafter.] (See copy of treaty which
will be found in the Appendix.) On the 21st of August Mr. Commissioner
Simpson, accompanied by the Lieutenant-Governor, the Hon. James McKay,
and Mr. Molyneux St. John (lately Sheriff of the North-West
Territories), met the Indians at Manitoba Post, and found them disposed
to accept the terms of the treaty made at the Stone Fort, with which
they had already become familiar, so that little time was lost in
effecting a treaty with them as they had no special terms to prefer. By
these two treaties, there was acquired by the Crown, the extinguishment
of the Indian title in Manitoba, and in a tract of country fully equal
in resources beyond it.
Having
submitted these preliminary remarks, I conclude my notice of these
treaties by quoting, as matter alike of historical record and practical
interest, the despatches of Lieutenant-Governor Archibald and the
excellent and instructive report, addressed to the Secretary of State
by Mr. Simpson, embracing as it does a full and graphic narrative of
the proceedings which took place at the negotiation of these treaties,
and of the difficulties which were encountered by the Commissioner, and
the mode in which they were overcome.
GOVERNMENT HOUSE,
SILVER HEIGHTS July 32nd, 1871.
Sir,—I have the honor to
enclose you copy of a proclamation I have caused to be issued with a
view to prevent the danger arising from intoxicating drinks being given
to the Indians, on the occasion of the meeting to negotiate a treaty.
I
look upon the proceedings, we are now initiating as important in their
bearing upon our relations to the Indians of the whole continent. In
fact the terms we now agree upon will probably shape the arrangements
we shall have to make with all the Indians between the Red River and
the Rocky Mountains. It will therefore be well to neglect nothing that
is within our power to enable us to start fairly with the negotiations.
With
that view, I have, amongst other things, asked Major Irvine to detail a
few of his troops to be present at the opening of the treaty. Military
display has always a great effect on savages, and the presence even of
a few troops will have a good tendency.
I
fear we shall have to incur a considerable expenditure for presents of
food, etc. during the negotiations; but any cost for that purpose I
shall deem a matter of minor consequence. The real burden to be
considered is that which has to be borne in each recurring year.
I
doubt if it will be found practicable to make arrangements upon so
favorable a basis as that prescribed by His Excellency the
Governor-General as the maximum to be allowed, in case of a treaty with
the Lake Indians.
Nor
indeed would it be right, if we look to what we receive, to measure the
benefits we derive from coming into possession of the magnificent
territory we are appropriating here by what would be fair to allow for
the rocks and swamps and muskegs of the lake country east of this
Province.
But to this subject I shall probably take
occasion to call your attention at an early day.
I have etc.,
ADAMS G. ARCHIBALD.
THE HONORABLE
THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE PROVINCES,
Ottawa.
LOWER FORT GARRY, July
20th, 1871.
Sir,—I
have the honor to inform you that on Monday last I came to this Fort
with the Commissioner to meet the Indians called here, with a view to
negotiate a treaty, intending to open the business on Tuesday morning.
It
appeared, however, on inquiry, that some bands of Indians had not
arrived on Tuesday morning, and we were therefore obliged to postpone
the opening of the meeting till Thursday. On that day the Indians from
all the sections of the country to which the invitation extended were
found present to the number of about one thousand. A considerable body
of half-breeds and other inhabitants of the country were also present,
awaiting with some anxiety to learn what should be announced as the
policy of the Government.
I
enclose you a memorandum of the observations with which I opened the
meeting. On reading them you will observe one or two points which may
require some explanation.
At
the time of the treaty with the Earl of Selkirk, certain Indians signed
as Chiefs and representatives of their people. Some of the Indians now
deny that these men ever were Chiefs or had authority to sign the
treaty.
With a view
therefore to avoid a recurrence of any such question we asked the
Indians, as a first step, to agree among themselves in selecting their
Chiefs and then to present them to us and have their names and
authority recorded.
Furthermore,
the Indians seem to have false ideas of the meaning of a reserve. They
have been led to suppose that large tracts of ground were to be set
aside for them as hunting grounds, including timber lands, of which
they might sell the wood as if they were proprietors of the soil.
I wished to correct this idea at the outset.
Mr.
Simpson followed me with some observations in the same strain, after
which the Indians retired to select their Chiefs and spokesmen.
On
Friday morning the Chiefs and spokesmen were duly presented, and after
their names were recorded, the Indians were invited to express their
views.
After some delay
they stated that there was a cloud before them which made things dark,
and they did not wish to commence the proceedings till the cloud was
dispersed.
On inquiring
into their meaning, I found that they were referring to some four of
their number who were prisoners in gaol. It seems that some Swampy
Indians had entered into a contract with the Hudson's Bay Company as
boatmen, and had deserted, and had been brought up before magistrates
under a local law of last session, and fined, and in default of payment
sent to prison for forty days.
Of
this term some considerable part had expired. A few of the offenders
had paid their fines, but there were still four Indians remaining in
prison.
On learning the
facts I told the Indians that I could not listen to them if they made a
demand for the release of the Indians as a matter of right; that every
subject of the Queen, whether Indian, half-breed or white, was equal in
the eye of the law; that every offender against the law must be
punished, whatever race he belonged to; but I said that on the opening
of negotiations with them the Queen would like to see all her Indians
taking part in them, and if the whole body present were to ask as a
matter of grace and favor, under the circumstances, that their brethren
should be released, Her Majesty would be willing to consent to their
discharge; she would grant as a favor what she must refuse if asked for
on any other ground. They replied by saying that they begged it as a
matter of favor only. Thereupon I acceded to their request, and
directed the discharge of the four Indians. This was received with
great satisfaction. I explained again, that there might be no
misunderstanding about it, that henceforth every offender against the
law must be punished. They all expressed their acquiescence in what I
said. The discharge of the prisoners had an excellent effect.
Next
morning the Indians, through one of their spokesmen, declared in
presence of the whole body assembled that from this time they would
never raise their voice against the law being enforced. After the order
of the release, the Chiefs and spokesmen addressed us questions were
asked and answered, and some progress made in the negotiations.
Eventually the meeting adjourned till this morning at ten o'clock.
A
general acquiescence in the views laid down by Mr. Simpson and myself
was expressed, but it was quite clear by the proceedings of to-day,
that our views were imperfectly apprehended. When we met this morning,
the Indians were invited to state their wishes as to the reserves, they
were to say how much they thought would be sufficient, and whether they
wished them all in one or in several places.
In
defining the limits of their reserves, so far as we could see, they
wished to have about two-thirds of the Province. We heard them out, and
then told them it was quite clear that they had entirely misunderstood
the meaning and intention of reserves. We explained the object of these
in something like the language of the memorandum enclosed, and then
told them it was of no use for them to entertain any such ideas, which
were entirely out of the question. We told them that whether they
wished it or not, immigrants would come in and fill up the country;
that every year from this one twice as many in number as their whole
people there assembled would pour into the Province, and in a little
while would spread all over it, and that now was the time for them to
come to an arrangement that would secure homes and annuities for
themselves and their children.
We
told them that what we proposed to allow them was an extent of one
hundred and sixty acres for each family of five, or in that proportion;
that they might have their land where they chose, not interfering with
existing occupants, that we should allow an annuity of twelve dollars
for every family of five, or in that proportion per head. We requested
them to think over these propositions till Monday morning.
If
they thought it better to have no treaty at all, they might do without
one, but they must make up their minds; if there was to be a treaty, it
must be on a basis like that offered.
That
under some such arrangements, the Indians in the east were living happy
and contented enjoying themselves, drawing their annuities, and
satisfied with their position.
The
observations seemed to command the acquiescence of the majority, and on
Monday morning we hope to meet them in a better frame for the
discussion and settlement of the treaty.
I have, etc.,
ADAMS G. ARCHIBALD.
The Honorable
The Secretary of State for the Provinces.
LOWER FORT GARRY,
MANITOBA, July 30th, 1871.
Sir,—I
have the honor to inform you, for the information of His Excellency the
Governor-General, that I arrived in this Province on the 16th instant,
and, after consultation with the Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba,
determined upon summoning the Indians of this part of the country to a
conference for the purpose of negotiating a treaty at Lower Fort Garry,
on Tuesday, the 25th instant, leaving for a future date the negotiation
with the Indians westward of and outside of the Province of Manitoba.
Proclamations
were issued, and every means taken to insure the attendance of the
Indians, and on Monday, the 24th instant, I proceeded to Lower Fort
Garry, where I met His Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor.
On
Tuesday, finding that only a small portion of the Indians had arrived,
we held a preliminary conference with Henry Prince—the Chief of the
Swampies and Chippewas residing on what is known as the Indian Reserve,
between Lower Fort Garry and Lake Winnipeg—at which we arranged a
meeting for the next day at twelve o'clock, for the purpose of
ascertaining the names of the Chiefs and head men of the several
tribes. At this preliminary conference, Henry Prince said that he could
not then enter upon any negotiations, as he was not empowered to speak
or act for those bands of Indians not then present.
In
the meantime it was found necessary to feed the Indians assembled here,
and accordingly provisions were purchased and rations served out.
On
Wednesday, the 26th, His Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor and myself
met those Indians who had arrived, in council, and addressed them with
the view of explaining the purport of my commission, and the matters
which were to form the subject of a treaty.
It
having been reported that the Indians who had not then arrived were on
their road here, we agreed that another meeting should take place on
the following day, at which the Chiefs and head men were to be
presented to us.
On
Thursday, pursuant to appointment, we again met the Indians, when the
Chiefs and head men of the several bands present were named and
presented. I then explained to them the nature of Indian reserves, and
desired them to determine, in council among themselves, the locality in
which they desired their reserves to be laid out.
On
Friday, the 28th, we again met the Indians, but they were not then
prepared to state their demands, and another meeting was appointed for
Saturday.
On Saturday, the
29th, we again met them, all having by this time arrived. When the
subject of reserves came up, it was found that the Indians had
misunderstood the object of these reservations, for their demands in
this respect were utterly out of the question. After a prolonged
discussion with them, I consulted with the Lieutenant-Governor, and
determined to let them at once understand the terms that I was prepared
to offer and I pointed out that the terms offered were those which
would receive Her Majesty's consent. On further explanation of the
subject, the Indians appeared to be satisfied, and willing to acquiesce
in our arrangements as hereinafter mentioned, and having given them
diagrams showing the size of the lots they would individually become
possessed of, and having informed them of the amount of their annuity,
it was finally settled that they should meet on Monday, the 31st and
acquaint me with their decision.
The
reserves will comprise sufficient land to give each family of five
persons one hundred and sixty acres, or in like proportion together
with an annual payment in perpetuity of twelve dollars for each family
of five persons, or in like proportion.
As far as I can judge, I am inclined to think
that the Indians will accept these terms.
I
am happy to be able to say that the precautions taken to prevent the
introduction of liquor amongst the Indians have been wholly successful,
and that perfect order and contentment have prevailed up to the present
time.
I have etc.
WEMYSS M. SIMPSON,
Indian Commissioner.
The Honorable
The Secretary of State for the Provinces,
Ottawa.
OTTAWA, November 3rd,
1871.
TO THE HONORABLE
THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE PROVINCES,
Ottawa
Sir,—I have the honor to
submit to you, for the information of His Excellency the
Governor-General, a report of my negotiations with the Indians of the
Province of Manitoba, and with certain of the Indians of the North-West
Territory, entered upon by me, in accordance with your instructions,
dated 3rd May, 1871.
Having,
in association with S. J. Dawson, Esq., and Robert Pether, Esq.,
effected a preliminary arrangement with the Indians of Rainy Lake, the
particulars of which I have already had the honor of reporting to you
in my Report, dated July 11th, 1871, I proceeded by the Lake of the
Woods and Dawson Road to Fort Garry, at which place I arrived on the
16th July.
Bearing in mind
your desire that I should confer with the Lieutenant-Governor of
Manitoba, I called upon Mr. Archibald, and learned from him that the
Indians were anxiously awaiting my arrival, and were much excited on
the subject of their lands being occupied without attention being first
given to their claims for compensation. Amongst the settlers, also, an
uneasy feeling existed, arising partly from the often-repeated demands
of the Indians for a treaty with themselves, and partly from the fact
that certain settlers in the neighborhood of Portage la Prairie and
other parts of the Province, had been warned by the Indians not to cut
wood or otherwise take possession of the lands upon which they were
squatting. The Indians, it appeared, consented to their remaining on
their holdings until sufficient time had been allowed for my arrival,
and the conclusion of a treaty; but they were unwilling to allow the
settlers the free use of the country for themselves or their cattle.
Mr. Archibald and those residents in the Province of Manitoba with whom
I conversed on the subject, appeared to think that no time should be
lost in meeting the Indians, as some assurances had already been given
them that a treaty would be made with them during the summer of 1871;
and I therefore, at once, issued notices calling certain of the Indians
together, naming two places at which I would meet them. The first
meeting, to which were asked the Indians of the Province and certain
others on the eastern side, was to be held on the 25th of July, at the
Stone Fort, a Hudson's Bay Company's Post, situated on the Red River,
about twenty miles northward of Fort Garry—a locality chosen as being
the most central for those invited. The second meeting was appointed to
be held on August 17th, at Manitoba Post, a Hudson's Bay Company's
Post, at the north-west extremity of Lake Manitoba, as it was deemed
that such of the bands of Indians residing without the limits of the
Province of Manitoba, as I purposed to deal with at present, would meet
there more readily than elsewhere.
On
Monday, the 24th of July, I met the Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba at
the Stone Fort; but negotiations were unavoidably delayed, owing to the
fact that only one band of Indians had arrived, and that until all were
on the spot those present declined to discuss the subject of a treaty,
except in an informal manner. Amongst these, as amongst other Indians
with whom I have come in contact, there exists great jealousy of one
another, in all matters relating to their communications with the
officials of Her Majesty; and in order to facilitate the object in
view, it was most desirable that suspicion and jealousy of all kinds
should be allayed. The fact of the Commissioner having arrived was
sufficient evidence of the good intentions of Her Majesty's Government,
and it seemed better to await the arrival of all whom I had summoned,
than to press matters to an issue while any were absent. This, however,
entailed the necessity of feeding those who were already there, and
others as they arrived.
It
is customary in dealing with Indians to do so, and in this case it was
absolutely necessary, for, obviously, it would have been impossible to
invite those people from a distance, and then leave them to starve at
our doors, or, in search of food, to plunder the neighborhood into
which they had been introduced. At that season of the year the Indians
were not engaged in fishing or hunting, and consequently large numbers
of men, women and children attended at the place of meeting, for all of
whom food was provided. The price of provisions, even at the lowest
price for which they could be obtained, was high, pork being fifty
dollars a barrel, and flour twenty shillings sterling per hundred, and
such cattle as I was able to purchase £16 per head, so that the
expense
of keeping the Indians during the negotiation of treaty and payment of
the gratuity, which lasted eleven days, forms no small share of the
total expenditure. In addition to this expense, it was thought
necessary by the Lieutenant-Governor that Major Irvine commanding the
troops at Fort Garry should be requested to furnish a guard at the
Stone Fort during the negotiations, and that there should be at hand,
also, a force of constabulary, for the purpose of preventing the
introduction of liquor amongst the Indian encampments. Other expenses
of a somewhat similar nature were incurred, which would be totally
unnecessary upon any future occasion of payment being made to the
Indians of Manitoba. I may here refer to the apparently prolonged
duration of the first negotiation, and explain, in reference thereto,
the causes, or some of them, that entailed the loss of time and
attendant expense. For some time a doubt has existed whether the Chief,
nominally at the head of the Indians of the Indian settlement,
possessed the good will and confidence of that band; and I thought it
advisable to require that the several bands of Indians should select
such Chiefs as they thought proper, and present these men as their
authorized Chiefs, before anything was said as to the terms of a
treaty. The Indians having acquiesced in this proposal, forthwith
proceeded to such election; but the proceeding apparently involved
discussion and consideration amongst themselves, and two days elapsed
before the men chosen were presented for recognition, and the business
of the meeting commenced.
When
the peculiar circumstances surrounding the position of the Indians of
the Province were pointed out, the future of the country predicted, and
the views and intentions of the Government explained by the
Lieutenant-Governor and myself, the Indians professed a desire for time
to think over what had been said before making any reply; and when
their answer came it proved to contain demands of such an exorbitant
nature, that much time was spent in reducing their terms to a basis
upon which an arrangement could be made.
Every
band had its spokesman in addition to its Chief, and each seemed to vie
with another in the dimensions of their requirements. I may mention, as
an illustration, that in the matter of reserves, the quantity of land
demanded for each band amounted to about three townships per Indian,
and included the greater part of the settled portions of the Province.
It was not until the 3rd of August, or nine days after the first
meeting, that the basis of arrangement was arrived at, upon which is
founded the treaty of that date. Then, and by means of mutual
concessions, the following terms were agreed upon. For the cession of
the country described in the treaty referred to, and comprising the
Province of Manitoba, and certain country in the north-east thereof,
every Indian was to receive a sum of three dollars a year in
perpetuity, and a reserve was to he set apart for each band, of
sufficient size to allow one hundred and sixty acres to each family of
five persons, or in like proportion as the family might be greater or
less than five. As each Indian settled down upon his share of the
reserve, and commenced the cultivation of his land, he was to receive a
plough and harrow. Each Chief was to receive a cow and a male and
female of the smaller kinds of animals bred upon a farm. There was to
be a bull for the general use of each reserve. In addition to this,
each Chief was to receive a dress, a flag and a medal, as marks of
distinction; and each Chief, with the exception of Bozawequare, the
Chief of the Portage band, was to receive a buggy, or light spring
waggon. Two councillors and two braves of each band were to receive a
dress, somewhat inferior to that provided for the Chiefs, and the
braves and councillors of the Portage band excepted, were to receive a
buggy. Every Indian was to receive a gratuity of three dollars, which,
though given as a payment for good behaviour, was to be understood to
cover all dimensions for the past.
On
this basis the treaty was signed by myself and the several Chiefs, on
behalf of themselves and their respective bands, on the 3rd of August,
1871, and on the following day the payment commenced.
The
three dollars gratuity, above referred to, will not occur in the
ordinary annual payments to the Indians of Manitoba, and, though
doubling the amount paid this year, may now properly be regarded as
belonging to a previous year, but only now liquidated.
A
large number of Indians, entitled to share in the treaty, were absent
on the 3rd August, and in the belief that I should, almost immediately,
be able to obtain a more accurate knowledge than I possessed of the
numbers of the several bands, I paid to each person present only three
dollars—the gratuity—postponing for a short time the first annual
payment. Having completed this disbursement, I prepared to start for
Manitoba Post, to open negotiations with the Indians on the immediate
north and north-west borders of the Province of Manitoba, promising
however to visit the several bands of the first treaty, in their own
districts, and to there pay them. By this means the necessity for their
leaving their own homes, and for the Government's feeding them while
they were being paid, and during their journey home, was avoided.
After
completing the treaty at Manitoba Post, of which mention is herein
after made, I visited Portage la Prairie, the Indian settlement at St.
Peter's, Rivière Marais, and the Town of Winnipeg, according to
my
promise, and at each place, with the exception of Rivière
Marais, found
the Indians satisfied with the treaty and awaiting their payment. At
Rivière Marais, which was the rendezvous appointed by the bands
living
in the neighborhood of Pembina, I found that the Indians had either
misunderstood the advice given them by parties in the settlement, well
disposed towards the treaty, or, as I have some reason to believe had
become unsettled by the representations made by persons in the vicinity
of Pembina, whose interests lay elsewhere than in the Province of
Manitoba; for, on my announcing my readiness to pay them, they demurred
at receiving their money until some further concessions had been made
by me.
With a view to
inducing the Indians to adopt the habits and labors of civilization, it
had been agreed, at the signing of the treaty as before mentioned, to
give certain animals as a nucleus for stocking the several reserves,
together with certain farming implements; and it was now represented to
me by the spokesman of the bands, that as the Queen had, with that
kindness of heart which distinguished her dealings with her red
children, expressed a desire to see the Indians discard their former
precarious mode of living and adopt the agricultural pursuits of the
white man, they were desirous of acceding to the wish of their great
Mother, and were now prepared to receive the gifts she had been good
enough to speak of, through her Commissioner, in full. But, as it could
make no difference whatever to their great Mother whether these things
were given in kind or in money value, her red children of the Pembina
bands were resolved to receive them in the latter form. I had put a
valuation upon all the articles mentioned in the supplement to the
treaty, and could go no further in the matter unless I was prepared to
pay them for all these articles at the rates they would now proceed to
mention. I declined to comply with the request, and they declined to
receive their first annual payment, whereupon I broke up my camp and
returned to Winnipeg. As I foresaw at the time this determination on
their part was shortly repented, and a number of their leading men were
subsequently paid at Winnipeg, while at the request of the Indians, the
money for the remainder, together with a pay sheet, was forwarded to
the officer in charge of the Hudson's Bay Company's Post at Pembina,
with instructions to pay the Indians as per list as each might present
himself. At Portage la Prairie, although the number paid at the Stone
Fort was largely increased, there still remained many who, from absence
or other causes, were not paid, and by the request of the Chief the
money was left for these with the officers in charge of the Hudson's
Bay Company's Post, in the same manner as was done for the Pembina
bands.
As I was unable to
proceed to Fort Alexander, the payments for the Indians or for such of
them as were present at the signing of the treaty, were sent in like
manner to the officer in charge of the Hudson's Bay Company's Post at
Fort Alexander; but it may be as well to mention that the number so
paid will fall far short of the total number belonging to that place.
The latter remark will apply to the Pembina band, for their payment was
sent as per gratuity list, and there must necessarily have been others
who did not receive payment. All these must receive their back payments
during the course of next year.
During
the payment of the several bands, it was found that in some, and most
notably in the Indian settlement and Broken Head River Band, a number
of those residing among the Indians, and calling themselves Indians,
are in reality half-breeds, and entitled to share in the land grant
under the provisions of the Manitoba Act. I was most particular,
therefore, in causing it to be explained, generally and to individuals,
that any person now electing to be classed with Indians, and receiving
the Indian pay and gratuity, would, I believed, thereby forfeit his or
her right to another grant as a half-breed; and in all cases where it
was known that a man was a half-breed, the matter, as it affected
himself and his children, was explained to him, and the choice given
him to characterize himself. A very few only decided upon taking their
grants as half-breeds. The explanation of this apparent sacrifice is
found in the fact that the mass of these persons have lived all their
lives on the Indian reserves (so called), and would rather receive such
benefits as may accrue to them under the Indian treaty, than wait the
realization of any value in their half-breed grant.
The
Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba having expressed a desire to be present
at the negotiation of the treaty at Manitoba Post. His Honor,
accompanied by the Hon. James McKay, proceeded thither with me, in
company with Mr. Molyneux St. John, the Clerk of the Legislative
Assembly of Manitoba, who had assisted me in the duties connected with
the former treaty and payments. I left Winnipeg on the 13th August, but
owing to adverse winds on Lake Manitoba did not arrive until two days
after the time appointed. I found that, in the meanwhile, the officer
in charge of the Hudson's Bay Company's Post had been obliged to give
some provisions to the Indians pending my arrival, but on my speaking
to the leading men of the bands assembled, it was evident that the
Indians of this part had no special demands to make, but having a
knowledge of the former treaty, desired to be dealt with in the same
manner and on the same terms as those adopted by the Indians of the
Province of Manitoba.
The
negotiation with these bands therefore occupied little time and on the
21st August, 1871, a treaty was concluded by which a tract of country
three times as large as the Province of Manitoba was surrendered by the
Indians to the Crown. Payment in full, that is to say, the gratuity and
the first payment, was at once made; and I have since written to the
officers in charge of the Hudson's Bay Company's Posts within the tract
above referred to, requesting them to procure for me a reliable census
of the Indians, parties to this treaty.
I
have referred to the cost of effecting these treaties, and remarked
that it will prove to be exceptional. It may be regarded as entirely
so, as far as the Indians with whom the dealings were held are
concerned. In the future the annual payment will be only one-half to
each Indian of the amount paid this year, for the gratuity was the same
as the payment, and the heavy expense of feeding the Indians while at
the place of meeting and on their journey home, will be avoided by the
payment being made at or near their own reserves.
All
the collateral expenses, therefore, of this year, including dresses,
medals, presents to the Indians, etc., etc., will not appear in the
expenses attending during future payments.
But
it is to be remembered that a large number of Indians, whose lands were
ceded by the second treaty, were not present. The distance from the
hunting grounds of some to Manitoba Post is very great; but while their
absence was to be regretted for some reasons, it effected a very
considerable saving in the item of provisions.
During
the ensuing season, these persons will probably be found at the place
where the payments will be made, and will then require their payments
as if they had been present at the signing of the treaty.
Of
the land ceded in the Province of Manitoba, it will be hardly necessary
for me to speak, as His Excellency the Governor-General is already in
possession of accurate information touching its fertility and
resources; but I may observe that, valuable as are these lands, they
are fully equalled if not exceeded by the country of which the
Government now comes into possession by virtue of the treaty concluded
at Manitoba Post. Already settlers from the Provinces in Canada and
elsewhere are pushing their way beyond the limits of the Province of
Manitoba; and there is nothing but the arbitrary limits of that
Province, and certain wood and water advantages found in the territory
beyond it, to distinguish one part of the country from the other. The
fertility that is possessed by Manitoba is shared by the country and
its confines. The water courses of the Province are excelled by those
of the territory; and the want of wood which threatens serious
difficulty in the one is by no means so apparent in the other.
The
Indians of both parts have a firm belief in the honor and integrity of
Her Majesty's representatives, and are fully impressed with the idea
that the amelioration of their present condition is one of the objects
of Her Majesty in making these treaties. Although many years will
elapse before they can be regarded as a settled population—settled in
the sense of following agricultural pursuits—the Indians have already
shown a disposition to provide against the vicissitudes of the chase by
cultivating small patches of corn and potatoes. Moreover, in the
Province of Manitoba, where labor is scarce, Indians give great
assistance in gathering in the crops. At Portage la Prairie, both
Chippawas and Sioux were largely employed in the grain field; and in
other parishes I found many farmers whose employés were nearly
all
Indians.
Although serious
trouble has from time to time occurred across the boundary line, with
Indians of the same tribes, and indeed of the same bands as those in
Manitoba, there is no reason to fear any trouble with those who regard
themselves as subjects of Her Majesty. Their desire is to live at peace
with the white man, to trade with him, and, when they are disposed, to
work for him; and I believe that nothing but gross injustice or
oppression will induce them either to forget the allegiance which they
now claim with pride, or molest the white subjects of the sovereign
whom they regard as their Supreme Chief.
The
system of an annual payment in money I regard as a good one, because
the recipient is enabled to purchase just what he requires when he can
get it most cheaply, and it also enables him to buy articles at second
hand, from settlers and others, that are quite as useful to him as are
the same things when new. The sum of three dollars does not appear to
be large enough to enable an Indian to provide himself with many of his
winter necessaries; but as he receives the same amount for his wife or
wives, and for each of his children, the aggregate sum is usually
sufficient to procure many comforts for his family which he would
otherwise be compelled to deny himself.
* * * * *
I
take this opportunity of acknowledging the assistance afforded me in
successfully completing the two treaties, to which I have referred, by
His Honor the Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba, the Hon. James McKay,
and the officers of the Hudson's Bay Company. In a country where
transport and all other business facilities are necessarily so scarce,
the services rendered to the Government by the officers in charge of
the several Hudson's Bay Posts has been most opportune and valuable.
I have, etc.,
WEMYSS M. SIMPSON,
Indian Commissioner.
In
the year 1871 the Privy Council of Canada issued a joint commission to
Messrs. W. M. Simpson, S. J. Dawson and W. J. Pether, authorizing them
to treat with the Ojibbeway Indians for the surrender to the Crown of
the lands they inhabited—covering the area from the watershed of Lake
Superior to the north-west angle of the Lake of the Woods, and from the
American border to the height of land from which the streams flow
towards the Hudson's Bay. This step had become necessary in order to
make the route known as “the Dawson route,” extending from Prince
Arthur's Landing on Lake Superior to the north-west angle of the Lake
of the Woods, which was then being opened up, “secure for the passage
of emigrants and of the people of the Dominion generally,” and also to
enable the Government to throw open for settlement any portion of the
land which might be susceptible of improvement and profitable
occupation. The Commissioners accepted the appointment, and in July,
1871, met the Indians at Fort Francis.
The
tribes preferred claims for right of way through their country. The
Commissioners reported “that they had admitted these to a limited
extent and had made them presents in provisions and clothing and were
also to pay them a small amount in money, it being fully and distinctly
understood by the Indians that these presents and clothing were
accepted by them as an equivalent for all past claims whatever.” The
Commissioners having explained to them fully the intentions of the
Government as to obtaining a surrender of their territorial rights, and
giving in return therefor reserves of land and annual payments, asked
them to consider the proposals calmly* and meet the Commissioners the
succeeding summer to come to an arrangement. In 1872, the Indians were
found not to be ready for the making of a treaty and the subject was
postponed. In the year 1873 a commission was issued to the Hon.
Alexander Morris, then Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba and the
North-West Territories, Lieut.-Col. Provencher, who had in the interval
been appointed Commissioner of Indian Affairs in the place of Mr.
Simpson, who had resigned, and Lindsay Russell Esq., but the latter
being unable to act, Mr. Dawson, now M.P. for Algoma, was appointed
Commissioner in his stead. These Commissioners having accepted the duty
confided to them, met the Indians at the north-west angle of the Lake
of the Woods in the end of September, 1873, and, after protracted and
difficult negotiations, succeeded in effecting a treaty with them. A
copy of the treaty will be found in the Appendix, and a brief record of
the utterances of the Indians and of the Commissioners, which was taken
down in short hand by one of the soldiers of the militia force, is
hereto subjoined. This treaty was one of great importance, as it not
only tranquilized the large Indian population affected by it, but
eventually shaped the terms of all the treaties, four, five, six and
seven, which have since been made with the Indians of the North-West
Territories—who speedily became apprised of the concessions which had
been granted to the Ojibbeway nation. The closing scenes were striking
and impressive. The chief speaker, Mawe-do-pe-nais, thus winding up the
conference on the part of the Indians, in his final address to the
Lieutenant-Governor and his fellow Commissioners:
“Now
you see me stand before you all: what has been done here to day has
been done openly before the Great Spirit and before the nation, and I
hope I may never hear any one say that this treaty has been done
secretly: and now in closing this council, I take off my glove, and in
giving you my hand I deliver over my birthright and lands: and in
taking your hand I hold fast all the promises you have made, and I hope
they will last as long as the sun rises and the water flows, as you
have said.”
The conference
then adjourned, and on re-assembling, after the treaty had been read
and explained, the Commissioners signed it and the Lieutenant-Governor
called on an aged hereditary Chief, Kee-ta-kay-pi-nais, to sign next.
The Chief came forward, but declined to touch the pen, saying, “I must
first have the money in my hand.” The Lieutenant-Governor immediately
held out his hand and directed the interpreter to say to the chief,
“Take my hand and feel the money in it. If you cannot trust me for half
an hour do not trust me forever.” When this was repeated by the
interpreter, the Chief smiled, took the out-stretched hand, and at once
touched the pen, while his mark was being made, his last lingering
distrust having been effectively dispelled by this prompt action and
reply. The other Chiefs followed, and then the interpreter was directed
to tell Kee-ta-kay-pi-nais, the Chief, that he would be paid forthwith,
but the Chief at once replied, “Oh no, it is evening now, and I will
wait till to-morrow.” The payments were duly made next day, and so was
closed, a treaty, whereby a territory was enabled to be opened up, of
great importance to Canada, embracing as it does the Pacific Railway
route to the North-West Territories—a wide extent of fertile lands,
and, as is believed, great mineral resources. I now quote the official
despatch of the Lieutenant-Governor, dated the 14th October, 1873, in
which will be found, a full narrative of the proceedings, connected
with the treaty, and a statement of the results thereby effected. I
also submit a short-hand report of the negotiations connected with the
treaty.
GOVERNMENT HOUSE,
FORT GARRY, October 14th, 1873.
Sir,—I have the honor to
enclose copy of a treaty made by myself, Lieut.-Col. Provencher, Indian
agent and S. J. Dawson, Esq., Commissioner, acting on behalf of Her
Majesty, of the one part, and the Saulteaux tribe of Ojibbeway Indians
on the other, at the North-West Angle of the Lake of the Woods, on the
3rd of October, for the relinquishment of the Indian title to the tract
of land therein described and embracing 55,000 square miles. In the
first place, the holding of the negotiation of the treaty had been
appointed by you to take place at the North-West Angle before you
requested me to take part therein, and Mr. Dawson had obtained the
consent of the Indians to meet there on the 10th of September, but they
afterwards changed their minds, and refused to meet me unless I came to
Fort Francis. I refused to do this, as I felt that the yielding to the
demand of the Indians in this respect, would operate injuriously to the
success of the treaty, and the results proved the correctness of the
opinion I had formed. I therefore sent a special agent (Mr. Pierre
Levaillier) to warn them that I would meet them as arranged at the
North-West Angle on the 25th, or not at all this year, to which they
eventually agreed.
I left
here for the Angle on the 23rd September and arrived there on the 25th,
when I was joined by Messrs. Provencher and Dawson the last named of
whom I was glad to find had been associated with the Commissioners in
consequence of the resignation of Mr. Lindsey Russell, thereby giving
us the benefit as well of his knowledge of the country to be dealt
with, as of the several bands of Indians therein. Mr. Pether, of Fort
Francis, was also in attendance, and Mr. Provencher was accompanied by
Mr. St. John, of his department.
On
arriving, the Indians, who were already there, came up to the house I
occupied, in procession, headed by braves bearing a banner and a Union
Jack, and accompanied by others beating drums. They asked leave to
perform a dance in my honor, after which they presented to me the pipe
of peace. They were then supplied with provisions and returned to their
camp. As the Indians had not all arrived, and for other reasons, the
26th, 27th and 28th were passed without any progress but on the 29th I
sent them word that they must meet the Commissioners next morning.
Accordingly, on the 30th, they met us in a tent, the use of which I had
obtained from the military authorities. I explained to them the object
of the meeting, but as they informed me that they were not ready to
confer with us, I adjourned the meeting until next day. On the 1st
October they again assembled. The principal cause of the delay was
divisions and jealousies among themselves. The nation had not met for
many years, and some of them had never before been assembled together.
They were very jealous of each other, and dreaded any of the Chiefs
having individual communications with me, to prevent which they had
guards on the approaches to my house and Mr. Dawson's tent. On the 2nd
October they again assembled, when I again explained the object of the
meeting, through Mr. McPherson, an intelligent half-breed trader, whose
services I secured. M. Chatelan, the Government interpreter, was also
present. They had selected three spokesmen, and had also an Indian
reporter, whose duty was to commit to memory all that was said. They
had also secured the services of M. Joseph Nolin, of Point du Chene, to
take notes in French of the negotiations, a copy of which notes I
obtained from him and herewith enclose. The spokesmen informed me they
would not treat as to the land until we settled with them as to the
Dawson route, with regard to which they alleged Mr. Dawson had made
promises which had not been kept, and that they had not been paid for
the wood used in building the steamers, nor for the use of the route
itself. Mr. Dawson explained that he had paid them for cutting wood,
but had always asserted a common right to the use of wood and the water
way. He asked them what promise had not been kept, and pointed out that
the Government had twice before endeavored to treat with them for a
settlement of all matters. He referred them to me as to the general
question of the use of the route. They were unable to name any promises
which had not been kept. Thereupon I told them I came on behalf of the
Queen and the Government of the Dominion of Canada to treat with them
with regard to the lands and all other matters, but that they refused
to hear what I had to say; they had closed my mouth; and as we would
not treat except for the settlement of all matters past and future I
could not speak unless they asked me to do so. They conferred among
themselves, and seeing that we were quite firm, the spokesman came
forward and said that they would not close my mouth, after which they
would make their demands. The Commissioners had had a conference and
agreed, as they found there was no hope of a treaty for a less sum, to
offer five dollars per head, a present of ten dollars, and reserves of
farming and other lands not exceeding one square mile per family of
five, or in that proportion, sums within the limits of our
instructions, though I had private advices if possible not to give the
maximum sum named, as the Government had been under a misapprehension
as to amounts given to the bands in the United States. The Chiefs heard
my proposal, and the meeting adjourned until next day. On the 3rd
October the Chiefs again assembled and made a counter proposition, of
which I enclose a copy, being the demand they have urged since 1869. I
also enclose an estimate I had made of the money value of the demand,
amounting to $125,000 per annum. On behalf of the Commissioners I at
once peremptorily refused the demand. The spokesmen returned to the
Chiefs, who were arranged on benches, the people sitting on the ground
behind them, and on their return they informed me that the Chiefs,
warriors and braves were of one mind, that they would make a treaty
only if we acceded to their demand. I told them if so the conference
was over, that I would return and report that they had refused to make
a reasonable treaty, that hereafter I would treat with those bands who
were willing to treat, but that I would advise them to return to the
council and reconsider their determination before next morning, when,
if not, I should certainly leave. This brought matters to a crisis. The
Chief of the Lac Seul band came forward to speak. The others tried to
prevent him, but he was secured a hearing. He stated that he
represented four hundred people in the north, that they wished a
treaty, that they wished a school-master to be sent them to teach their
children the knowledge of the white man; that they had begun to
cultivate the soil and were growing potatoes and Indian corn, but
wished other grain for seed and some agricultural implements and
cattle. This Chief spoke under evident apprehension as to the course he
was taking in resisting the other Indians, and displayed much good
sense and moral courage. He was followed by the Chief “Blackstone,” who
urged the other Chiefs to return to the council and consider my
proposals, stating that he was ready to treat, though he did not agree
to my proposals nor to those made to me. I then told them that I had
known all along they were not united as they had said; that they ought
not to allow a few Chiefs to prevent a treaty, and that I wished to
treat with them as a nation and not with separate bands, as they would
otherwise compel me to do, and therefore urged them to return to their
council, promising to remain another day to give them time for
consideration. They spent the night in council, and next morning having
received a message from M. Charles Nolin, a French half-breed, that
they were becoming more amenable to reason, I requested the Hon. James
McKay (who went to the Angle three times to promote this treaty),
Charles Nolin and Pierre Levaillier to go down to the Indian Council,
and as men of their own blood, give them friendly advice. They
accordingly did so, and were received by the Indians, and in about half
an hour afterwards were followed by Messrs. Provencher and St. John,
who also took part in the interview with the Council of Chiefs. The
Chiefs were summoned to the conference by the sound of a bugle and
again met us, when they told me that the determination to adhere to
their demands had been so strong a bond that they did not think it
could be broken, but they had now determined to see if I would give
them anything more.
The
Commissioners had had a conference, and agreed previously to offer a
small sum for ammunition and twine for nets, yearly—a few agricultural
implements and seeds, for any band actually farming or commencing to
farm, and to increase the money payment by two dollars per head if it
should be found necessary in order to secure a treaty, maintaining a
permanent annuities at the sum fixed. The Indians on the other hand had
determined on asking fifteen dollars, with some other demands. In
fixing the ten dollars the Commissioners had done so as a sum likely to
be accepted in view of three dollars per head having been paid the
Indians the first year the Dawson route was used, and that they had
received nothing since. In reply to the Indians, I told them I was glad
that they had reconsidered their decision, and that as they had done
so, being desirous of inducing them to practice agriculture and to have
the means of getting food if their fishing and hunting failed, we would
give them certain implements, cattle and grain, once for all, and the
extra two dollars per head of a money payment. This proposal was
received favorably, but the spokesmen again came forward and said they
had some questions to ask before accepting my proposal. They wanted
suits of clothing every year for all the bands, and fifty dollars for
every Chief annually. This I declined, but told them that there were
some presents of clothing and food which would be given them this year
at the close of treaty. They then asked free passes forever over the
Canada Pacific Railway, which I refused. They then asked that no
“fire-water” should be sold on their reserves, and I promised that a
regulation to this effect should be introduced into the treaty. They
then asked that they should not be sent to war, and I told them the
Queen was not in the habit of employing the Indians in warfare. They
asked that they should have power to put turbulent men off their
reserves, and I told them the law would be enforced against such men.
They asked what reserves would be given them, and were informed by Mr.
Provencher that reserves of farming and other lands would be given them
as previously stated, and that any land actually in cultivation by them
would be respected. They asked if the mines would be theirs; I said if
they were found on their reserves it would be to their benefit, but not
otherwise. They asked if an Indian found a mine would he be paid for
it, I told them he could sell his information if he could find a
purchaser like any other person. They explained that some of their
children had married in the States, and they wished them to return and
live among them, and wanted them included in the treaty. I told them
the treaty was not for American Indians, but any bona fide British
Indians of the class they mentioned who should within two
years be found resident on British soil would be recognized.
They
said there were some ten to twenty families of half-breeds who were
recognized as Indians and lived with them, and they wished them
included. I said the treaty was not for whites, but I would recommend
that those families should be permitted the option of taking either
status as Indians or whites, but that they could not take both. They
asked that Mr. Charles Nolin should be employed as an Indian Agent, and
I stated that I would submit his name to the Government with favorable
mention of his services on that occasion. They asked that the Chiefs
and head men, as in other treaties, should get an official suit of
clothing, a nag, and a medal, which I promised. Mawedopenais produced
one of the medals given to the Red River Chiefs, said it was not
silver, and they were ashamed to wear it, as it turned black, and then,
with an air of great contempt, struck it with his knife. I stated that
I would mention what he had said, and the manner in which he had
spoken. They also stated the Hudson Bay Company had staked out ground
at Fort Francis, on part of the land they claimed to have used, and to
be entitled to, and I promised that enquiry would be made into the
matter. They apologized for the number of questions put me, which
occupied a space of some hours, and then the principal spokesman,
Mawedopenais, came forward and drew off his gloves, and spoke as
follows: “Now you see me stand before you all. What has been done here
to-day, has been done openly before the Great Spirit, and before the
nation, and I hope that I may never hear any one say that this treaty
has been done secretly. And now in closing this council, I take off my
glove, and in taking your hand, I deliver over my birthright, and
lands, and in taking your hand I hold fast all the promises you have
made, and I hope they will last as long as the sun goes round, and the
water flows, as you have said.” To which I replied as follows: “I
accept your hand, and with it the lands and will keep all my promises,
in the firm belief that the treaty now to be signed will bind the red
man and the white man together as friends forever.” The conference then
adjourned for an hour to enable the text of the treaty to be completed
in accordance with the understanding arrived at. At the expiration of
that period the conference was resumed, and after the reading of the
treaty, and an explanation of it in Indian by the Hon. James McKay it
was signed by the Commissioners and by the several Chiefs, the first
signature being that of a very aged hereditary Chief. The next day the
Indians were paid by Messrs. Pether and Graham, of the Department of
Public Works; the latter of whom kindly offered his services as Mr.
Provencher had to leave to keep another appointment. The negotiation
was a very difficult and trying one, and required on the part of the
Commissioners great patience and firmness. On the whole I am of opinion
that the issue is a happy one. With the exception of two bands in the
Shebandowan District, whose adhesion was secured in advance and the
signatures of whose Chiefs Mr. Dawson left to secure, the Indian title
has been extinguished over the vast tract of country comprising 55,000
square miles lying between the upper boundary of the Lake Superior
treaty, and that of the treaty made by Mr. Commissioner Simpson at
Manitoba Post, and embracing within its bounds the Dawson route, the
route of the Canada Pacific Railway and an extensive lumber and mineral
region. [Footnote: Mr. Dawson succeeded in obtaining the adhesion to
the treaty of the Chiefs in question.] It is fortunate, too that the
arrangement has been effected, as the Indians along the lakes and
rivers were dissatisfied at the use of the waters, which they
considered theirs, having been taken without compensation, so much so
indeed that I believe if the treaty had not been made, the Government
would have been compelled to place a force on the line next year.
Before
closing this despatch, I have much pleasure in bearing testimony to the
hearty co-operation and efficient aid the Commissioners received from
the Metis who were present at the Angle, and who, with one
accord, whether of French or English origin, used the influence which
their relationships to the Indians gave them to impress them with the
necessity of their entering into the treaty. I must also express my
obligations to the detachment of troops under the command of Captain
Macdonald, assigned me as an escort, for their soldierly bearing and
excellent conduct while at the Angle. Their presence was of great
value, and had the effect of deterring traders from bringing articles
of illicit trade for sale to the Indians; and moreover exercised a
moral influence which contributed most materially to the success of the
negotiations. I have further to add, that it was found impossible,
owing to the extent of the country treated for, and the want of
knowledge of the circumstances of each band, to define the reserves to
be granted to the Indians. It was therefore agreed that the reserves
should be hereafter selected by officers of the Government, who should
confer with the several bands, and pay due respect to lands actually
cultivated by them. A provision was also introduced to the effect that
any of the reserves, or any interest in them, might hereafter be sold
for the benefit of the Indians by the Government with their consent. I
would suggest that instructions should be given to Mr. Dawson to select
the reserves with all convenient speed; and, to prevent complication I
would further suggest that no patents should be issued, or licenses
granted, for mineral or timber lands, or other lands, until the
question of the reserves has been first adjusted.
I have the honor to be, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
ALEXANDER MORRIS.
Lieut.-Governor.
Attention is called to the ensuing report of
the proceedings connected with the treaty, extracted from the
Manitoban
newspaper of the 18th October, 1873, published at Winnipeg. The reports
of the speeches therein contained were prepared by a short-hand
reporter and present an accurate view of the course of the discussions,
and a vivid representation of the habits of Indian thought.
NORTH-WEST ANGLE,
September 30, 1873.
The Lieutenant-Governor
and party, and the other Commissioners appointed to negotiate a treaty
with the Indians, arrived here on Thursday, 24th inst., having enjoyed
delightful weather during the entire trip from Fort Garry. The Governor
occupies the house of the officer in charge of the H. B. Post. The
grounds around it have been nicely graded and cleared of brush, and
surrounded by rows of evergreens planted closely, so as to completely
screen the house from wind, and at the same time contribute much to
relieve the monotony of the scenery. Immediately west of this, and
likewise enclosed by walls of evergreens, is the large marquee used as
a Council House, by the contracting parties; and immediately
surrounding it to the north and west are the tents of the other
officers of the Commission and the officers and men of the Volunteers
on detachment duty.
Situated
to the eastward, and extending all along the river bank, are the tents
of the Indians to the number of a hundred, with here and there the tent
of the trader, attracted thither by the prospect of turning an honest
penny by exchanging the necessaries of Indian life for such amounts of
the price of their heritage as they can be induced to spend.
The
natives now assembled here number about 800 all told, and hail from the
places given below. Among them are many fine physically developed men,
who would be considered good looking were it not for the extravagance
with which they be-smear their faces with pigments of all colors.
It
was at first thought probable that the serious business of the meeting
would be begun on Friday, but owing to the non-arrival of a large body
of Rainy River and Lac Seul representatives, it was decided to defer it
until next day. Saturday came, and owing to the arrival of a messenger
from the Lac Seul band asking the Governor to wait for their arrival,
proceedings have further stayed until Monday. But “hope deferred maketh
the heart sick;” so the advent of Monday brought nothing but
disappointment, and this, coupled with the disagreeable wet and cold
weather that prevailed, made every one ill at ease if not miserable.
The Chiefs were not ready to treat—they had business of their own to
transact, which must be disposed of before they could see the Governor;
and so another delay was granted. But Monday did not find them ready,
and they refused to begin negotiations. An intimation from the Governor
that unless they were ready on the following day he would leave for
home on Wednesday, hurried them up a little—they did wait on him
to-day, Tuesday, but only to say they had not yet finished their own
business, but that they would try and be ready to treat on Wednesday.
And so the matter stands at present—if the Indians agree amongst
themselves, the treaty will be opened to-morrow, otherwise the Governor
will strike camp and return to Fort Garry.
Divisions
and local jealousies have taken possession of the Indian mind. The
difficulties are the inability of the Indians to select a high or
principal chief from amongst themselves, and as to the matter and
extent of the demands to be made.
It
is many years since these people had a general council, and in the
interval many head men have died, while others have grown to man's
estate, and feel ambitious to take part in the proceedings. But the
fiat has gone forth, that unless a conclusion is arrived at to-morrow
negotiations will be broken off for this year.
BOUNDARIES OF THE LANDS
TO BE CEDED
Beginning
at the North-West Angle eastward, taking in all the Lake of the Woods,
including White Fish Bay, Rat Portage and north to White Dog in English
River; up English River to Lake Seul, and then south east to Lake
Nepigon; westward to Rainy River and down it to Lake of the Woods, and
up nearly to Lac des Mille Lacs; then beginning at the 49th parallel to
White Mouth River, thence down it to the north, along the eastern
boundary of the land ceded in 1871, embracing 55,000 square miles.
In
the neighborhood of Lac des mille Lacs and Shebandowan are several
bands, who have sent word that they cannot come as far as this point,
but will accept the terms made at this treaty and ratify it with any
one commissioner who will go there to meet them.
The whole number of Indians in the territory
is estimated at 14,000, and are represented here by Chiefs of the
following bands:
1. North-West Angle.
2. Rat Portage.
3. Lake Seul.
4. White Fish Bay on Lake of the Woods.
5. Sha-bas-kang, or Grassy Narrows.
6. Rainy River.
7. Rainy Lake.
8. Beyond Kettle Falls, southward.
9. Eagle Lake.
10. Nepigon.
11. Shoal Lake (three miles to the north of this point).
NORTH-WEST ANGLE,
October 1, 1873.
The assembled Chiefs met
the Governor this morning, as per agreement, and opened the proceedings
of the day by expressing the pleasure they experienced at meeting the
Commissioners on the present occasion. Promises had many times been
made to them, and, said the speaker, unless they were now fulfilled
they would not consider the broader question of the treaty.
Mr.
S. J. Dawson, one of the Commissioners, reciprocated the expression of
pleasure used by the Chiefs through their spokesman. He had long looked
forward to this meeting, when all matters relating to the past, the
present, and the future, could be disposed of so as to fix permanently
the friendly relations between the Indians and the white men. It was
now, he continued, some years since the white men first came to this
country—they came in the first place at the head of a great military
expedition; and when that expedition was passing through the country
all the chiefs showed themselves to be true and loyal subjects—they
showed themselves able and willing to support their Great Mother the
Queen. Subsequently, when we began to open up the road, we had to call
upon the Indians to assist us in doing so, and they always proved
themselves very happy to help in carrying out our great schemes. He
was, he continued, one of the Commission employed by the Government to
treat with them and devise a scheme whereby both white men and Indians
would be benefitted. We made to the Indians the proposals we were
authorized to make, and we have carried out these proposals in good
faith. This was three years ago. What we were directed to offer we did
offer, but the Indians thought it was too little, and negotiations were
broken off. Since this I have done what was in my power to bring about
this meeting with new terms, and consider it a very happy day that you
should be assembled to meet the Governor of the Territory as
representative of Her Majesty. He would explain to them the proposals
he had to make. He had lived long amongst them and would advise them as
a friend to take the opportunity of making arrangements with the
Governor. When we arrange the general matters in question, should you
choose to ask anything, I shall be most happy to explain it, as I am
here all the time.
The
Chief in reply said his head men and young men were of one mind, and
determined not to enter upon the treaty until the promises made in the
past were fulfilled, they were tired of waiting. What the Commissioners
called “small matters” were great to them, and were what they wished to
have settled.
The route that had been built through the
country proved this, and the Commissioners promised something which
they now wanted.
This
was taking the Commissioners on a new tack, but Mr. Dawson promptly
undertook to answer the objections. He said all these questions had
been discussed before; but if he had made any promises that remained
unfulfilled, he would be happy to learn their nature. The Chief replied
that all the houses on the line, and all the big boats on the waters,
were theirs, and they wanted to be recompensed for them.
Mr.
Dawson continued, saying he was glad they had now come to a point on
which they could deal. The Indians questioned the right of the
Government to take wood for the steamers. This was a right which the
speaker had all along told them was common to all Her Majesty's
subjects. He then referred them to the Governor if they had anything
more to say on that subject. Wood on which Indians had bestowed labor
was always paid for; but wood on which we had spent our own labor was
ours.
His Excellency then
addressed them at some length. He understood that they wanted to have
the questions in which they were interested treated separately. This
was not what he came there for. Wood and water were the gift of the
Great Spirit, and were made alike for the good of both the white man
and red man. Many of his listeners had come a long way, and he, too,
had come a long way, and he wanted all the questions settled at once,
by one treaty. He had a message from the Queen, but if his mouth was
kept shut, the responsibility would rest on the Indians, and not with
him if he were prevented from delivering it. He had authority to tell
them what sum of money he could give them in hand now, and what he
could give them every year; but it was for them to open his mouth. He
concluded his remarks, which were forcibly delivered, with an emphatic
“I have said.”
The Chief
reiterated that he and his young men were determined not to go on with
the treaty until the first question was disposed of. What was said
about the trees and rivers was quite true, but it was the Indian's
country, not the white man's. Following this the Governor told the
Council that unless they would settle all the matters, the big and
little, at once, he would not talk. He was bound by his Government, and
was of the same mind to treat with them on all questions, and not on
any one separately.
On
seeing His Excellency so firm, and feeling that it would not do to
allow any more time to pass without coming to business the Chief asked
the Governor to open his mouth and tell what propositions he was
prepared to make.
His
Excellency then said—“I told you I was to make the treaty on the part
of our Great Mother the Queen, and I feel it will be for your good and
your children's. I should have been very sorry if you had shut my
mouth, if I had had to go home without opening my mouth. I should not
have been a true friend of yours if I had not asked you to open my
mouth. We are all children of the same Great Spirit, and are subject to
the same Queen. I want to settle all matters both of the past and the
present, so that the white and red man will always be friends. I will
give you lands for farms, and also reserves for your own use. I have
authority to make reserves such as I have described, not exceeding in
all a square mile for every family of five or thereabouts. It may be a
long time before the other lands are wanted, and in the meantime you
will be permitted to fish and hunt over them. I will also establish
schools whenever any band asks for them, so that your children may have
the learning of the white man. I will also give you a sum of money for
yourselves and every one of your wives and children for this year. I
will give you ten dollars per head of the population and for every
other year five dollars a head. But to the chief men, not exceeding two
to each band, we will give twenty dollars a-year for ever. I will give
to each of you this year a present of goods and provisions to take you
home, and I am sure you will be satisfied.”
After
consultation amongst themselves, the Councillors went to have a talk
about the matter and will meet the Governor to-morrow morning, when it
is expected the bargain will be concluded. Of course the Indians will
make some other demands.
Immediately
after the adjournment as above, the Governor presented an ox to the
people in camp; and the way it disappeared would have astonished the
natives of any other land. Half-an-hour after it was led into
encampment, it was cut up and boiling in fifty pots.
THIRD DAY
Proceedings
were opened at eleven o'clock by the Governor announcing that he was
ready to hear what the Chiefs had to say. The Fort Francis Chief acted
as spokesman, assisted by another Chief, Powhassan.
MA-WE-DO-PE-NAIS—“I
now lay down before you the opinions of those you have seen before. We
think it a great thing to meet you here. What we have heard yesterday,
and as you represented yourself, you said the Queen sent you here, the
way we understood you as a representative of the Queen. All this is our
property where you have come. We have understood you yesterday that Her
Majesty has given you the same power and authority as she has,
to act in this business; you said the Queen gave you her goodness, her
charitableness in your hands. This is what we think, that the Great
Spirit has planted us on this ground where we are, as you were where
you came from. We think where we are is our property. I will tell you
what he said to us when he planted us here; the rules that we should
follow—us Indians—He has given us rules that we should follow to govern
us rightly. We have understood you that you have opened your charitable
heart to us like a person taking off his garments and throwing them to
all of us here. Now, first of all, I have a few words to address to
this gentleman (Mr. Dawson). When he understood rightly what was my
meaning yesterday, he threw himself on your help. I think I have a
right to follow him to where he flew when I spoke to him on the subject
yesterday. We will follow up the subject from the point we took it up.
I want to answer what we heard from you yesterday, in regard to the
money that you have promised us yesterday to each individual. I want to
talk about the rules that we had laid down before. It is four years
back since we have made these rules. The rules laid down are the rules
that they wish to follow—a council that has been agreed upon by all the
Indians. I do not wish that I should be required to say twice what I am
now going to lay down. We ask fifteen dollars for all that you see, and
for the children that are to be born in future. This year only we ask
for fifteen dollars; years after ten dollars; our Chiefs fifty dollars
per year for every year, and other demands of large amounts in writing,
say $125,000 yearly.”
ANOTHER
CHIEF—“I take my standing point from here. Our councillors have in
council come to this conclusion, that they should have twenty dollars
each; our warriors, fifteen dollars; our population, fifteen dollars.
We have now laid down the conclusion of our councils by our decisions.
We tell you our wishes are not divided. We are all of one mind.” (Paper
put in before the Governor for these demands.)
CHIEF—“I
now let you know the opinions of us here. We would not wish that anyone
should smile at our affairs, as we think our country is a large matter
to us. If you grant us what is written on that paper, then we will talk
about the reserves; we have decided in council for the benefit of those
that will be born hereafter. If you do so the treaty will be finished,
I believe.”
GOVERNOR—“I
quite agree that this is no matter to smile at. I think that the
decision of to-day is one that affects yourselves and your children
after, but you must recollect that this is the third time of
negotiating. If we do not shake hands and make our Treaty to-day, I do
not know when it will be done, as the Queen's Government will think you
do not wish to treat with her. You told me that you understood that I
represented the Queen's Government to you and that I opened my heart to
you, but you must recollect that if you are a council there is
another great council that governs a great Dominion, and they hold
their councils the same as you hold yours. I wish to tell you that I am
a servant of the Queen. I cannot do my own will; I must do hers. I can
only give you what she tells me to give you. I am sorry to see that
your hands were very wide open when you gave me this paper. I thought
what I promised you was just, kind and fair between the Queen and you.
It is now three years we have been trying to settle this matter. If we
do not succeed to-day I shall go away feeling sorry for you and for
your children that you could not see what was good for you and for
them. I am ready to do what I promised you yesterday. My hand is open
and you ought to take me by the hand and say, “yes, we accept of your
offer.” I have not the power to do what you ask of me. I ask you once
more to think what you are doing, and of those you have left at home,
and also of those that may be born yet, and I ask you not to turn your
backs on what is offered to you, and you ought to see by what the Queen
is offering you that she loves her red subjects as much as her white. I
think you are forgetting one thing, that what I offer you is to be
while the water flows and the sun rises. You know that in the United
States they only pay the Indian for twenty years, and you come here
to-day and ask for ever more than they get for twenty years. Is that
just? I think you ought to accept my offer, and make a treaty with me
as I ask you to do. I only ask you to think for yourselves, and for
your families, and for your children and children's children, and I
know that if you do that you will shake hands with me to-day.”
CHIEF—“I
lay before you our opinions. Our hands are poor but our heads are rich,
and it is riches that we ask so that we may be able to support our
families as long as the sun rises and the water runs.”
GOVERNOR—“I
am very sorry; you know it takes two to make a bargain; you are agreed
on the one side, and I for the Queen's Government on the other. I have
to go away and report that I have to go without making terms with you.
I doubt if the Commissioners will be sent again to assemble this
nation. I have only one word more to say; I speak to the Chief and to
the head men to recollect those behind them, and those they have left
at home, and not to go away without accepting such liberal terms and
without some clothing.”
CHIEF—“My
terms I am going to lay down before you; the decision of our Chiefs;
ever since we came to a decision you push it back. The sound of the
rustling of the gold is under my feet where I stand;
we have a rich country; it is the Great Spirit who gave us this; where
we stand upon is the Indians' property, and belongs to them. If you
grant us our requests you will not go back without making the treaty.”
ANOTHER
CHIEF—“We understood yesterday that the Queen had given you the power
to act upon, that you could do what you pleased, and that the riches of
the Queen she had filled your head and body with, and you had only to
throw them round about; but it seems it is not so, but that you have
only half the power that she has, and that she has only half filled
your head.”
GOVERNOR—“I do
not like to be misunderstood. I did not say yesterday that the Queen
had given me all the power; what I told you was that I was sent here to
represent the Queen's Government, and to tell you what the Queen was
willing to do for you. You can understand very well; for instance, one
of your great chiefs asks a brave to deliver a message, he represents
you, and that is how I stand with the Queen's Government.”
CHIEF—“It
is your charitableness that you spoke of yesterday—Her Majesty's
charitableness that was given you. It is our chiefs, our young men, our
children and great grand-children, and those that are to be born, that
I represent here, and it is for them I ask for terms. The white man has
robbed us of our riches, and we don't wish to give them up again
without getting something in their place.”
GOVERNOR—“For
your children, grand-children, and children unborn, I am sorry that you
will not accept of my terms. I shall go home sorry, but it is your own
doing; I must simply go back and report the fact that you refuse to
make a treaty with me.”
CHIEF—“You
see all our chiefs before you here as one mind; we have one mind and
one mouth. It is the decision of all of us; if you grant us our demands
you will not go back sorrowful; we would not refuse to make a treaty if
you would grant us our demands.”
GOVERNOR—“I
have told you already that I cannot grant your demands, I have not the
power to do so. I have made you a liberal offer, and it is for you to
accept or refuse it as you please.”
CHIEF—“Our chiefs have the same opinion; they
will not change their decision.”
GOVERNOR—“Then the Council is at an end.”
CHIEF
(of Lac Seule)—“I understand the matter that he asks; if he puts a
question to me as well as to others, I say so as well as the rest. We
are the first that were planted here; we would ask you to assist us
with every kind of implement to use for our benefit, to enable us to
perform our work; a little of everything and money. We would borrow
your cattle; we ask you this for our support; I will find whereon to
feed them. The waters out of which you sometimes take food for
yourselves, we will lend you in return. If I should try to stop you—it
is not in my power to do so; even the Hudson's Bay Company—that is a
small power—I cannot gain my point with it. If you give what I ask, the
time may come when I will ask you to lend me one of your daughters and
one of your sons to live with us; and in return I will lend you one of
my daughters and one of my sons for you to teach what is good, and
after they have learned, to teach us. If you grant us what I ask,
although I do not know you, I will shake hands with you. This is all I
have to say.”
GOVERNOR—“I
have heard and I have learned something. I have learned that you are
not all of one mind. I know that your interests are not the same—that
some of you live in the north far away from the river, and some live on
the river, and that you have got large sums of money for wood that you
have cut and sold to the steamboats; but the men in the north have not
this advantage. What the Chief has said is reasonable; and should you
want goods I mean to ask you what amount you would have in goods, so
that you would not have to pay the traders' prices for them. I wish you
were all of the same mind as the Chief who has just spoken. He wants
his children to be taught. He is right. He wants to get cattle to help
him to raise grain for his children. It would be a good thing for you
all to be of his mind, and then you would not go away without making
this treaty with me.”
BLACKSTONE
(Shebandowan)—“I am going to lay down before you the minds of those who
are here. I do not wish to interfere with the decisions of those who
are before you, or yet with your decisions. The people at the height of
land where the waters came down from Shebandowan to Fort Frances, are
those who have appointed me to lay before you our decision. We are
going back to hold a Council.”
MR.
DAWSON—“I would ask the Chief who has just spoken, did the band at
Shebandowan—did Rat McKay, authorize him to speak for them?
Ke-ha-ke-ge-nen is Blackstone's own Chief; and I am perfectly willing
to think that he authorized him. What I have to say is that the Indians
may not be deceived by representations made to them, and that the two
bands met me at Shebandowan and said they were perfectly willing to
enter into a treaty.”
GOVERNOR—“I
think the nation will do well to do what the Chief has said. I think he
has spoken sincerely, and it is right for them to withdraw and hold a
Council among themselves.”
Blackstone
here handed in a paper which he alleged gave him authority as Chief,
but which proved to be an official acknowledgement of the receipt of a
letter by the Indian Department at Ottawa.
The
Governor here agreed with the Council that it would be well for the
Chiefs to have another meeting amongst themselves. It was a most
important day for them and for their children, and His Excellency would
be glad to meet them again.
The
Council broke up at this point, and it was extremely doubtful whether
an agreement could be come to or not. The Rainy River Indians were
careless about the treaty, because they could get plenty of money for
cutting wood for the boats, but the northern and eastern bands were
anxious for one. The Governor decided that he would make a treaty with
those bands that were willing to accept his terms, leaving out the few
disaffected ones. A Council was held by the Indians in the evening, at
which Hon. James McKay, Pierre Léveillée, Charles Nolin,
and Mr. Genton
were present by invitation of the Chiefs. After a very lengthy and
exhaustive discussion, it was decided to accept the Governor's terms,
and the final meeting was announced for Friday morning. Punctually at
the appointed time proceedings were opened by the Fort Francis Chiefs
announcing to His Excellency that they were all of one mind, and would
accept his terms, with a few modifications. The discussion of these
terms occupied five hours, and met every possible contingency so fully
that it would be impossible to do justice to the negotiators otherwise
than by giving a full report of the speeches on both sides; but want of
space compels us to lay it over until next week.
The
treaty was finally closed on Friday afternoon, and signed on Saturday,
after which a large quantity of provisions, ammunition and other goods
were distributed.
When the
council broke up last (Thursday) night, 3rd October, it looked very
improbable that an understanding could be arrived at, but the firmness
of the Governor, and the prospect that he would make a treaty with such
of the bands as were willing to accept his terms, to the exclusion of
the others, led them to reconsider their demands. The Hon. James McKay,
and Messrs. Nolin, Genton, and Léveillée were invited in
to their
council, and after a most exhaustive discussion of the circumstance in
which they were placed, it was resolved to accept the Governor's terms,
with some modifications. Word was sent to this effect, and at eleven
o'clock on Friday, conference was again held with His Excellency.
The
Fort Francis Chief opened negotiations by saying:—“We present our
compliments to you, and now we would tell you something. You have
mentioned our councillors, warriors and messengers—every Chief you see
has his councillors, warriors and messengers.”
GOVERNOR—“I
was not aware what names they gave me—they gave their chief men. I
spoke of the subordinates of the head Chiefs; I believe the head Chiefs
have three subordinates—I mean the head Chief and three of his head
men.”
CHIEF—“I am going to
tell you the decision of all before you. I want to see your power and
learn the most liberal terms that you can give us.”
GOVERNOR—“I
am glad to meet the Chiefs, and I hope it will be the last time of our
meeting. I hope we are going to understand one another to-day. And that
I can go back and report that I left my Indian friends contented, and
that I have put into their hands the means of providing for themselves
and their families at home; and now I will give you my last words. When
I held out my hands to you at first, I intended to do what was just and
right, and what I had the power to do at once,—not to go
backwards and forwards, but at once to do what I believe is just and
right to you. I was very much pleased yesterday with the words of the
Chief of Lac Seul. I was glad to hear that he had commenced to farm and
to raise things for himself and family, and I was glad to hear him ask
me to hold out my hand. I think we should do everything to help you by
giving you the means to grow some food, so that if it is a bad year for
fishing and hunting you may have something for your children at home.
If you had not asked it the Government would have done it all the same,
although I had not said so before. I can say this, that when a band
settles down and actually commences to farm on their lands, the
Government will agree to give two hoes, one spade, one scythe, and one
axe for every family actually settled; one plough for every ten
families, five harrows for every twenty families, and a yoke of oxen, a
bull and four cows for every band; and enough barley, wheat and oats to
plant the land they have actually broken up. This is to enable them to
cultivate their land, and it is to be given them on their commencing to
do so, once for all. There is one thing that I have thought over, and I
think it is a wise thing to do. That is to give you ammunition, and
twine for making nets, to the extent of $1,500 per year, for the whole
nation, so that you can have the means of procuring food.—Now, I will
mention the last thing that I can do. I think that the sum I have
offered you to be paid after this year for every man, woman and child
now, and for years to come, is right and is the proper sum I will not
make an change in that, but we are anxious to show you that we have a
great desire to understand you—that we wish to do the utmost in our
power to make you contented, so that the white and the red man will
always be friends. This year, instead of ten dollars we will give you
twelve dollars, to be paid you at once as soon as we sign the treaty.
This is the best I can do for you I wish you to understand we do not
come here as traders but as representing the Crown, and to do what we
believe is just and right. We have asked in that spirit, and I hope you
will meet me in that spirit and shake hands with me day and make a
treaty for ever. I have no more to say.”
CHIEF—“I
wish to ask some points that I have not properly understood. We
understand that our children are to have two dollars extra. Will the
two dollars be paid to our principal men as well? And these things that
are promised will they commence at once and will we see it year after
year?”
GOVERNOR—“I thought
I had spoken fully as to everything, but I will speak again. The
ammunition and twine will be got at once for you, this year, and
that will be for every year. The Commissioner will see that you get
this at once; with regard to the things to help you to farm, you must
recollect, in a very few days the river will be frozen up here and we
have not got these things here now. But arrangements will be made next
year to get these things for those who are farming, it cannot be done
before as you can see yourselves very well. Some are farming, and I
hope you will all do so.”
CHIEF—“One thing I did not say that is most
necessary—we want a cross-cut saw, a whip saw, grindstone and files.”
GOVERNOR—“We will do that, and I think we
ought to give a box of common tools to each Chief of a Band.”
CHIEF—“Depending
upon the words you have told us, and stretched out your hands in a
friendly way, I depend upon that. One thing more we demand—a suit of
clothes to all of us.”
GOVERNOR—“With
regard to clothing, suits will be given to the Chiefs and head men, and
as to the other Indians there is a quantity of goods and provisions
here that will be given them at the close of the treaty. The coats of
the Chiefs will be given every three years.”
CHIEF—“Once more; powder and shot will not go
off without guns. We ask for guns.”
GOVERNOR—“I have shewn every disposition to
meet your view, but what I have promised is as far as I can go.”
CHIEF—“My
friends, listen to what I am going to say, and you, my brothers. We
present you now with our best and our strongest compliments. We ask you
not to reject some of our children who have gone out of our place; they
are scattered all over, a good tasted meat hath drawn them away, and we
wish to draw them all here and be contented with us.”
GOVERNOR—“If your children come and live
here, of course they will become part of the population, and be as
yourselves.”
CHIEF—“I
hope you will grant the request that I am going to lay before you. I do
not mean those that get paid on the other side of the line, but some
poor Indians who may happen to fall in our road. If you will accept of
these little matters, the treaty will be at an end. I would not like
that one of my children should not eat with me, and receive the food
that you are going to give me.”
GOVERNOR—“I
am dealing with British Indians and not American Indians, after the
treaty is closed we will have a list of the names of any children of
British Indians that may come in during two years and be ranked with
them; but we must have a limit somewhere.”
CHIEF—“I
should not feel happy if I was not to mess with some of my children
that are around me—those children that we call the Half-breed—those
that have been born of our women of Indian blood. We wish that they
should be counted with us, and have their share of what you have
promised. We wish you to accept our demands. It is the Half-breeds that
are actually living amongst us—those that are married to our women.”
GOVERNOR—“I
am sent here to treat with the Indians. In Red River, where I came
from, and where there is a great body of Half-breeds, they must be
either white or Indian. If Indians, they get treaty money; if the
Half-breeds call themselves white, they get land. All I can do is to
refer the matter to the Government at Ottawa, and to recommend what you
wish to be granted.”
CHIEF—“I
hope you will not drop the question; we have understood you to say that
you came here as a friend, and represented your charitableness, and we
depend upon your kindness. You must remember that our hearts and our
brains are like paper; we never forget. There is one thing that we want
to know. If you should get into trouble with the nations, I do not wish
to walk out and expose my young men to aid you in any of your wars.”
GOVERNOR—“The
English never call the Indians out of their country to fight their
battles. You are living here and the Queen expects you to live at peace
with the white men and your red brothers, and with other nations.”
ANOTHER
CHIEF—“I ask you a question—I see your roads here passing through the
country, and some of your boats—useful articles that you use for
yourself. Bye and bye we shall see things that run swiftly, that go by
fare—carriages—and we ask you that us Indians may not have to pay their
passage on these things, but can go free.”
GOVERNOR—“I
think the best thing I can do is to become an Indian. I cannot promise
you to pass on the railroad free, for it may be a long time before we
get one; and I cannot promise you any more than other people.”
CHIEF—“I must address myself to my friend
here, as he is the one that has the Public Works.”
MR.
DAWSON—“I am always happy to do anything I can for you. I have always
given you a passage on the boats when I could. I will act as I have
done though I can give no positive promise for the future.”
CHIEF—“We must have the privilege of
travelling about the country where it is vacant.”
MR. McKAY—“Of course, I told them so.”
CHIEF—“Should we discover any metal that was
of use, could we have the privilege of putting our own price on it?”
GOVERNOR—“If
any important minerals are discovered on any of their reserves the
minerals will be sold for their benefit with their consent, but not on
any other land that discoveries may take place upon; as regards other
discoveries, of course, the Indian is like any other man. He can sell
his information if he can find a purchaser.”
CHIEF—“It
will be as well while we are here that everything should be understood
properly between us. All of us—those behind us—wish to have their
reserves marked out, which they will point out, when the time comes.
There is not one tribe here who has not laid it out.”
COMMISSIONER
PROVENCHER (the Governor being temporarily absent)—“As soon as it is
convenient to the Government to send surveyors to lay out the reserves
they will do so, and they will try to suit every particular band in
this respect.”
CHIEF—“We do not want anybody to mark out our
reserves, we have already marked them out.”
COMMISSIONER—“There
will be another undertaking between the officers of the Government and
the Indians among themselves for the selection of the land; they will
have enough of good farming land, they may be sure of that.”
CHIEF—“Of
course, if there is any particular part wanted by the public works they
can shift us. I understand that; but if we have any gardens through the
country, do you wish that the poor man should throw it right away?”
COMMISSIONER—“Of course not.”
CHIEF—“These
are matters that are the wind-up. I begin now to see how I value the
proceedings. I have come to this point, and all that are taking part in
this treaty and yourself I would wish to have all your names in writing
handed over to us. I would not find it to my convenience to have a
stranger here to transact our business between me and you. It is a
white man who does not understand our language that is taking it down.
I would like a man that understands our language and our ways. We would
ask your Excellency as a favor to appoint him for us.”
GOVERNOR—“I
have a very good feeling to Mr. C. Nolin, he has been a good man here;
but the appointment of an Agent rests with the authorities at Ottawa
and I will bring your representation to them, and I am quite sure it
will meet with the respect due to it.”
CHIEF—“As
regards the fire water, I do not like it and I do not wish any house to
be built to have it sold. Perhaps at times if I should be unwell I
might take drop just for medicine; and shall any one insist on bringing
it where we are, I should break the treaty.”
GOVERNOR—“I
meant to have spoken of that myself, I meant to put it in the treaty.
He speaks good about it. The Queen and her Parliament in Ottawa have
passed a law prohibiting the use of it in this territory, and if any
shall be brought in for the use of you as medicine it can only come in
by my permission.”
CHIEF—“Why we keep you so long is that it is
our wish that everything should be properly understood between us,”
GOVERNOR—“That is why I am here. It is my
pleasure, and I want when we once shake hands that it should be
forever.”
CHIEF—“That
is the principal article. If it was in my midst the fire water would
have spoiled my happiness, and I wish it to be left far away from where
I am. All the promises that you have made me, the little promises and
the money you have promised, when it comes to me year after year—should
I see that there is anything wanting, through the negligence of the
people that have to see after these things, I trust it will be in my
power to put them in prison.”
GOVERNOR—“The
ear of the Queen's Government will always be open to hear the
complaints of her Indian people, and she will deal with her servants
that do not do their duty in a proper manner.”
CHIEF—“Now you have promised to give us all
your names. I want a copy of the treaty that will not be rubbed off, on
parchment.”
GOVERNOR—“In the mean time I will give you a
copy on paper, and as soon as I get back I will get you a copy on
parchment.”
CHIEF—“I
do not wish to be treated as they were at Red River—that provisions
should be stopped as it is there. Whenever we meet and have a council I
wish that provisions should be given to us. We cannot speak without
eating.”
GOVERNOR—“You are mistaken. When they are
brought together at Red River for their payments they get provisions.”
CHIEF—“We wish the provisions to come from
Red River.”
GOVERNOR—“If the Great Spirit sends the
grasshopper and there is no wheat grown in Red River, we cannot give it
to you.”
CHIEF—“You
have come before us with a smiling face, you have shown us great
charity—you have promised the good things; you have given us your best
compliments and wishes, not only for once but for ever; let there now
for ever be peace and friendship between us. It is the wish of all that
where our reserves are peace should reign, that nothing shall be there
that will disturb peace. Now, I will want nothing to be there that will
disturb peace, and will put every one that carries arms,—such as
murderers and thieves—outside, so that nothing will be there to disturb
our peace.”
GOVERNOR—“The
Queen will have policemen to preserve order, and murderers and men
guilty of crime will be punished in this country just the same as she
punishes them herself.”
CHIEF—“To
speak about the Hudson's Bay Company. If it happens that they have
surveyed where I have taken my reserve, if I see any of their signs I
will put them on one side.”
GOVERNOR—“When
the reserves are given you, you will have your rights. The Hudson's Bay
Company have their rights, and the Queen will do justice between you.”
CHIEF
OF FORT FRANCIS—“Why I say this is, where I have chosen for my reserve
I see signs that the H. B. Co. has surveyed. I do not hate them. I only
wish they should take their reserves on one side. Where their shop
stands now is my property; I think it is three years now since they
have had it on it.”
GOVERNOR—“I
do not know about that matter; it will be enquired into. I am taking
notes of all these things and am putting them on paper.”
CHIEF—“I
will tell you one thing. You understand me now, that I have taken your
hand firmly and in friendship. I repeat twice that you have done so,
that these promises that you have made, and the treaty to be concluded,
let it be as you promise, as long as the sun rises over our head and as
long as the water runs. One thing I find, that deranges a little my
kettle. In this river, where food used to be plentiful for our
subsistence, I perceive it is getting scarce. We wish that the river
should be left as it was formed from the beginning—that nothing be
broken.”
GOVERNOR—“This is a subject that I cannot
promise.”
MR.
DAWSON—“Anything that we are likely to do at present will not interfere
with the fishing, but no one can tell what the future may require, and
we cannot enter into any engagement.”
CHIEF—“We
wish the Government would assist us in getting a few boards for some of
us who are intending to put up houses this fall, from the mill at Fort
Francis.”
GOVERNOR—“The mill is a private enterprise,
and we have no power to give you boards from that.”
CHIEF—“I will now show you a medal that was
given to those who made a treaty at Red River by the Commissioner. He
said it was silver, but I
do not think it is. I should be ashamed to carry it on my breast over
my heart. I think it would disgrace the Queen, my mother, to wear her
image on so base a metal as this. [Here the Chief held up the medal and
struck it with the back of his knife. The result was anything but the
'true ring,' and made every man ashamed of the petty meanness that had
been practised.] Let the medals you give us be of silver—medals that
shall be worthy of the high position our Mother the Queen occupies.”
GOVERNOR—“I will tell them at Ottawa what
you have said, and how you have said it.”
CHIEF—“I wish you to understand you owe the
treaty much to the Half-breeds.”
GOVERNOR—“I
know it. I sent some of them to talk with you, and I am proud that all
the Half-breeds from Manitoba, who are here, gave their Governor their
cordial support.”
The
business of the treaty having now been completed, the Chief,
Mawedopenais, who, with Powhassan, had with such wonderful tact carried
on the negotiations, stepped up to the Governor and said:—
“Now
you see me stand before you all; what has been done here to-day has
been done openly before the Great Spirit, and before the nation, and I
hope that I may never hear any one say that this treaty has been done
secretly; and now, in closing this Council, I take off my glove, and in
giving you my hand, I deliver over my birth-right and lands; and in
taking your hand, I hold fast all the promises you have made, and I
hope they will last as long as the sun goes round and the water flows,
as you have said.”
The Governor then took his hand and said:
“I
accept your hand and with it the lands, and will keep all my promises,
in the firm belief that the treaty now to be signed will bind the red
man and the white together as friends for ever.”
A
copy of the treaty was then prepared and duly signed, after which a
large amount of presents consisting of pork, flour, clothing, blankets,
twine, powder and shot, etc., were distributed to the several bands
represented on the ground.
On
Saturday, Mr. Pether, Local Superintendent of Indian Affairs at Fort
Francis, and Mr. Graham of the Government Works, began to pay the
treaty money—an employment that kept them busy far into the night. Some
of the Chiefs received as much as one hundred and seventy dollars for
themselves and families.
As
soon as the money was distributed the shops of the H. B. Co., and other
resident traders were visited, as well as the tents of numerous private
traders, who had been attracted thither by the prospect of doing a good
business. And while these shops all did a great trade—the H. B. Co.
alone taking in $4,000 in thirty hours—it was a noticeable fact that
many took home with them nearly all their money. When urged to buy
goods there, a frequent reply was: “If we spend all our money here and
go home and want debt, we will be told to get our debt where we spent
our money.” “Debt” is used by them instead of the word “credit.” Many
others deposited money with white men and Half-breeds on whose honor
they could depend, to be called for and spent at Fort Garry when “the
ground froze.”
One very
wonderful thing that forced itself on the attention of every one was
the perfect order that prevailed throughout the camp, and which more
particularly marked proceedings in the council. Whether the demands put
forward were granted by the Governor or not, there was no petulance, no
ill-feeling, evinced; but everything was done with a calm dignity that
was pleasing to behold, and which might be copied with advantage by
more pretentious deliberative assemblies.
On
Sunday afternoon, the Governor presented an ox to the nation, and after
it had been eaten a grand dance was indulged in. Monday morning the
river Indians took passage on the steamer for Fort Francis, and others
left in their canoes for their winter quarters.
The
Governor and party left on Monday morning, the troops, under command of
Captain McDonald, who had conducted themselves with the greatest
propriety, and had contributed, by the moral effect of their presence,
much to the success of the negotiation, having marched to Fort Garry on
Saturday morning.
This
treaty, is, so generally called, from having been made at the
Qu'Appelle Lakes, in the North-West Territories. The Indians treated
with, were a portion of the Cree and Saulteaux Tribes, and under its
operations, about 75,000 square miles of territory were surrendered.
This treaty, was the first step towards bringing the Indians of the
Fertile Belt into closer relations with the Government of Canada, and
was a much needed one. In the year 1871, Major Butler was sent into the
North-West Territories by the Government of Canada, to examine into and
report, with regard to the state of affairs there. He reported, to
Lieutenant-Governor Archibald, that “law and order are wholly unknown
in the region of the Saskatchewan, in so much, as the country is
without any executive organization, and destitute of any means of
enforcing the law.” Towards remedying this serious state of affairs,
the Dominion placed the North-West Territories under the rule of the
Lieutenant-Governor and Council of the Territories, the
Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba, being, ex officio, Governor of
the Territories. This body, composed of representative men, possessed
executive functions, and legislative powers. They entered upon their
duties with zeal, and discharged them with efficiency. Amongst other
measures, they passed a prohibitory liquor law, which subsequently was
practically adopted by a Statute of the Dominion. They proposed the
establishment of a Mounted Police Force, a suggestion which was given
force to by the Dominion Cabinet, and they recommended, that, treaties
should be made, with the Indians at Forts Qu'Appelle, Carlton and Pitt,
recommendations, which, were all, eventually, carried out. In the
report of the Minister of the Interior, for the year 1875, he states
“that it is due to the Council to record the fact, that the legislation
and valuable suggestions, submitted to your Excellency, from time to
time, through their official head, Governor Morris, aided the
Government not a little in the good work of laying the foundations of
law and order, in the North-West, in securing the good will of the
Indian tribes, and in establishing the prestige of the Dominion
Government, throughout that vast country.” In accordance with these
suggestions, the Government of the Dominion, decided, on effecting a
treaty, with the plain Indians, Crees and Chippawas, who inhabit the
country, of which, Fort Qu'Appelle, was a convenient centre, and
entrusted the duty, to the Hon. Alexander Morris then
Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba and the North-West Territories, the
Hon. David Laird, then Minister of the Interior, and now
Lieutenant-Governor of the North-West Territories, and the Hon. W. J.
Christie, a retired factor of the Hudson's Bay Company, and a gentleman
of large experience, among the Indian tribes.
In
pursuance of this mission, these gentlemen left Fort Garry in August,
1874, and journeyed to Lake Qu'Appelle (the calling or echoing lake),
where they met the assembled Indians, in September. The Commissioners,
had an escort of militia, under the command of Lieut.-Col. Osborne
Smith, C.M.G. This force marched to and from Qu'Appelle, acquitted
themselves with signal propriety, and proved of essential service.
Their return march was made in excellent time. The distance, three
hundred and fifty miles having been accomplished in sixteen and a half
days.
The Commissioners
encountered great difficulties, arising, from the excessive demands of
the Indians, and from the jealousies, existing between the two Nations,
Crees and Chippawas, but by perseverance, firmness and tact, they
succeeded in overcoming the obstacles, they had to encounter, and
eventually effected a treaty, whereby the Indian title was extinguished
in a tract of country, embracing 75,000 square miles of territory.
After long and animated discussions the Indians, asked to be granted
the same terms as were accorded to the Indians of Treaty Number Three,
at the North-West Angle, hereinbefore mentioned. The Commissioners
assented to their request and the treaty was signed accordingly.
On
the return, of the Commissioners to Fort Ellice, they met there, the
Chippawas of that vicinage, and made a supplementary treaty with them.
These Indians were included in the boundaries of Treaty Number Two, but
had not been treated with, owing to their distance from Manitoba House,
where that treaty was made. In 1875, the Hon. W. J. Christie, and Mr.
M. G. Dickieson, then of the Department of the Interior, and
subsequently, Assistant Superintendent of Indian affairs, in the
North-West Territories, were appointed to make the payments of
annuities, to the Indians, embraced in the Treaty Number Four, and
obtain the adhesion of other bands, which had not been present at
Qu'Appelle, the previous year. They met, the Indians, at Qu'Appelle
(where six Chiefs who had been absent, accepted the terms of the
treaty) and at Fort Pelly and at Shoal River, where two other Chiefs,
with their bands, came into the treaty stipulations. A gratifying
feature connected with the making of this, and the other, North-Western
Treaties, has been the readiness, with which the Indians, who were
absent, afterwards accepted the terms which had been settled for them,
by those, who were able to attend. I close these observations, by
annexing, the reports of Lieutenant-Governor Morris, to the Honorable
the Secretary of State of Canada, of date 17th October, 1874, giving,
an account, of the making of the treaties at Qu'Appelle and Fort
Ellice, and an extract, from that of Messrs. Christie and Dickieson,
dated 7th October, 1875, describing its further completion, and I also
insert, accurate short-hand reports of the proceedings at Qu'Appelle
and Fort Ellice, which, were made, at the time, by Mr. Dickieson, who,
was present, at the treaty, as secretary to the Commissioners. These
will be found to be both interesting and instructive.
GOVERNMENT HOUSE,
FORT GARRY, MANITOBA, October 17, 1874.
Sir,—I have the honor to
inform you that in compliance with the request of the Government, I
proceeded to Lake Qu'Appelle in company with the Hon. David Laird, in
order to act with him and W. J. Christie, Esq., as Commissioners to
negotiate a treaty with the tribes of Indians in that region.
Mr.
Laird and I left Fort Garry on the 26th of August, and arrived at Lake
Qu'Appelle on the 8th of September, Mr. Christie having gone in advance
of us to Fort Pelly.
We
were accompanied on arriving by the escort of militia under the command
of Lieut.-Col. W. Osborne Smith, who had preceded us, but whom we had
overtaken.
The escort took
up their encampment at a very desirable situation on the edge of the
lake, the Indians being encamped at some distance.
The
Commissioners were kindly provided with apartments by W. J. McLean,
Esq., the officer in charge of the Hudson Bay Company's Post.
After
our arrival, the Commissioners caused the Indians to be summoned, to
meet them, in a marquee tent adjoining the encampment of the militia.
The
Crees came headed by their principal Chief “Loud Voice,” and a number
of Saulteaux followed, without their Chief, Coté. The
Commissioners,
having decided that it was desirable that there should be only one
speaker on behalf of the Commissioners, requested me owing to my
previous experience with the Indian tribes and my official position as
Lieutenant-Governor of the North-West Territories, to undertake the
duty, which I agreed to do. Accordingly, I told the Indians the object
of our coming and invited them to present to us their Chiefs and
headmen. “Loud Voice” stated that they were not yet ready and asked for
a delay till next day, to which we assented.
On
the 9th, four Indian soldiers were sent to the Commissioners to ask for
two days delay, but we replied that when they met us in conference they
could prefer any reasonable request, but that we expected them to meet
us as agreed on the previous day, and further that the Saulteaux had
not conducted themselves with proper respect to the Commissioners, as
representatives of the Crown, as their principal Chief Coté had
not met
us. Eventually, both the Crees and the Saulteaux met us, with their
Chiefs, when I addressed them. They asked time to deliberate and we
appointed the 11th at ten o'clock for the next conference.
The Crees then left the tent suddenly, under
constraint of the Indian soldiers, who compelled the Chiefs to go.
On the 11th we sent a bugler round to summon
the Indians to the appointed conference, but they did not come.
Instead
the Saulteaux sent word that they could not meet us except in their own
soldiers tent, distant about a mile from the militia encampment, but we
refused to do so.
The Crees
were ready to proceed to the marquee, but were prevented by the
Saulteaux, a section of whom displayed a turbulent disposition and were
numerically the strongest party. We sent our interpreter Charles Pratt,
a Cree Indian, who was educated at St. John's College here, and who is
a catechist of the Church of England, to tell the Indians that they
must meet us as agreed upon.
In
consequence, about four o'clock in the afternoon the Crees led by “Loud
Voice,” came to the conference but the Saulteaux kept away, though a
number were sent to hear and report. On behalf of the Commissioners, I
then explained to the Crees the object of our mission and made our
proposals for a treaty, but as they were not ready to reply, we asked
them to return to their tents and meet us next day.
On
the 12th the Crees and Saulteaux sent four men from the soldiers tent
or council, which they had organized, to ask that the encampment of the
militia and the conference tents should be removed half way, towards
their encampment.
In
consequence, we requested Lieut.-Col. Smith to proceed to the Indian
encampment and ascertain the meaning of this demand authorizing him, if
necessary, to arrange for the pitching of the conference tent nearer
the Indians, if that would give them any satisfaction.
He
reported, on his return, that the Indians wished the militia to encamp
with them, and that they objected to meet us anywhere on the reserve of
the Hudson Bay Company, as they said they could not speak freely there.
He
refused to remove the militia camp, as it was a very desirable place
where it had been placed, but with the assent of the Indians selected a
spot adjoining the reserve and at a suitable distance from the Indian
tents, on which the conference tent was to be daily erected, but to be
removed after the conferences closed.
We then summoned the Indians to meet us at
one o'clock which they did at the appointed place.
After
the formal hand shaking, which ceremony they repeat at the beginning
and close of every interview the Commissioners submitted their terms
for a treaty, which were in effect similar to those granted at the
North-West Angle, except that the money present offered was eight
dollars per head, instead of twelve dollars as there.
The
Indians declined, however, to talk about these proposals, as they said
there was something in the way. They objected to the reserve having
been surveyed for the Hudson Bay Company, without their first having
been consulted, and claimed that the £300,000 paid to the Company
should be paid to them. They also objected to the Company's trading in
the Territory, except only at their posts. The Commissioners refused to
comply with their demands, and explained to them how the Company had
become entitled to the reserve in question, and the nature of the
arrangement, that had resulted in the payment by the Government of
Canada of the £300,000.
The
conference adjourned to Monday the 14th, on which day the Commissioners
again met them, but the Cree Chief “Loud Voice” asked for another day
to consider the matter, and “Coté” or “Meemay” the Saulteaux
Chief,
from Fort Pelly, asked to be treated with, at his own place. They
demanded, that the Company should only be allowed to trade at their own
posts, and not to send out traders into the Territory—which was of
course refused, it being explained to them that all Her Majesty's
subjects had equal right of trading. The Commissioners then agreed to
grant a final delay of another day, for further consideration. Up to
this period the position was very unsatisfactory.
The
Crees were from the first ready to treat, as were the Saulteaux from
Fort Pelly, but the Saulteaux of the Qu'Appelle District were not
disposed to do so and attempted to coerce the other Indians.
They
kept the Chiefs “Loud Voice” and “Coté” under close
surveillance, they
being either confined to their tents or else watched by “soldiers,” and
threatened if they should make any overtures to us.
The
Saulteaux cut down the tent over the head of one of the Cree Chiefs and
conducted themselves in such a manner, that “Loud Voice" applied to the
Commissioners for protection, and the Crees purchased knives and armed
themselves.
The Saulteaux,
one day went the length of placing six “soldiers,” armed with rifles
and revolvers, in the conference tent to intimidate the other Indians,
a step which was promptly counteracted by Lieut.-Col. Smith, calling in
six of the militiamen who were stationed in the tent. In this
connection, I must take the opportunity of stating that the results
proved the wisdom of the course taken by the Commissioners in obtaining
the escort of the militia, as their presence exerted great moral
influence, and I am persuaded, prevented the jealousies and ancient
feud between the Crees and Saulteaux culminating in acts of violence.
The
conduct of the whole force was excellent and, whether on the march or
in the encampment ground, they conducted themselves in a most
creditable manner.
Resuming,
however, my narrative, on the 15th of September, the Commissioners
again met the Indians at eleven o'clock in the forenoon.
The
Crees had, in the interval, decided to treat with us independently, and
the Saulteaux, finding this, came to a similar conclusion. After a
protracted interview, the Indians asked to be granted the same terms as
were given at the North-West Angle. The Commissioners took time to
consider and adjourned the conference until three o'clock.
In
the interval, the Commissioners, being persuaded that a treaty could
not otherwise be made, determined on acceding to the request of the
Indians.
The Indians,
having again met the Commissioners in the afternoon, presented their
Chiefs to them, when they asked to be informed what the terms granted
at the North-West Angle were. These were fully and carefully explained
to them, but after a request that all the Indians owed to the Hudson
Bay Company should be wiped out and a refusal of the Commissioners to
entertain their demands, they then asked that they should be paid
fifteen dollars per annum per head, which was refused, and they were
informed that the proposals of the Commissioners were final, and could
not be changed.
The Chiefs
then agreed to accept the terms offered and to sign the treaty, having
first asked that the Half-breeds should be allowed to hunt, and having
been assured that the population in the North-West would be treated
fairly and justly, the treaty was signed by the Commissioners and the
Chiefs, having been first fully explained to them by the interpreter.
Arrangements
were then made to commence the payment and distribution of the presents
the next day, a duty which was discharged by Mr. Christie and Mr.
Dickieson, Private Secretary of the Hon. Mr. Laird.
I
forward you to form an appendix to this despatch, a report marked “A”
and “B” extended from notes taken in short hand, by Mr. Dickieson, of
the various conferences and of the utterances of the Commissioners and
the Indians.
It is obvious
that such a record will prove valuable, as it enables any
misunderstanding on the part of the Indians, as to what was said at the
conference, to be corrected, and it, moreover, will enable the council
better to appreciate the character of the difficulties that have to be
encountered in negotiating with the Indians.
On
the 17th I left for Fort Ellice, in company with Mr. Laird, Mr.
Christie and Mr. Dickieson remaining to complete the payments, which
were satisfactorily disposed of.
Before
leaving, the Chiefs “Loud Voice” and Coté called on us to tender
their
good wishes, and to assure us that they would teach their people to
respect the treaty.
The
Commissioners received every assistance in their power from Mr.
McDonald of Fort Ellice, in charge of the Hudson Bay Company District
of Swan River, and from Mr. McLean, in charge of the Qu'Appelle Post,—I
also add, that the Half-breed population were I believe generally
desirous of seeing the treaty concluded and used the influence of their
connection with the Indians in its favor.
I forward in another despatch a copy of an
address I received from the Metis, or Half-breeds, together with
my reply thereto.
The
treaty was taken charge of by the Hon. Mr. Laird, and will be by him
placed on record in his Department and submitted to council for
approval.
I enclose herewith, however, a printed copy
of it, marked “C,” to accompany this despatch.
The supplementary treaty made at Fort Ellice
will form the subject of another despatch.
Trusting
that the efforts of the Commissioners to secure a satisfactory
understanding with the Western Indians will result in benefit to the
race, advantage to the Dominion, and meet the approval of the Privy
Council,
I have the honor to be, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
ALEXANDER MORRIS,
Lieut.-Gov. N. W. T.
GOVERNMENT HOUSE,
FORT GARRY, MANITOBA, October 17th, 1874.
Sir,—Referring to my
despatch of the 17th inst., (No. 211) I have the honor to report that
Mr. Laird and I arrived at Fort Ellice from Qu'Appelle Lakes, on
Saturday the 19th of September.
On
Monday, we met the band of Saulteaux Indians, who make their
headquarters at Fort Ellice, and who had remained there, instead of
going to Qu'Appelle at our request.
This
band have been in the habit of migrating between the region covered by
the Second Treaty and that comprehended in the Fourth, but had not been
treated with.
We proposed
to them to give their adhesion to the Qu'Appelle Treaty and surrender
their claim to lands, wherever situated, in the North-West Territories,
on being given a reserve and being granted the terms on which the
treaty in question was made. We explained fully these terms and asked
the Indians to present to us their Chief and headmen. As some of the
band were absent, whom the Indians desired to be recognized as headmen,
only the Chief and one headman were presented. These, on behalf of the
Indians accepted the terms and thanked the Queen and the Commissioners
for their care of the Indian people. A supplement to the treaty was
then submitted and fully explained to them, by our acting interpreter,
Joseph Robillard, after which it was signed by Mr. Laird and myself,
and by the Chief and head man.
The
original of the supplementary treaty will be submitted for approval by
Mr. Laird, but I annex a printed copy of it, as an appendix to this
despatch.
I also annex,
notes of the conference with these Indians, extended from the short
hand report taken of the proceedings by Mr. Dickieson, Private
Secretary to the Hon. Mr. Laird.
In
the afternoon, Mr. Christie and Mr. Dickieson arrived from Lake
Qu'Appelle, and shortly afterwards proceeded to make the payments to
the Indians, under the treaty.
It
was satisfactory to have this band dealt with, as they asserted claims
in the region covered by the Manitoba Post Treaty, but had not been
represented at the time it was made.
On
the 22nd of September the Commissioners left Fort Ellice and arrived at
Fort Garry on the afternoon of the 26th of that month, having been
absent a little over a month.
I have the honor to be, Sir,
Your obedient Servant,
ALEXANDER MORRIS,
Lieut.-Gov. N. W. T.
THE HONORABLE
THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE PROVINCES,
Ottawa.
WINNIPEG, MANITOBA,
7th October, 1875.
Sir,—We
have now the honor to submit, for your information, our final report in
connection with our missions to the Indians included in Treaty No 4.
As
former reports have made you fully acquainted with the arrangements
that had been entered into previous to our departure from this place,
any further reference to them is unnecessary.
Having
left Winnipeg on the 19th August, we arrived at Fort Ellice on the
24th, the day appointed for the meeting the Indians of that place. The
same evening we had an interview with, and fully explained the terms
and conditions of the treaty to some of the Indians who were not
present when the treaty was concluded last year. Next morning, by
appointment, we met all the Indians and explained to them the object of
our mission, and, after considerable discussion, made arrangements to
commence paying the annuities next day. This, however, was prevented by
heavy rains, which continued more or less to retard our operations on
the two following days, the 27th and 28th, but everything was
satisfactorily concluded with this band on the evening of the latter
day, and on the following morning we started for the Qu'Appelle Lakes,
accompanied by an escort of fifteen men of the Mounted Police Force,
under the command of Sub-Inspector McIllree, which had arrived at Fort
Ellice on the evening of the 26th, and reached our destination on the
forenoon of the 2nd September.
As
you are aware, we had heard before leaving Winnipeg, that the number of
Indians assembled at the Qu'Appelle Lakes would be very large, but we
did not anticipate that so many as we found (nearly five hundred
lodges) would be congregated.
We
at once saw that the funds at our disposal to pay the annuities and
gratuities would be inadequate, and availed ourselves of the
opportunity presented by the return of Major Irvine to Winnipeg, to
forward a telegram on the 5th September, requesting a further amount of
six thousand dollars to be placed to our credit; and we may state here,
though out of the order of time, as we found after the first two days
payments that we had still underestimated the number of Indians
present, we transmitted a telegram to Winnipeg by special messenger, on
the 9th September, for a further credit of fifteen thousand dollars.
On
the 3rd September we met the Indians and explained the object of our
mission, and, for the benefit of those who were absent last year, the
terms and conditions of the treaty, and stated that we were now ready
to fulfil so many of the obligations therein contained as the
Government were bound to execute this year. The Indians declined saying
anything on this occasion, but wished to meet and confer with in the
following day, as they had something they wished to speak about. They
accordingly met us on the 4th, and made several demands, one of which
was that the annuities be increased to twelve dollars per head. We
replied that the treaty concluded last year was a covenant between them
and the Government, and it was impossible to comply with their demands;
that all we had to do was to carry out the terms of the treaty in so
far as the obligations of the same required. An idea seemed prevalent
among the Indians who were absent last year that no treaty had been
concluded then; that all which had been done at that time was merely
preliminary to the making of the treaty in reality, which they thought
was to be performed this year. The prevalence of this opinion amongst
them operated very prejudicially to the furthering of our business, and
we saw that until this was done away with it would be impossible to do
anything towards accomplishing the real object of our mission. After a
great deal of talking on their part, and explanation on ours, the
meeting adjourned until Monday morning, as it was necessary that
provisions should be issued to the different bands that evening for the
following day.
On Monday
(the 6th) we again met the Indians, and as they evidently wished to
have another day's talking to urge the same demands they had made on
Saturday, we assured them all further discussion on the subject was
useless; that if they declined to accept the terms of the treaty we
must return and report to the Government that they had broken the
promise made last year. They then asked that we should report to the
Government what they had demanded. This we agreed to do. After some
further explanation to those Chiefs who had not signed the treaty, the
payment of the annuities and gratuities was commenced and continued by
Messrs. Dickieson and Forsyth on this and the three following days
until completed, during which time Mr. Christie conferred with the
Chiefs as to the locality of their reserves.
Six
Chiefs who had not been present last year when the treaty was
concluded, agreed to accept the terms of the same, and signed their
adhesion previous to being paid. The instruments thus signed by them
are transmitted herewith.
The
suits of clothes, flags, medals and copies of the treaty were given to
the Chiefs and headmen as they were paid, and on the 10th the
ammunition and twine were distributed, also provisions to each band for
the return journey to their hunting grounds. * * * * * *
We have the honor to be, Sir,
Your obedient servants,
W. J. CHRISTIE,
Indian Commissioner.
M. G. DICKIESON.
Report of the
proceedings at the Conference between the Hon. Alexander Morris,
Lieut.-Governor of the North-West Territories, the Hon. David Laird,
Minister of the Interior, and W. J. Christie, Esq., the Commissioners
appointed by Order in Council to treat with the Indians inhabiting the
country described in the said Order in Council, the first conference
having been held at Qu'Appelle, September 8th, 1874:
FIRST DAY'S CONFERENCE
At
four o'clock the Commissioners entered the marquee erected for the
accommodation of themselves, and the Indians, who in in a short time
arrived, shook hands with the Commissioners, the officers of the guard,
and other gentlemen who were in the tent, and took their seats.
It
having been noticed that Cote, “the Pigeon,” a leading Chief of the
Saulteaux tribe, had not arrived but that several of his band were
present and claimed that they had been sent to represent him, His Honor
the Lieut.-Governor instructed the (acting) interpreter, William
Daniel, to enquire why their Chief had not come to meet the
Commissioners, the white chiefs?
To this question they answered, that he had
given no reason.
His
Honor, through the interpreter, told them that the Queen had sent him
and the other Commissioners to see their Chief and their nation, and
that the least a loyal subject could do would be to meet the messengers
of the Queen.
His Honor
then addressed the Crees as follows: “The Commissioners having agreed
that as Lieut.-Governor he should speak to them, as we are sent here by
the Queen, by the Great Mother—the Queen has chosen me to be one of her
Councillors, and has sent me here to represent her and has made me
Governor of all her Territories in the North-West. She has sent another
of her Councillors who has come all the way from Ottawa. She has also
sent with us Mr. Christie, whom you all know, who has lived for a long
time in this country, but who had gone away from it to live in another
part of the Dominion of Canada. The Queen loves her Red children; she
has always been friends with them; she knows that it is hard for them
to live, and she has always tried to help them in the other parts of
the Dominion. Last year she sent me to see her children at the Lake of
the Woods. I took her children there by the hand, and the white man and
the red man made friends for ever. We have come here with a message
from the Queen and want to tell you all her mind. We want to speak to
you about the land and what the Queen is willing to do for you, but
before we tell you, we want you to tell us, who your Chiefs and headmen
are who will speak for you, while we speak for the Queen, and we want
to know what bands of Crees are here and who will speak for them. We
wish to know if the Crees are ready to speak with us now?”
RA-KU-SHI-WAY,
THE LOUD VOICE,—Said in reply: “I do not wish to tell a lie. I cannot
say who will speak for us; it will only be known after consultation.”
HIS
HONOR THE LIEUT.-GOV.—“By to-morrow you will probably have chosen whom
you will have to speak for you and the Commissioners will be glad to
meet you after you have chosen your spokesmen, and will meet you at ten
o'clock. We want you to tell us openly what you want and we will speak
to you for the Queen in the same way. The Colonel will send a man round
to sound a bugle at ten o'clock to let you know.”
To
the Saulteaux His Honor said: “We are here with a message from the
Great Mother and want you to open my mouth so that I can tell you what
I have to say. If you and your Chiefs will meet together in council and
talk it over we will be glad to meet you, if you bring your Chief
to-morrow. You must also choose your speakers who will come with your
Chief and speak for you.”
LOUD
VOICE—“I will tell the message that is given me to tell. I have one
thing to say, the first word that came to them was for the Saulteaux
tribe to choose a place to pitch their tents.”
HIS
HONOR—“This place was chosen because it is a good place for my men—for
the soldiers—there is plenty of water and grass, and I will meet you
here to-morrow. That is all at present.”
After
the departure of the main body of Cree Indians, Saulteaux, from the
Cypress Hills, entered the tent saying that they had no Chief, and did
not want to go with the main body of the nation, that they had plenty
of friends on the plains.
His Honor said they would hear the Queen's
message with the rest of the Indians.
SECOND DAY'S CONFERENCE
September 9, 1874.
The
Indians, both Crees, Saulteaux and their Chiefs having arrived, His
Honor Lieut.-Governor Morris said: “I am glad to see so many of the
Queen's red children here this morning. I told those I saw yesterday
that I was one of the Queen's councillors, and had another councillor
with me from Ottawa and that the Queen had sent Mr. Christie who used
to live amongst you to help us. Yesterday the Cree nation with their
Chief were here, the Saulteaux did not come to meet the Queen's
servants, their Chief was not here. I thought that the Saulteaux could
not have understood that the Queen had sent her servants to see them,
or they would have come to meet them. If Loud Voice or any other Chief
came down to Fort Garry to see me, and I sent one of my servants to
meet them instead of shaking hands with them, would they be pleased? I
wanted you to meet me here to-day because I wanted to speak to you
before the Great Spirit and before the world. I want both Crees and
Saulteaux to know what I say. I told those who were here yesterday that
we had a message from the Queen to them. Last year I made a treaty with
the Indians, 4,000 in number, at the Lake of the Woods. To-day the
Queen sends us here. I told you yesterday that she loves her red
children, and they have always respected her and obeyed her laws. I
asked you yesterday, and ask you now, to tell me who would speak for
you, and how many bands of each nation are represented here. I have
heard that you are not ready to speak to me yet but do not know it, and
I want you to say anything you have to say before all, and I will speak
in the same way. What I have to talk about concerns you, your children
and their children, who are yet unborn, and you must think well over
it, as the Queen has thought well over it. What I want, is for you to
take the Queen's hand, through mine, and shake hands with her for ever,
and now I want, before I say any more, to hear from the Chiefs if they
are ready with their men to speak for them, and if they are not ready
if they will be ready to-morrow.”
CAN-A-HAH-CHA-PEW, THE MAN OF THE BOW,—“We
are not ready yet, we have not gathered together yet. That is all I
have to say.”
PEI-CHE-TO'S
SON—O-TA-HA-O-MAN, THE GAMBLER—“My dear friends, do you want me to
speak for you to these great men?” (the Indians signified their
consent). “I heard you were to come here, that was the reason that all
the camps were collected together, I heard before-hand too where the
camp was to be placed, but I tell you that I am not ready yet. Every
day there are other Indians coming and we are not all together. Where I
was told to pitch my tent that is where I expected to see the great men
in the camp. That is all.”
HIS
HONOR—“With regard to the camp, the Queen sent one of her chief men of
our soldiers with us, and he selected the best place for the men, the
place where we are now, and I think it is a good place. At first he
thought to have encamped across the river, but he thought this was
better ground and chose it. I think it just as well that our tents
should be at a little distance from your braves and your camp. I want
to say to the Indian children of the Queen that if their people are
coming in, that our men have walked a long way here, and must go back
again to Fort Garry, and I have other things to do. Mr. Laird has to go
back again to look after other things for the Queen at Ottawa. I want
to ask the Chiefs when they will be ready to meet us to-morrow.”
PEI-CHE-TO'S SON—“I have said before, we are
not ready.”
HIS HONOR—“Let them send me word through
their Chiefs when they are ready.”
THIRD DAY'S CONFERENCE
September 11, 1874.
The Crees and their Chiefs met the
Commissioners. The Saulteaux Chief was not present, though most of the
tribe were present.
An
Indian, “the Crow,” advised the assembled Crees, the Saulteaux not
having arrived, to listen attentively to what words he said.
His
Honor the Lieut.-Governor then arose and said: “I am glad to meet you
here to-day. We have waited long and began to wonder whether the
Queen's red children were not coming to meet her messengers. All the
ground here is the Queen's and you are free to speak your mind fully.
We want you to speak to me face to face. I am ready now with my friends
here to give you the Queen's message. Are your ears open to hear? Have
you chosen your speakers?”
THE LOUD VOICE—“There is no one to answer.”
HIS
HONOR—“You have had time enough to select your men to answer and I will
give you the Queen's message. The Queen knows that you are poor; the
Queen knows that it is hard to find food for yourselves and children;
she knows that the winters are cold, and your children are often
hungry; she has always cared for her red children as much as for her
white. Out of her generous heart and liberal hand she wants to do
something for you, so that when the buffalo get scarcer, and they are
scarce enough now, you may be able to do something for yourselves.”
THE
LOUD VOICE (to the Indians)—“I wonder very much at your conduct. You
understand what is said and you understand what is right and good. You
ought to listen to that and answer it, every one of you. What is bad
you cannot answer.”
HIS
HONOR—“What the Queen and her Councillors would like is this, she would
like you to learn something of the cunning of the white man. When fish
are scarce and the buffalo are not plentiful she would like to help you
to put something in the land, she would like that you should have some
money every year to buy things that you need. If any of you would
settle down on the land, she would give you cattle to help you; she
would like you to have some seed to plant. She would like to give you
every year, for twenty years, some powder, shot, and twine to make nets
of. I see you here before me to-day. I will pass away and you will pass
away. I will go where my fathers have gone and you also, but after me
and after you will come our children. The Queen cares for you and for
your children, and she cares for the children that are yet to be born.
She would like to take you by the hand and do as I did for her at the
Lake of the Woods last year. We promised them and we are ready to
promise now to give five dollars to every man, woman and child, as long
as the sun shines and water flows. We are ready to promise to give
$1,000 every year, for twenty years, to buy powder and shot and twine,
by the end of which time I hope you will have your little farms. If you
will settle down we would lay off land for you, a square mile for every
family of five. Whenever you go to a Reserve, the Queen will be ready
to give you a school and schoolmaster, and the Government will try to
prevent fire-water from being sent among you. If you shake hands with
us and make a treaty, we are ready to make a present at the end of the
treaty, of eight dollars for every man, woman and child in your
nations. We are ready also to give calico, clothing and other presents.
We are ready to give every recognized Chief, a present of twenty-five
dollars, a medal, and a suit of clothing. We are also ready to give the
Chief's soldiers, not exceeding four in each band, a present of ten
dollars, and next year and every year after, each chief will be paid
twenty-five dollars, and his chief soldiers not exceeding four in each
band, will receive ten dollars. Now I think that you see that that the
Queen loves her red children, that she wants to do you good, and you
ought to show that you think so. I cannot believe that you will be the
first Indians, the Queen's subjects, who will not take her by the hand.
The Queen sent one of her councillors from Ottawa, and me, her
Governor, to tell you her mind. I have opened my hands and heart to
you. It is for you to think of the future of those who are with you
now, of those who are coming after you, and may the Great Spirit guide
you to do what is right. I have only one word more to say. The last
time I saw you I was not allowed to say all I wanted to say until you
went away. What I wanted to say is this, I have put before you our
message, I want you to go back to your tents and think over what I have
said and come and meet me to-morrow. Recollect that we cannot stay very
long here. I have said all.”
FOURTH DAY'S CONFERENCE
September 12, 1874.
In
the morning four Indians, two Crees and two Saulteaux, waited on the
Commissioners and asked that they should meet the Indians half way, and
off the Company's reserve, and that the soldiers should remove their
camps beside the Indian encampment, that they would meet the
Commissioners then and confer with them; that there was something in
the way of their speaking openly where the marquee had been pitched.
Their request was complied with as regarded the place of meeting only,
and the spot for the conference selected by Col. Smith and the Indians.
The
meeting was opened by the Lieut.-Governor, who said, “Crees and
Saulteaux,—I have asked you to meet us here to-day. We have been asking
you for many days to meet us and this is the first time you have all
met us. If it was not my duty and if the Queen did not wish it, I would
not have taken so much trouble to speak to you. We are sent a long way
to give you her message. Yesterday I told the Crees her message, and I
know that the Saulteaux know what it was, but that there may be no
mistake, I will tell it to you again and I will tell you more. When I
have given my message understand that you will have to answer it, as I
and my friends will have to leave you. You are the subjects of the
Queen, you are her children, and you are only a little band to all her
other children. She has children all over the world, and she does right
with them all. She cares as much for you as she cares for her white
children, and the proof of it is that wherever her name is spoken her
people whether they be red or white, love her name and are ready to die
for it, because she is always just and true. What she promises never
changes. She knows the condition of her people here; you are not her
only red children; where I come from, in Ontario and in Quebec, she has
many red children, and away beyond the mountains she has other red
children, and she wants to care for them all. Last year I was among the
Saulteaux; we have the Saulteaux where I came from. They were my
friends. I was the son of a white Chief who had a high place among
them, they told him they would do his work, they called him
Shekeisheik. I learned from him to love the red man, and it was a
pleasant duty and good to my heart when the Queen told me to come among
her Saulteaux children and I expect the Crees and the Saulteaux to take
my hand as they did last year. In our hands they feel the Queen's, and
if they take them the hands of the white and red man will never
unclasp. In other lands the white and red man are not such friends as
we have always been, and why? Because the Queen always keeps her word,
always protects her red men. She learned last winter that bad men from
the United States had come into her country and had killed some of her
red children, What did she say? This must not be, I will send my men
and will not suffer these bad men to hurt my red children, their lives
are very dear to me. And now I will tell you our message. The Queen
knows that her red children often find it hard to live. She knows that
her red children, their wives and children, are often hungry, and that
the buffalo will not last for ever and she desires to do something for
them. More than a hundred years ago, the Queen's father said to the red
men living in Quebec and Ontario, I will give you land and cattle and
set apart Reserves for you, and will teach you. What has been the
result? There the red men are happy; instead of getting fewer in number
by sickness they are growing in number; their children have plenty. The
Queen wishes you to enjoy the same blessings, and so I am here to tell
you all the Queen's mind, but recollect this, the Queen's High
Councillor here from Ottawa, and I, her Governor, are not traders; we
do not come here in the spirit of traders; we come here to tell you
openly, without hiding anything, just what the Queen will do for you,
just what she thinks is good for you, and I want you to look me in the
face, eye to eye, and open your hearts to me as children would to a
father, as children ought to do to a father, and as you ought to the
servants of the great mother of us all. I told my friends yesterday
that things changed here, that we are here to-day and that in a few
years it may be we will not be here, but after us will come our
children. The Queen thinks of the children yet unborn. I know that
there are some red men as well as white men who think only of to-day
and never think of to-morrow. The Queen has to think of what will come
long after to-day. Therefore, the promises we have to make to you are
not for to-day only but for to-morrow, not only for you but for your
children born and unborn, and the promises we make will be carried out
as long as the sun shines above and the water flows in the ocean. When
you are ready to plant seed the Queen's men will lay off Reserves so as
to give a square mile to every family of five persons, and on
commencing to farm the Queen will give to every family cultivating the
soil two hoes, one spade, one scythe for cutting the grain, one axe and
plough, enough of seed wheat, barley, oats and potatoes to plant the
land they get ready. The Queen wishes her red children to learn the
cunning of the white man and when they are ready for it she will send
schoolmasters on every Reserve and pay them. We have come through the
country for many days and we have seen hills and but little wood and in
many places little water, and it may be a long time before there are
many white men settled upon this land, and you will have the right of
hunting and fishing just as you have now until the land is actually
taken up. (His Honor repeated the offers which had been given to the
Saulteaux on the previous day.) I think I have told you all that the
Queen is willing to do for you. It ought to show you that she has
thought more about you than you have about her. I will be glad now to
have those whom you have selected speak for you and I again ask you to
keep nothing back. This is the first time you have had white chiefs,
officers of the Queen, so high in her Councils, so trusted by her among
you. We have no object but your good at heart, and therefore we ask you
to speak out to us, to open your minds to us, and believe that we are
your true and best friends, who will never advise you badly, who will
never whisper bad words in your ears, who only care for your good and
that of your children. I have told you the truth, the whole truth, and
now we expect to hear from the two nations and any other tribe who may
be represented here. My friend Mr. Laird reminds me that he has come
from an Island in the far off sea, that he has go back to Ottawa and
then go to his own home, that he was asked specially to help me in
speaking to you and advising me. He is obliged to go away as I am, and
therefore we want you to answer us.”
COTE, or MEE-MAY (Saulteaux Chief)—“I cannot
say anything to you. It is that man (pointing to Loud Voice) will
speak.”
LOUD
VOICE (Cree Chief)—“If I could speak, if I could manage to utter my
feelings there is reason why I should answer you back; but there is
something in my way, and that is all I can tell you. This man (the
Gambler) will tell you.”
O-TA-KA-O-NAN,
OR THE GAMBLER.—“This morning I saw the chief of the soldiers, who
asked me what is in your way that you cannot come and meet the Queen's
messengers; then I told him what was in the way. And now that I am come
in, what do I see? You were rather slow in giving your hand. You said
that the Queen spoke through you and spoke very plainly, but I cannot
speak about what you said at present; the thing that is in the way that
is what I am working at.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“We have come here for the purpose of knowing what is in your
mind. I held out my hand but you did not do as your nation did at the
Angle. When I arrived there the Chief and his men came and gave me the
pipe of peace and paid me every honor. Why? Because I was the servant
of the queen. I was not slow in offering my hand, I gave it freely and
from my heart, and whenever we found I could please you by coming here,
we sent the chief of the soldiers to select a suitable place to meet
you. You tell me there is something in your mind. If there is anything
standing between us, how can we take it away or answer you unless we
know what it is?”
THE
GAMBLER—“I told the soldier master you did not set your camp in order,
you came and staid beyond over there, that is the reason I did not run
in over there. Now when you have come here, you see sitting out there a
mixture of Half-breeds, Crees, Saulteaux and Stonies, all are one, and
you were slow in taking the hand of a Half-breed. All these things are
many things that are in my way. I cannot speak about them.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“Why are you here to-day? because we asked you to come, because
it was a good place to speak with them the reason we wished to see
them. I am now quite willing to tell you all about Fort Pelly. The
Queen heard that Americans had come into the country and were treating
her Indian children badly. I myself sent her word that twenty-five of
her Indian children, men, women and children, had been shot down by the
American traders, then she resolved to protect her red children, for
that reason she has determined to have a body of men on horses as
policemen to keep all bad people, white or red, in order. She will not
allow her red children to be made drunk and shot down again as some of
them were a few months ago. Now you ought to be glad that you have a
Queen who takes such an interest in you. What are they doing now up at
Fort Pelly? The men must have some place to live in this winter, they
cannot live out of doors, and some men have gone to Fort Pelly to build
houses for them, and the Queen expects that you will do all you can to
help them because they are your friends. There was a treaty before and
Indians are paid under it, but we were told as we passed Fort Ellice
that there were a few Indians there who were not included in that
treaty, and had never been paid, and they agreed to meet us when we go
back, I do not quite understand another point. We have here Crees,
Saulteaux, Assiniboines and other Indians, they are all one, and we
have another people, the Half-breeds, they are of your blood and my
blood. The Queen cares for them, one of them is here an officer with a
Queen's coat on his back. At the Lake of the Woods last winter every
Half-Breed who was there with me was helping me, and I was proud of it,
and glad to take the word back to the Queen, and her servants, and you
may rest easy, you may leave the Half-breeds in the hands of the Queen
who will deal generously and justly with them. There was a Half-breed
came forward to the table. He was only one of many here. I simply
wanted to know whether he was authorized by you to take any part in the
Council, as it is the Indians alone we are here to meet. He told me you
wanted him here as a witness. We have plenty of witnesses here, but
when I heard that, I welcomed him as I had done you, and shook hands
with him, and he ought to have told you that. I have given our answer
and I have always found this that it is good for men to try to
understand each other, and to speak openly, if they do that and both
are earnest, if their hearts are pure, they will and can understand
each other.”
THE GAMBLER—“I
have understood plainly before what he (the Hudson Bay Company) told me
about the Queen. This country that he (H. B. Co.) bought from the
Indians let him complete that. It is that which is in the way. I cannot
manage to speak upon anything else, when the land was staked off it was
all the Company's work. That is the reason I cannot speak of other
things.”
LIEUT.-GOV. MORRIS—“We don't understand what
you mean. Will you explain?”
THE
GAMBLER—“I know what I have to tell you. Who surveyed this land? Was it
done by the Company? This is the reason I speak of the Company, why are
you staying in the Company's house?”
LIEUT.-GOVERNOR
MORRIS—“The Company have a right to have certain lands granted them by
the Queen, who will do what is fair and just for the Company, for the
Indians, for the Half-breeds, and for the whites. She will make no
distinction. Whatever she promises she will carry out. The Company are
are nothing to her except that they are carrying on trade in this
country, and that they are subjects to her just as you are. You ask
then why I went to the Company's house? I came here not at my own
pleasure. I am not so strong as you are. I never slept in a tent in my
life before and was only too glad to find a home to go to.”
The
Gambler—“I understand now. And now this Company man. This is the
Company man (pointing to Mr. McDonald). This is the thing I cannot
speak of. The Cree does not know, the Saulteaux does not know. It was
never known when this was surveyed, neither by the Cree nor the
Saulteaux.”
Lieut.-Gov.
Morris—“The Company are trading in this country and they require to
have places to carry out their trade. If the Queen gives them land to
hold under her she has a perfect right to do it, just as she will have
a perfect right to lay off lands for you if you agree to settle on
them. I am sorry for you; I am afraid you have been listening to bad
voices who have not the interests of the Indians at heart. If because
of these things you will not speak to us we will go away with hearts
sorry for you and for your children, who thus throw back in our faces
the hand of the Queen that she has held out to you.”
The
Gambler—“It is very plain who speaks; the Crees are not speaking, and
the Saulteaux is speaking, if the Queen's men came here to survey the
land. I am telling you plainly. I cannot speak any other thing till
this is cleared up. Look at these children that are sitting around here
and also at the tents, who are just the image of my kindness. There are
different kinds of grass growing here that is just like those sitting
around here. There is no difference. Even from the American land they
are here, but we love them all the same, and when the white skin comes
here from far away I love him all the same. I am telling you what our
love and kindness is. This is what I did when the white man came, but
when he came back he paid no regard to me how he carried on.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“I did not know till I came here that any survey had been made
because I had nothing to do with it; but my friend, one of the Queen's
Councillors, tells me it was done by the authority of the Queen.”
THE
GAMBLER—“I want to tell you the right story. I waited very much for the
Queen's messenger when I saw what the Company did. Perhaps he may know
why he did so. Perhaps if I were to ask him now he would say. That is
what I would think. This is the reason. I am so pleased at what I see
here I cannot manage to speak because of the Company.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“We cannot see why you cannot speak to the Queen's messengers
because of the Company. The Company is no greater in her sight than one
of those little children is in yours, and whatever she promises, either
to the Company or the little child, she will do. The Company ought not
to be a wall between you and us; you will make a mistake if you send us
away with a wall between us, when there should be none.”
THE
GAMBLER—“I do not send you away; for all this I am glad. I know this is
not the Queen's work. He (H. B. Co.) is the head; he does whatever he
thinks all around here, that is the reason I cannot say anything.”
LIEUT.-GOV. MORRIS—“I am very sorry that you
cannot answer.”
THE
GAMBLER—“The Company have stolen our land. I heard that at first. I
hear it is true. The Queen's messengers never came here, and now I see
the soldiers and the settlers and the policemen. I know it is not the
Queen's work, only the Company has come and they are the head, they are
foremost; I do not hold it back. Let this be put to rights; when this
is righted I will answer the other.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“The Company have not brought their soldiers here. This man is
not an officer of the Company. I am not an officer of the Company. We
did not come at the request of the Company, but at that of the Queen. I
told you that the Queen had sent her policemen here. You see the flag
there, then know that we are the Queen's servants, and not the
Company's, and it is for you to decide on the message I have delivered
to you.”
THE GAMBLER—“When
one Indian takes anything from another we call it stealing, and when we
see the present we say pay us. It is the Company I mean.”
LIEUT.-GOV. MORRIS—“What did the Company
steal from you?”
THE GAMBLER—“The earth, trees, grass, stones,
all that which I see with my eyes.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“Who made the earth, the grass, the stone, and the wood? The
Great Spirit. He made them for all his children to use, and it is not
stealing to use the gift of the Great Spirit. The lands are the Queen's
under the Great Spirit. The Chippewas were not always here. They come
from the East. There were other Indians here and the Chippewas came
here, and they used the wood and the land, the gifts of the Great
Spirit to all, and we want to try and induce you to believe that we are
asking for the good of all. We do not know how the division between us
is to be taken away. We do not know of any lands that were stolen from
you, and if you do not open your mouths we cannot get the wall taken
away. You can open your mouths if you will; we are patient but we
cannot remain here always.”
THE
GAMBLER—“I cannot manage to speak of anything else. It is this I am
speaking. All the Indians know how the Company set their land in order
long ago. The Company is making it more and that is the reason I am
speaking.”
LIEUT.-GOVERNOR
MORRIS—“Many, many years ago, before we were born, one of the Kings
gave the Company certain rights to trade in this country. The Queen
thought that this was not just neither to the white nor the red man.
She considered that all should be equal; but when the Queen's father's
father's hand had been given she could not take it back without the
Company's consent; therefore she told the Company that the time had
come when they should no longer be the great power in this country,
that she would plant her own flag, that she would send her own Governor
and soldiers, and that they must cease to have the only right to trade
here (and I am glad to know that some of you are good traders), the
Queen then told the Company that she would govern the country herself,
and she told them she would give them some land. They had their forts,
their places of trade where they raised cattle and grain, and she told
them they could keep them, and she will no more break with them than
she will with you. There is no reason why you should not talk to us.
The Company have no more power, no more authority to govern this
country than you have, it rests with the Queen.”
THE
GAMBLER—“This is the reason I waited for the Queen's messengers to come
here because I knew the Company was strong and powerful, and I knew
they would set every thing in order. Truly since the Company came here
they have brought me many things which are good, but the Company's work
is in my way and I cannot utter my words.”
LIEUT.-GOV. MORRIS—“What do you complain of?
I can not tell.”
THE
GAMBLER—“The survey. This one (pointing to an Indian) did not say so,
and this Saulteaux and he was never told about it. He should have been
told beforehand that this was to have been done and it would not have
been so, and I want to know why the Company have done so. This is the
reason I am talking so much about it.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“I have told you before that the Queen had promised to give the
Company certain lands around the forts and she gave them land around
this fort. I have told you that what she promised she will do. She has
taken all the lands in this country to manage; they were hers; they
were her fathers; if she gives you reserves they will be yours and she
will let no one take them from you unless you want to sell them
yourselves. It will be a sorry thing if this nation and that nation
scattered all over the country are to suffer because of this little
piece of land I see around me. What good is it going to do to raise up
a question of this kind and block the way to our understanding each
other when the Queen's hand, full of love and generosity is held out to
you? The blame rests with you; it is time for you to talk, to open your
mouth, because I cannot take away what shuts it, you must do it
yourselves.”
THE
GAMBLER—“This is my chief, the Queen never told this man. If this had
been told him, I would not have said what I said just now. The
Company's store was only there at first. I do not push back the Queen's
hand. Let this be cleared up.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“Once for all we tell you, whatever number of acres the Queen
has promised to the Company at this post, they will receive no more and
no less. We will ascertain what was promised, and will take care to see
that what was promised and that only will be performed with regard to
the land around this Fort. We can give you no other answer.”
THE
GAMBLER—“I am telling you and reporting what I had to tell. The Company
have no right to this earth, but when they are spoken to they do not
desist, but do it in spite of you. He is the head and foremost. These
Indians you see sitting around report that they only allowed the store
to be put up. That is the reason I was very glad when I heard you were
coming. The Indians were not told of the reserves at all. I hear now,
it was the Queen gave the land. The Indians thought it was they who
gave it to the Company, who are now all over the country. The Indians
did not know when the land was given.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“I am weary hearing about the country. You might understand me
now. You are stronger than that little boy over there, and the Company
is stronger than a single trader, but the Company has its master, the
Queen, and will have to obey the laws as well as all others. We have
nothing to do with the Company. We are here to talk with you about the
land, I tell you what we wish to do for your good, but if you will talk
about the Company I cannot hinder you, I think it is time now you
should talk about what concerns you all.”
THE
GAMBLER—“That is the reason I waited so long. I cannot speak of
anything else, my mind is resting on nothing else I know that you will
have power and good rules and this is why I am glad to tell you what is
troubling me.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“I have told you before and tell you again that the Queen cannot
and will not undo what she has done. I have told you that we will see
that the Company shall obey what she has ordered, and get no more and
no less than she has promised. We might talk here all the year and I
could not give you any other answer, and I put it to you now face to
face—speak to me about your message, don't put it aside, if you do the
responsibility will rest upon your nation, and during the winter that
is coming, many a poor woman and child will be saying, how was it that
our councillors and our braves shut their ears to the mouth of the
Queen's messengers and refused to tell them their words. This Company,
I have told you is nothing to us, it is nothing to the Queen, but their
rights have to be respected just as much as those of the meanest child
in the country. The Queen will do right between you and them I can say
no more than what I have said and if the Indians will not speak to us
we cannot help it, and if the Indians won't answer our message, we must
go back and tell the Queen that we came here and did everything we
could to show the Indians we were in earnest in proving her love for
them and that when there was a little difficulty, I came at once to
meet them half way. What prevents you from coming out and speaking
openly. I cannot take away the difficulty you speak of, and if you will
not answer us, there is no use in talking.”
THE
GAMBLER—“I told the chief of the soldiers what was in our way, what was
troubling us and now we are telling you. It is that I am working at.”
LIEUT.-GOV. MORRIS—“What is troubling you?”
PIS-QUA
(the plain) pointing to Mr. McDonald, of the Hudson's Bay Company—“You
told me you had sold your land for so much money, £300,000. We
want
that money.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“I wish our Indian brother had spoken before what was in his
mind. He has been going here and there, and we never knew what he
meant. I told you that many years ago the Queen's father's father gave
the Company the right to trade in the country from the frozen ocean to
the United States boundary line, and from the Atlantic Ocean to the
Pacific. The Company grew strong and wanted no one to trade in the
country but themselves. The Queen's people said, “no, the land is not
yours, the Queen's father's father gave you rights to trade, it is time
those rights should stop.” You may go on and trade like any other
merchant, but as it was worth money to you to say to this trader you
shall not buy furs at any post, the Queen would not act unjustly to the
Company. She would not take rights away from them any more than from
you; and to settle the question, she took all the lands into her own
hands and gave the Company a sum of money in place of the rights which
she had taken from them. She is ready to deal with you justly. We are
here to-day to make to you her good offers. We have nothing to hide,
nothing to conceal. The Queen acts in daylight. I think it is time you
are going to talk with us about the offers we have made.”
THE
GAMBLER—“I have made up about no other article. I suppose, indeed, I
would make the thing very little and very small. When I get back I will
think over it.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“I have a word to say to you. In our land we worship the Great
Spirit, and do not work on Sunday. I am glad to see that you are going
back into council, and I will only ask you to think of these things
with single hearts desiring only to do what is right and trusting my
words. On Monday morning we will be glad to meet you here and hope we
will find then that your heart has come to ours, that you will see that
it is for your children's good, to take our hands and the promises we
have given. As I told you before we would be glad to stay longer with
you, but we are obliged to go away. We ask you then to meet us on
Monday morning and Mr. Pratt will tell you so that there may be no
mistake as to what we have promised. He has it written down so that it
may not be rubbed out.”
The conference then ended.
FIFTH DAY'S CONFERENCE
September 14.
Both nations, Crees and Saulteaux, having
assembled, His Honor Lieut.-Governor Morris again addressed them:—
“Children
of our Great Mother, I am glad to see you again after another day. How
have you come to meet us? I hope you have come to us with good
thoughts, and hearts ready to meet ours. I have one or two words to say
to you. It is twenty days to-day since we left the Red River. We want
to turn our faces homewards. You told me on Saturday that some of you
could eat a great deal. I have something to say to you about that.
There are Indians who live here, they have their wives and children
around them. It is good for them to be here, and have plenty to eat,
but they ought to think of their brothers; they ought to think that
there are men here who have come from a distance, from Fort Pelly and
beyond, whose wives and children are not here to eat, and they want to
be at home with them. It is time now that we began to understand each
other, and when there is something troubles us, I believe in telling
it. When you told us you were troubled about the situation of this
tent, we had it moved. Now we want you to take away our trouble, or
tell us what you mean. We are troubled about this. We are servants of
the Queen; we have been here many days giving you our message, and we
have not yet heard the voice of the nations. We have two nations here.
We have the Crees, who were here first, and we have the Ojibbeways, who
came from our country not many suns ago. We find them here; we won't
say they stole the land and the stones and the trees; no, but we will
say this, that we believe their brothers, the Crees, said to them when
they came in here: “The land is wide, it is wide, it is big enough for
us both; let us live here like brothers;” and that is what you say, as
you told us on Saturday, as to the Half-breeds that I see around. You
say that you are one with them; now we want all to be one. We know no
difference between Crees and Ojibbeways. Now we want to ask you are you
wiser, do you know more, than the Ojibbeway people that I met last
year? You are a handful compared with them; they came to me from the
Lake of the Woods, from Rainy Lake, from the Kaministiquia, and from
the Great Lake. I told them my message, as I have told you; they heard
my words and they said they were good, and they took my hand and I gave
them mine and the presents; but that is not all. There was a band of
Ojibbeways who lived at Lake Seul, to the north of the Lake of the
Woods, 400 in number, and just before we came away we sent our
messenger to them. He told them I had shaken hands for the Queen with
all the Ojibbeways down to the Great Lake. He told them what we had
done for these, and asked them if they found it good to take the
Queen's hand through our messenger; they were pleased; they signed the
treaty; they put their names to it, saying, We take what you promised
to the other Saulteaux; and our messenger gave them the money, just as
our messengers will give your brothers who are not here the money if we
understand each other. Now, we ask you again, are you wiser than your
brothers that I have seen before? I do not think that you will say you
are, but we want you to take away our last trouble. What I find strange
is this: we are Chiefs; we have delivered the message of our great
Queen, whose words never change, whose tongue and the tongues of whose
messengers are never forked; and how is it that we have not heard any
voice back from the Crees or Saulteaux, or from their Chiefs? I see
before me two Chiefs; we know them to be Chiefs, because we see you put
them before you to shake hands with us. They must have been made
Chiefs, not for anything we are talking about to-day, not for any
presents we are offering to you, not because of the land; then why are
they chiefs? Because I see they are old men; the winds of many winters
have whistled through their branches. I think they must have learned
wisdom; the words of the old are wise; why then, we ask ourselves—and
this is our trouble—Why are your Chiefs dumb? They can speak. One of
them is called “Loud Voice.” He must have been heard in the councils of
the nation. Then I ask myself, why do they not answer? It cannot be
that you are afraid; you are not women. In this country, now, no man
need be afraid. If a white man does wrong to an Indian, the Queen will
punish them. The other day at Fort Ellice, a white man, it is said,
stole some furs from an Indian. The Queen's policemen took him at once;
sent him down to Red River, and he is lying in jail now; and if the
Indians prove that he did wrong, he will be punished. You see then that
if the white man does wrong to the Indian he will punished; and it will
be the same if the Indian does wrong to the white man. The red and
white man must live together, and be good friends, and the Indians must
live together like brothers with each other and the white man. I am
afraid you are weary of my talking. Why do I talk so much? Because I
have only your good at heart. I do not want to go away with my head
down, to send word to the Queen, “Your red children could not see that
your heart was good towards them; could not see as you see that it was
for the good of themselves and their children's children to accept the
good things you mean for them.” I have done. Let us hear the voice of
the people. Let us hear the voice of your old wise men.”
COTE—“The same man that has spoken will speak
yet.”
KA-KIE-SHE-WAY (Loud Voice)—“This is the one
who will speak; after he speaks I will show what I have to say.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“Understand me, what I want to know is, does he speak for the
nations. If you prefer to speak by the voice of an orator I am glad.
All we want is to hear the voice of the people, and I asked you at
first to choose among yourselves those who would speak for you;
therefore I am glad to hear the man you have chosen, and I am glad to
hear that after he has done the Chief will speak to us.”
THE
GAMBLER—“Saturday we met, we spoke to each other, we met at such a time
as this time, and again we said we would tell each other something;
now, then, we will report to each other a little again. This Company
man that we were speaking about, I do not hate him; as I loved him
before I love him still, and I also want that the way he loved me at
first he should love me the same; still, I wish that the Company would
keep at his work the same as he did; that I want to be signed on the
paper. I want you to put it with your own hands. After he puts that
there it is given to the Indians, then there will be another article to
speak about. The Indians want the Company to keep at their post and
nothing beyond. After that is signed they will talk about something
else.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“I told you on Saturday that I had nothing to do with the
Company. The Company have a right to trade. I cannot make them buy
goods and bring them here, or stop them from bringing them. I dare say
some of you are traders; you do not ask me whether you shall buy goods
and sell them again, and I do not stop you. It is the same way with the
Company. If they make money in bringing goods here they will bring them
just as they used to do; and I want you to understand it fully, the
Company may have a little more money than the white traders, or the
Half-breeds, or the Indians, but they have no more right, they have no
more privileges, to trade than the Indians, or the Half-breeds, or the
whites; and that is written with a higher hand than ours, and we have
no power to write anything, or to add anything, to what is written and
remains in the Queen's house beyond the sea.”
THE
GAMBLER—“I do not want to drive the Company anywhere. What I said is,
that they are to remain here at their house. Supposing you wanted to
take them away, I would not let them go. I want them to remain here to
have nothing but the trade. I do not hate them; we always exchange with
them, and would die if they went away.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“I do not know whether we rightly understand or not. I think you
have spoken wise words; the Company helps you to live, and they have a
right to sell goods as other traders. I do not know that I understand
you rightly, that you do not want them to sell goods anywhere except at
the posts; to keep at their posts there. If that is what you mean, I
cannot say yes to that; they have the same right to sell goods anywhere
that you have. They are no longer as they were once. The Government of
the country, I think I told you that before—understand me
distinctly—the Government have nothing to do with the Company, but the
Company and all their servants are subjects of the Queen and love and
obey her laws. The day has gone past when they made the laws. They have
to hear the laws the Queen makes, and like good subjects submit to
them.”
THE GAMBLER—“The
Company is not to carry anything out into the country, but are to trade
in the Fort. That is what we want signed on the paper; then we will
talk on other subjects.” LIEUT.-GOV. MORRIS—“I have told you before,
and I tell you again, that the Company as traders have the right to
sell goods anywhere they please, just as you have, just as the whites
have, just as the Half-breeds have, and we have no power to take it
away from them. If the Company were to ask me to say to you that you
were not to trade anywhere except in their Fort by the lake, you would
think it very hard, and I would say to the Company, No, you shall not
interfere with the Indians throughout our land. I would like to give
you pleasure but I cannot do wrong; we won't deceive you with smooth
words. We will tell you the simple truth what we can do and what we
cannot do, but we cannot interfere as you ask us.”
THE GAMBLER—“Cannot you sign such a paper?”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“No; the Queen has signed the great paper, and the Company have
no more rights than any one else, but they have the same.”
KA-KIE-SHE-WAY
(Loud Voice)—“I would not be at a loss, but I am, because we are not
united—the Crees and the Saulteaux—this is troubling me. I am trying to
bring all together in one mind, and this is delaying us. If we could
put that in order, if we were all joined together and everything was
right I would like it, I would like to part well satisfied and pleased.
I hear that His Excellency is unwell, and I wish that everything would
be easy in his mind. It is this that annoys me, that things do not come
together. I wish for one day more, and after that there would not be
much in my way.”
COTE—“You
wanted me to come here and I came here. I find nothing, and I do not
think anything will go right. I know what you want; I cannot speak of
anything here concerning my own land until I go to my own land.
Whenever you desire to see me I will tell you what you are asking me
here. Now I want to return.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“We asked the Chief to come here. He has as much right to be
here as another Indian. We cannot go there and ask the people of the
two great tribes to meet in one place as they have done when they were
asked to meet us. You have had many days to talk together. If the
Saulteaux are determined that they want an agreement to prevent the
Company from trading, it cannot be given. I think the Chief here spoke
wisely. He says he is in trouble because you do not understand each
other. Why are you not of one mind? Have you tried to be of one mind?
Must we go back and say we have had you here so many days, and that you
had not the minds of men—that you were not able to understand each
other? Must we go back and tell the Queen that we held out our hands
for her, and her red children put them back again? If that be the
message that your conduct to-day is going to make us carry back, I am
sorry for you, and fear it will be a long day before you again see the
Queen's Councillors here to try to do you good. The Queen and her
Councillors may think that you do not want to be friends, that you do
not want your little ones to be taught, that you do not want when the
food is getting scarce to have a hand in yours stronger than yours to
help you. Surely you will think again before you turn your backs on the
offers; you will not let so little a question as this about the
Company, without whom you tell me you could not live, stop the good we
mean to do. I hope that I am perfectly understood; when we asked the
chief here we wanted to speak with him about his lands at his place;
when we asked “Loud Voice” here we wanted to speak with him about the
land at his place; so when we asked the other chiefs here we wanted to
speak with them about the lands at their places. Why? because we did
not want to do anything that you would not all know about, that there
might be no bad feelings amongst you. We wanted you to be of one mind
and heart in this matter, and that is the reason you are here to-day.
Now it rests with you; we have done all we could. Have you anything
more to say to us, or are we to turn our backs upon you, and go away
with sorry hearts for you and your children? It remains for you to say.”
THE
GAMBLER—“We do not understand you and what you are talking about. I do
not keep it from you; we have not chosen our Chiefs; we have not
appointed our soldiers and councillors; we have not looked around us
yet, and chosen our land, which I understand you to tell us to choose.
We do not want to play with you, but we cannot appoint our Chiefs and
head men quickly; that is in the way. Now it is near mid-day, and we
cannot appoint our Chiefs. This Chief who got up last—the Queen's name
was used when he was appointed to be Chief—he wants to know where his
land is to be and see it, what like it is to be, and to find the number
of his children; that is what is in his mind. He says he came from
afar, he had a good mind for coming, and he takes the same good mind
away with him. I have not heard him say to the Saulteaux to keep back
their land.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“I think I understand you. We do not want to separate in bad
feeling, or to avoid any trouble in coming to an understanding with
you; because I do not believe that if we do not agree it will ever be
my good fortune to endeavor to do so again. “Loud Voice,” the Chief,
has told us he wants a day to think it over. The Chief “Cote,” from the
north, would like to go home, but I am sure he will stop a day and try
to understand his brothers, and agree as the others did at the Lake of
the Woods. I put my name, and the Chiefs and the head men put theirs,
and I gave the Chief a copy, and I told him when I went home to Red
River I would have it all written out, a true copy made on skin, that
could not be rubbed out, that I would send a copy to his people so that
when we were dead and gone the letter would be there to speak for
itself, to show everything that was promised; and that was the right
way to do. I did so, and sent a copy of the treaty written in letters
of blue, gold, and black to the Chief “Maw-do-pe-nais,” whom the people
had told to keep it for them. He who speaks for the Saulteaux tells us
they have not made up their minds yet about the land—he tells us they
have not decided to refuse our hands. I am glad to hear him say that,
and if it will please my Indian brethren here we will be glad to wait
another day and meet them here to-morrow morning, if they will promise
me with the words of men that they will look this matter straight in
the face; that they will lay aside every feeling except the good of
their people, and try to see what is right, and that they will come
back and say, 'We have done our best, we have tried to be of one mind,
and considered what was best for now, and to-morrow, and the years that
are to come when we have all passed away. This is our answer. We are
very much in earnest about this matter.' The Chief said I was not very
well, yet I am here. Why? Because the duty was laid upon me I was
afraid of the journey, but when a Chief has a duty to do he tries to do
it, and I felt that if I could do you any good, as I believed I could,
I ought to be here. I tell you this, trust my words, they come from the
heart of one who loves the Indian people, and who is charged by his
Queen to tell them the words of truth.”
SIXTH DAY'S CONFERENCE
The Crees having come and shaken hands, His
Honor Lieut.-Gov. Morris rose and said:
“My friends, I have talked much; I would like
to hear your voices, I would like to hear what you say.”
KA-KU-ISH-MAY,
(Loud Voice—a principal chief of the Crees) —“I am very much pleased
with that, to listen to my friends, for certainly it is good to report
to each other what is for the benefit of each other. We see the good
you wish to show us. If you like what we lay before you we will like it
too. Let us join together and make the Treaty; when both join together
it is very good.”
The Saulteaux arrived at this juncture, when
the Lieut.-Governor said:
“I
will say to the two tribes what I said to the Crees before the
Saulteaux came. You have heard my voice for many days, you know its
sound. You have looked in my face, you have seen my mind through my
face, and you know my words are true and that they do not change. But I
am not here to talk to-day, I am here to listen. You have had our
message, you have had the Queen's words. It is time now that you spoke.
I am here to listen, my ears are open. It is for you to speak.”
KAMOOSES—“Brothers,
I have one word and a small one, that is the reason I cannot finish
anything that is large. You do not see the whole number of my tribe
which is away at my back, that is the reason I am so slow in making
ready.”
LIEUT.-GOV. MORRIS—“I want to hear the voice
of those who are here, they can speak for themselves and for those who
are away.”
CHE-E-KUK
(the Worthy One)—“My ears are open to what you say. Just now the Great
Spirit is watching over us; it is good. He who has strength and power
is overlooking our doings. I want very much to be good in what we are
going to talk about, and our Chiefs will take you by the hand just now.”
The Chiefs now rose and shook hands with the
Commissioners.
KA-HA-OO-KUS-KA-TOO
(he who walks on four claws)—“It is very good to meet together on a
fine day, father. When my father used to bring me anything I used to go
and meet him, and when my father had given it to me I gave it to my
mother to cook it. When we come to join together one half at least will
come.”
CHE-E-KUK (the
Worthy)—“Now I am going to tell you, and you say your ears are open.
You see the Qu'Appelle Lake Indians that you wished to see, you hear me
speak but there are many far away, and that is the reason I cannot
speak for these my children who are away trying to get something to
eat; the Crees my child is not here, the Saulteaux my child is not
here, the Young Dogs are not here, the Stonies my children are not
here, this is not the number that you see; I am only telling you this,
I think I have opened my mind.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“I know you are not all here. We never could get you all
together, but you know what is good for you and for your children. When
I met the Saulteaux last year we had not 4,000 there, but there were
men like you who knew what was good for themselves, for their wives,
for their children, and those not born. I give to those who were there,
and they took my hand and took what was in it, and I sent to those who
were away, and I did for them just as I did for those who were present.
It is the same to-day. What we are ready to give you will be given to
those who are not here. What is good for you, what you think will be
good for you will be good for them. It is for you to say, not for us;
we have done all that men who love their red brothers can do, it is for
you now to act, on you rests the duty of saying whether you believe our
message or not, whether you want the Queen to help you or not, whether
or not you will go away and let the days and the years go on, and let
the food grow scarcer, and let your children grow up and do nothing to
keep off the hunger and the cold that is before them. It is for you to
say that, not for us; if we had not your good at heart we would not
have been here, and we would not have labored these many days, if our
hearts were not warm towards you, and if we did not believe what we are
doing, would be for your good as children of our Queen. I have said
all.”
KAN-OO-SES—“Is it
true you are bringing the Queen's kindness? Is it true you are bringing
the Queen's messenger's kindness? Is it true you are going to give my
child what he may use? Is it true you are going to give the different
bands the Queen's kindness? Is it true that you bring the Queen's hand?
Is it true you are bringing the Queen's power?”
LIEUT.-GOV. MORRIS—“Yes, to those who are
here and those who are absent, such as she has given us.”
KAMOOSES—“Is it true that my child will not
be troubled for what you are bringing him?”
LIEUT.-GOV. MORRIS—“The Queen's power will be
around him.”
KAMOOSES—“Now,
I am going to ask you that the debt that has been lying in the
Company's store, I want that to be wiped out. I ask it from the great
men of the Queen.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“I told you before we have nothing to do with the Company, we
have nothing to do with its debts. I have told you what we will do for
you, what the Queen will do for you forever. But the money that the
Indian owes the Company is just like the money that the Indians owe to
each other or to any trader and is not due to the Queen. We have no
power to put money in your hands and your children's to pay your debts,
and it would not be right for the Queen to come in and take away either
what is between you and the Company, or what is between you and the
traders, or what is between you and each other. If one of you owes the
Chief is it right that the Queen should wipe it out? I would be very
glad if we had it in our power to wipe out your debts, but it is not in
our power. All we can do is to put money in your hands and promise to
put money in the hands of those who are away, and give you money every
year afterwards, and help you to make a living when the food is scarce.
I have told you from the first that whether my words please you or not
I will tell you only the truth, and I will only speak as far as the
Queen has given us power.”
(He who walks on four claws)—“Whenever you
give to these my children what they desire, then you will get what you
want.”
LIEUT.-GOV. MORRIS—“We will give them what we
have power to give. We are ready to hear.”
KAMOOSES—“Yes,
I understand and my heart also, but it is not large, it is small, and
my understanding is small; that is the word I tell you.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“I have told you what we are ready to do for you. Your
understanding is large enough to know what is good for you. We have
talked these many days, and I ask you now to talk straight, to tell me
your mind, to tell me whether you wish to take our offers or not, it is
for you to say.”
KEE-E-KUK—“Twenty
dollars we want to be put in our hand every year, this we have heard
from the others. Twenty-five dollars to each chief.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“If I understand you aright you are mistaken. The Saulteaux did
not get twenty-five dollars per head. They get five dollars every year.
We promised them five dollars every year, and a messenger was sent this
year to pay them that sum. I may tell you that my children at the Lake
of the Woods had big hearts to ask. You say you have small. I told them
that if the Queen gave them all they asked I would have to ask her to
allow me to become an Indian, but I told them I could not give them
what they asked, and when they understood that, and understood the full
breadth and width of the Queen's goodness, they took what I offered,
and I think if you are wise you will do the same.”
(A
proposition was made here by an Indian that they should receive five
dollars per head every second year for fifty years, but he must have
done so without authority as it was not acceded to by the other Indians
who expressed their dissent strongly as soon as the offer was made.)
KAMOOSES—“I
am going to speak for Loud Voice and for the other chiefs. Some chiefs
are not here, they are absent, hereafter you will see them. I myself
will tell them, and my child that is at my back will tell them also.
Will you receive that which I am asking? I want to clear up what the
Indians and I want to try and put it right, what my child will say.
Well, can you give me that. We want the same Treaty you have given to
the North-West Angle. This I am asking for.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“Who are you speaking for? Is it for the whole of the Indians?
(They expressed their assent.) Are you ready to carry it out? (They
again assented.) Are your chiefs ready to sign this afternoon if we
grant you these terms? (The Indians assented unanimously.) It is now
after twelve, we will speak to you this afternoon.”
The Conference here ended to allow the
Commissioners time to consult.
AFTERNOON CONFERENCE
The Indians having assembled, presented the
Chiefs, whose names appear on the Treaty to the Commissioners as their
Chiefs.
KAMOOSES—“To-day we are met together here and
our minds are open. We want to know the terms of the North-West Angle
Treaty.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“Do we understand that you want the same terms which were given
at the Lake of the Woods (The Indians assented.) I have the Treaty here
in a book. You must know that the steamboats had been running through
their waters, and our soldiers had been marching through their country,
and for that reason we offered the Ojibbeways a larger sum than we
offered you. Last year it was a present, covering five years; with you
it was a present for this year only. I paid the Indians there a present
in money down of twelve dollars per head. I have told you why we
offered you less, and you will see there were reasons for it. That is
the greatest difference between what we offered you and what was paid
them, but on the other hand there were some things promised you that
were not given at the Lake of the Woods. (His Honor then explained the
terms granted in that Treaty.) We promised there that the Queen would
spend $1,500 per year to buy shot and powder, ball and twine. There
were 4,000 of them. I offered you $1,000 although you are only one-half
the number, as I do not think you number more than 2,000. Your
proportionate share would be $750 which you shall receive. Then at the
Lake of the Woods each Chief had their head men; we have said you would
have four who shall have fifteen dollars each per year, and as at the
Lake of the Woods each Chief and head man will receive a suit of
clothing once in three years, and each Chief on signing the treaty will
receive a medal and the promise of a flag. We cannot give you the flag
now, as there were none to be bought at Red River, but we have the
medals here. Now I have told you the terms we gave at the North-West
Angle of the Lake of the Woods, and you will see that the only
difference of any consequence between there and what we offered you is
in the money payment that we give as a present, and I have told you why
we made the difference, and you will see that it was just. We had to
speak with them for four years that had gone away. We speak to you only
for four days. It was not that we came in the spirit of traders, but
because we were trying to do what was just between you and the Queen,
and the other Indians who would say that we had treated you better than
we had treated them because we put the children of this year on the
same footing as these children through whose land we had been passing
and running our steamboats for four years. You see when you ask us to
tell you everything, we show you all that has been done, and I have to
tell you again that the Ojibbeways at Lake Seul who number 400, when I
sent a messenger this spring with a copy of those terms made at the
North-West Angle with their nation, took the Queen's hand by my
messenger and made the same treaty. I think I have told you all you
want to know, and our ears are open again.”
KAMOOSES—“I
want to put it a little light for all my children around me, something
more on the top. For my chief thirty dollars, for my four chief head
men twenty dollars, and each of my young children fifteen dollars a
year.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“I am afraid you are not talking to us straight; when we went
away you asked us to give you the terms given at the Lake of the Woods;
you asked to know what they were, and the moment I told you, you ask
three times as much for your children as I gave them. That would not be
right; and it is well that you should know that we have not power to do
so; we can give you no more than we gave them. We hope you are
satisfied. I have one word more to say, we are in the last hours of the
day you asked us for and we must leave you. The utmost we can do, the
furthest we can go or that we ought to go is, to do what you asked, to
give you the terms granted last year at the Lake of the Woods. We can
do no more, and you have our last words. It is for you to say whether
you are satisfied or not.”
KAMOOSES—“We ask that we may have cattle.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“We offered you cattle on the first day, we offered your Chief
cattle for the use of his band—not for himself, but for the use of his
band; we gave the same at the Lake of the Woods. We can give no more
here.”
KAMOOSES—“We want some food to take us home.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“When you sign the treaty, provisions will be given to take you
home. Now I ask you, are you ready to accept the offer, the last offer
we can make, you will see we have put you on the same footing as the
Indians at the Lake of the Woods, and we think it is more than we ought
to give, but rather than not close the matter we have given it, we have
talked long enough about this. It is time we did something. Now I would
ask, are the Crees and the Saulteaux and the other Indians ready to
make the treaty with us. Since we went away we have had the treaty
written out, and we are ready to have it signed, and we will leave a
copy with any Chief you may select and after we leave we will have a
copy written out on skin that cannot be rubbed out and put up in a tin
box, so that it cannot be wet, so that you can keep it among yourselves
so that when we are dead our children will know what was written.”
KAMOOSES—“Yes, we want each Chief to have a
copy of the treaty, we ask that the Half-breeds may have the right of
hunting.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“We will send a copy to each Chief. As to the Half-breeds, you
need not be afraid; the Queen will deal justly, fairly and generously
with all her children.”
The Chiefs then signed the treaty, after
having been assured that they would never be made ashamed of what they
then did.
One
of the Chiefs on being asked to do so signed; the second called on said
he was promised the money when he signed, and returned to his seat
without doing so. The Lieutenant-Governor called him forward—held out
his hand to him and said, take my hand; it holds the money. If you can
trust us forever you can do so for half an hour; sign the treaty. The
Chief took the Governor's hands and touched the pen, and the others
followed. As soon as the treaty was signed the Governor expressed the
satisfaction of the Commissioners with the Indians, and said that Mr.
Christie and Mr. Dickieson, the Private Secretary of the Minister of
the Interior, were ready to advance the money presents, but the Indians
requested that the payment should be postponed till next morning, which
was acceded to. The Chiefs then formally approached the Commissioners
and shook hands with them, after which the conference adjourned, the
Commissioners leaving the place of meeting under escort of the command
of Lieut.-Col. Smith, who had been in daily attendance.
Report
of the interview at Fort Ellice between the Indian Commissioners and
certain Saulteaux Indians not present at Qu'Appelle, and not included
in Treaty Number Two, the Chief being Way-wa-se-ca-pow, or “the Man
proud of standing upright:”
Lieut.-Governor
Morris said he had been here before, and since that time he had met the
Crees and Saulteaux nations, and had made a treaty with them. The
Indians there were from Fort Pelly and as far distant as the Cypress
Hills. He wished to know the number of the Saulteaux to be found in
this locality.
The Chief said there were about thirty tents
who were not at Qu'Appelle, and ten who were there.
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“The Commissioners here are representing the Queen. I made a
treaty with the Saulteaux last year at the Lake of the Woods. They were
not a little handful; but there were 4,000 of them—and now we have made
a treaty with the Crees and Saulteaux at Qu'Appelle. There is not much
need to say much—it is good for the Indians to make treaties with the
Queen—good for them and their wives and children. Game is getting
scarce and the Queen is willing to help her children. Now we are ready
to give you what we gave the Saulteaux at the Lake of the Woods and the
Saulteaux and Crees at Qu'Appelle. It will be for you to say whether
you will accept it or not.” His Honor then explained the treaty to them.
“What we offer will be for your good, as it
will help you, and not prevent you from hunting.
“We
are not traders. I have told you all we can do and all we will do. It
is for you to say whether you will accept my hand or not. I cannot wait
long. I think you are not wiser than your brothers. Our ears are open,
you can speak to us.”
LONG CLAWS—“My father—I shake hands with you,
I shake hands with the Queen.”
SHAPONETUNG'S FIRST SON—“I find what was done
at Qu'Appelle was good, does it take in all my children?”
LIEUT.-GOV. MORRIS—“Yes.”
SHAPONETUNG'S FIRST SON—“I thank you for
coming and bringing what is good for our children.”
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“I forgot to say that we will be able to give you a small
present, some powder and shot, blankets and calicoes. Each band must
have a Chief and four headmen, but you are not all here to-day. I want
to-day to know the Chief and two headmen.
“Now I want to know will you take my hand and
what is in it.”
The Indians came up and shook hands in token
of acceptance.
LIEUT.-GOV.
MORRIS—“I am glad to shake hands with you; the white man and the red
man have shaken hands and are friends. You must be good subjects to the
Queen and obey her laws.”
The Indians introduced as their Chief,
Way-wa-se-ca-pow; and as their headmen, Ota-ma-koo-euin and
Shaponetung's first son.
His Honor then explained the memorandum to
them, when it was signed.
When
Treaties, Numbers One and Two, were made, certain verbal promises were
unfortunately made to the Indians, which were not included in the
written text of the treaties, nor recognized or referred to, when these
Treaties were ratified by the Privy Council. This, naturally, led to
misunderstanding with the Indians, and to widespread dissatisfaction
among them. This state of matters was reported to the Council by the
successive Lieut.-Governors of Manitoba, and by the Superintendent of
Indian Affairs. On examination of the original Treaty Number One, the
Minister of the Interior reported that a memorandum was found attached
to it signed by Mr. Commissioner Simpson, His Hon. Governor Archibald,
Mr. St. John and the Hon. Mr. McKay, purporting to contain their
understanding of the terms upon which the Indians concluded the treaty.
This memorandum was as follows:
Memorandum
of things outside of the Treaty which were promised at the Treaty at
the Lower Fort, signed the 3rd day of August, A.D. 1871.
For each Chief that signed the treaty, a
dress distinguishing him as Chief.
For
braves and for councillors of each Chief, a dress: it being supposed
that the braves and councillors will be two for each Chief.
For each Chief, except Yellow Quill, a buggy.
For the braves and councillors of each Chief,
except Yellow Quill, a buggy.
In
lieu of a yoke of oxen for each reserve, a bull for each, and a cow for
each Chief; a boar for each reserve, and a sow for each Chief, and a
male and female of each kind of animal raised by farmers; these when
the Indians are prepared to receive them.
A plow and a harrow for each settler
cultivating the ground.
These
animals and their issue to be Government property, but to be allowed
for the use of the Indians, under the superintendence and control of
the Indian Commissioner.
The buggies to be the property of the Indians
to whom they are given.
The above contains an inventory of the terms
concluded with the Indians.
WEMYSS M. SIMPSON,
MOLYNEUX ST. JOHN,
A. G. ARCHIBALD,
JAS. McKAY.
The Privy Council, by
Order in Council, agreed to consider this memorandum as part of the
original treaties, and instructed the Indian Commissioner to carry out
the promises therein contained, which had not been implemented. They
also agreed to offer to raise the annuities from three to five dollars
per head, to pay a further annual sum of twenty dollars to each chief,
and to give a suit of clothing every three years to each chief and head
man, allowing four head men to each band, upon the distinct
understanding however, that any Indian accepting the increased payment,
thereby formally abandoned all claims against the Government, in
connection with the verbal promises of the Commissioners, other than
those recognized by the treaty and the memorandum above referred to.
The
Government then invited Lieut.-Gov. Morris, in conjunction with the
Indian Commissioner, Lieut.-Col. Provencher, to visit the several bands
interested in the treaties, with a view to submit to them the new
terms, and obtain their acceptance of the proposed revision of the
treaties. His Honor accordingly placed his services at the disposal of
the Government, and was at his request accompanied by the Hon. Mr.
McKay, who had been present at the making of the original treaties, and
was well versed in the Indian tongues. In October 1875, these gentlemen
entered upon the task confided to them, and first proceeded to meet the
large and important band of St. Peters, in the Province of Manitoba.
The matter was fully discussed with the Indians, the Order in Council,
and memorandum read and explained to them, and their written assent to
the new terms obtained. After their return from St. Peters, owing to
the advanced season of the year, it was decided to divide the work, the
Lieutenant-Governor requesting the Indian Commissioner to proceed to
Fort Alexander on Lake Winnipeg, and to the Broken Head and Roseau
Rivers, while Messrs. Morris and McKay, would undertake to meet the
Indians included in Treaty Number Two at Manitoba House on Lake
Manitoba. Colonel Provencher met the Indians at the places above
mentioned, and obtained the assent of the Indians of the three bands to
the revised treaty. Messrs. Morris and McKay proceeded by carriage to
Lake Manitoba, and thence in a sail boat, where they met the Indians of
the six bands of Treaty Number Two, and after full discussion, the
Indians cordially accepted the new terms, and thus was pleasantly and
agreeably closed, with all the bands of Treaties One and Two, except
that of the Portage band, who were not summoned to any of the
conferences, a fruitful source of dissension and difficulty. The
experience derived from this misunderstanding, proved however, of
benefit with regard to all the treaties, subsequent to Treaties One and
Two, as the greatest care was thereafter taken to have all promises
fully set out in the treaties, and to have the treaties thoroughly and
fully explained to the Indians, and understood by them to contain the
whole agreement between them and the Crown. The arrangement, however,
of the matter with the Portage band was one of more difficulty. This
band had always been troublesome. In 1870, they had warned off settlers
and Governor MacTavish of the Hudson's Bay Company had been obliged to
send the Hon. James McKay to make terms for three years with them for
the admission of settlers. In 1874, they twice sent messengers with
tobacco (the usual Indian credentials for such messengers) to
Qu'Appelle to prevent the making of the treaty there. Besides the
claims to the outside promises, preferred by the other Indians, they
had an additional grievance, which they pressed with much pertinacity.
To obtain their adhesion to Treaty Number One, the Commissioners had
given them preferential terms in respect to their reserve, and the
wording in the treaty of these terms enhanced the difficulty. The
language used was as follows: “And for the use of the Indians of whom
Oo-za-we-kwun is Chief, so much land on the south and east side of the
Assiniboine, as will furnish one hundred and sixty acres for each
family of five, or in that proportion for larger or smaller families,
reserving also a further tract enclosing said reserve, to contain an
equivalent to twenty-five square miles of equal breadth, to be laid out
around the reserve.” The enclosure around the homestead reserve led to
extravagant demands by them. They did not understand its extent, and
claimed nearly half of the Province of Manitoba under it.
The
Indians constantly interviewed the Lieutenant-Governor on the subject,
and when the Hon. Mr. Laird, then Minister of the Interior, visited
Manitoba, they twice pressed their demands upon him. The Government
requested the Hon. Messrs. Morris and McKay to endeavor to settle the
long pending dispute, and they proceeded to the Round Plain on the
river Assiniboine with that view. They met the Indians, some five
hundred in number, but without result. The Indians were divided among
themselves. A portion of the band had forsaken Chief Yellow Quill and
wished the recognition of the Great Bear, grandson of
Pee-qual-kee-quash, a former chief of the band. The Yellow Quill band
wanted the reserve assigned in one locality; the adherents of the Bear
said that place was unsuited for farming, and they wished it to be
placed at the Round Plain, where they had already commenced a
settlement. The land to which they were entitled under the treaty was
34,000 acres, but their demands were excessive.
The
Chief Yellow Quill was apprehensive of his own followers, and besides
the danger of collision between the two sections was imminent. The
Commissioners finally intimated to the band that they would do nothing
with them that year, but would make the customary payment of the
annuities under the original treaty and leave them till next year to
make up their minds as to accepting the new terms, to which the Indians
agreed.
In 1876, the
Government again requested Mr. Morris to meet these Indians and
endeavor to arrange the long pending dispute with them, and in July he
travelled to the Long Plain on the Assiniboine with that object in
view. He had previously summoned the band to meet there, and had also
summoned a portion of the band known as the White Mud River Indians,
dwelling on the shores of Lake Manitoba, who were nominally under the
chieftainship of Yellow Quill, and were, as such, entitled to a portion
of the original reserve, but did not recognize the Chief. Mr. Morris
was accompanied by Mr. Graham, of the Indian Department, Secretary and
Paymaster. On arrival at his destination, the Lieutenant-Governor found
the Indians assembled, but in three camps. Those adhering to Yellow
Quill, the Bear, and the White Mud River Indians, being located on
different parts of the plains, Mr. Reid, Surveyor, was also present, to
explain the extent and exact dimensions of the proposed reserve.
The
next day the Indians were assembled, and the conference lasted for two
days. The Yellow Quill band were still obstructive, but the other two
sections were disposed to accept the terms. The question of the reserve
was the main difficulty. The Yellow Quill band still desired a reserve
for the whole. The others wished to remain, the Bear's party at the
Round Plain, and the White Mud River Indians at Lake Manitoba, where
they resided and had houses and farms. In the interval from the
previous year, the Bear's band had built several houses, and made
enclosures for farming. Eventually, the Indians were made to comprehend
the extent of land they were really entitled to, but the Governor
intimated that the land was for all, and that he would divide the band
into three, each with a Chief and councillors, and that he would give
each band a portion of the whole number of acres, proportionate to
their numbers—the Bear at the Round Plain, the White Mud Indians at
their place of residence, and the Yellow Quill band wherever they might
select, in unoccupied territory. After long consultations among
themselves the Indians accepted the proposal. The Bear was recognized
as a Chief, and a Chief selected by the White Mud River band was
accepted as such.
The
Indians also agreed to accept the revised terms of Treaty Number One,
and an agreement in accordance with the understanding was prepared and
signed by the Lieutenant-Governor, and the Chief and head men. The
Indians preferred a request to receive the two dollars, increased
amount, which, as they said, “had slipped through their fingers last
year,” which was granted, and also that the councillors should be paid
yearly, as in the other treaties, subsequently made. This the Governor
promised to recommend, and it was eventually granted, being made
applicable to all the bands in Treaties Numbers One and Two.
Thus
was so far closed, a controversy which had lasted for some years, and
had been fruitful of unpleasant feelings, the negotiations terminating
in that result having been from a variety of causes more difficult to
bring to a satisfactory solution than the actual making of treaties,
for the acquisition of large extents of territory. On the leaving of
the Lieutenant-Governor, the morning after the conclusion of the
arrangement, the Indians assembled and gave three cheers for the Queen
and Governor, and fired a feu de joie. Mr. Reid at once
proceeded to set aside the reserves for the Bear and White Mud bands,
but the selection of a reserve by the Yellow Quill band was attended
with still further further difficulty, although it was eventually
pointed out by them, and surveyed by Mr. Reid, it being in a very
desirable locality. The despatches of the Lieutenant-Governor to the
Minister of the Interior, giving an account in full of the negotiations
for the revision of the Treaties Numbers One and Two, will complete
this record, and will be found to give a clear narrative of them. These
are as follows:
GOVERNMENT HOUSE,
FORT GARRY, MANITOBA, 5th October, 1875.
Sir,—I have the honor to
inform you that in pursuance of your request that I should meet the
Indians of Treaties Numbers One and Two, with a view to a revision of
the terms thereof, and an adjustment of the disputed questions
connected therewith, I proceeded to the St. Peter Reserve on the 5th of
August and encamped near the Indian tents.
On
the 6th I met Chief Prince and his band, being accompanied by the Hon.
James McKay, who at my request gave me the benefit of his valuable
services, and by Mr. Provencher. I explained to the Indians the terms
offered to them by the Government, and obtained their written assent
thereto, endorsed on a parchment copy of the Order in Council of date
the 30th April, 1875. As however there are in the bands of Treaties
Numbers One and Two, four councillors, i.e., head men, and two
braves, we were under the necessity of agreeing that they should
continue at that number, instead of two, as specified in the report of
the Privy Council. We then brought before them your request that the
portion of the reserve embraced in the proposed new town near the
Pacific Railway crossing should be sold for their benefit, to which
they agreed, and the formal instrument of surrender will be enclosed to
you by the Indian Commissioner.
The
Indians living at Nettley Creek asked to have a reserve assigned them
there, and I promised to bring their request under your notice.
I
did not bring up the question of the division of the band into two, as
my experience with the Portage band, arising from a similar difficulty,
led me to fear that complications might arise from the proposal which
might prevent the settlement of the more important matter of the
disposal of the open questions relating to the treaty. I was therefore
of opinion that the division of the band should be postponed to next
year, and acted upon that opinion. A party of Norway House Indians were
present and asked for a reserve at the Grassy Narrows. I informed them
that one could not be granted at that place, and learning from them
that the Chief at Norway House was about leaving there with a party of
Indians to confer with me, I engaged three of the Indians present to
proceed at once to Norway House and inform the Indians that I would
meet them there about the middle of September.
I have since learned that they met the Chief
after he had left Norway House or Fort Garry, and caused him to return.
I have the honor to be, etc.,
ALEXANDER MORRIS,
Lieut.-Governor.
GOVERNMENT HOUSE,
FORT GARRY, MANITOBA, 4th October, 1875.
Sir,—I have the honor to
inform you that after my return from St. Peters, finding that in view
of my contemplated mission to Lake Winnipeg it would be impossible for
me to visit all the bands of Indians included in Treaties Numbers One
and Two, I requested the Indian Commissioner, Mr. Provencher, to
proceed to meet them at Fort Alexander and the Broken Head and Roseau
rivers, while I should proceed to Lake Manitoba and meet at Manitoba
House the various bands of Indians included in Treaty Number Two. In
pursuance of this arrangement, I left here on the 17th of August for
Oak Point, on Lake Manitoba, where I was to take a boat for Manitoba
Post.
I was accompanied by
the Hon. James McKay, whose presence enabled me to dispense with an
interpreter, and was of importance otherwise, as he had assisted my
predecessor in the making of the treaty originally at Manitoba Post.
Mr. Graham, of the Indian Department, also accompanied me to make the
payments and distribute the pensions. I reached Oak Point on the
afternoon of the 18th, and left there on the afternoon of the 20th,
arriving at Manitoba House on the evening of the 21st. The next day
being Sunday, nothing of course was done relating to my mission, but on
Monday morning I met the Indians at ten o'clock on the lake shore. The
six bands included in the treaty were all represented by their Chiefs
and head men and a large number of their people.
I
explained to them the object of our mission, my remarks being fully
interpreted by Mr. McKay, and obtained their assent in writing to the
Order in Council of the 30th April last, the terms of which were
accepted with cordiality and good feeling by the Indians.
The
new medals and uniforms were distributed to the Chiefs and head men,
and the payments under the revised treaty were then commenced by Mr.
McKay and Mr. Graham, and continued until 12.30 p.m.
On
the 24th, the payments were resumed and concluded, but owing to heavy
rain and high winds, we were unable to leave Manitoba Post until the
25th. The Indians on our departure again firing their guns in token of
their respect and good will. Owing to stormy weather, which obliged us
to encamp on Bird Island, we did not return to Oak Point until the
afternoon of the 27th.
On
the 28th, the Indians residing in that vicinity, and belonging to
Sousanye's band, were paid by Messrs. McKay and Graham. I returned to
Fort Garry on the 1st September, in the afternoon, my journey having
been protracted by unfavorable weather, and by the fact that owing to
the prevalence of shoals, the navigation of Lake Manitoba is difficult
in stormy weather.
As only
a small portion of the Riding House Indians were present, I informed
them that Mr. Graham would proceed to the mountains after our return,
to make the payments, and that I would send by him a reply to their
requests, as to the retention by them of the reserve originally
designated in the treaty, and this I have since done affirmatively with
your sanction. Mr. Provencher succeeded in obtaining the adhesion of
the bands at Fort Alexander, Broken Head and Roseau rivers to the new
terms, and has handed me the copies of the Order in Council with their
assents endorsed thereon.
You
will therefore perceive that with the exception of the Portage band
with regard to whom I wrote you fully on the 2nd of August last, the
assent of all the Indians interested therein to the proposed mode of
settlement of the unrecorded promises made at the conclusion of
Treaties Numbers One and Two, has been obtained, and I feel that I have
reason to congratulate the Privy Council on the removal of a fruitful
source of difficulty and discontent. But I would add, that it becomes
all the more important that a better system of Indian administration
should be devised so as to secure the prompt and rigid carrying out of
the new terms in their entirety.
You
are already in possession of my views on this subject, and I trust that
local agents will be appointed to be supervised by the Indian
Commissioner and that an Indian Council of advice and control, sitting
at Fort Garry, will be entrusted with the direction of the Treaties
One, Two, and the upper portion of Three, and the new Treaty Number
Five, so as to secure prompt and effective administration of Indian
Affairs.
Under the system
of local agents, the necessity of large gatherings of the Indians will
be avoided, and much expense to the Government, and inconvenience to
the Indians, avoided. I have further to record my sense of the services
rendered to me by Messrs. McKay and Graham. The latter discharged his
duties with promptitude and efficiency, and Mr. McKay and he introduced
a mode of distribution of the provisions to which I would call your
attention.
I have the honor to be, etc.,
ALEXANDER MORRIS,
Lieut.-Governor.
GOVERNMENT HOUSE,
FORT GARRY, MANITOBA, 2nd August, 1875.
Sir,—In accordance with
your request I have commenced my visits to the Indian bands included in
Treaties Numbers One and Two, with a view to settling the matters in
dispute. I left here on the 22nd inst., and was accompanied by the Hon.
James McKay, whom I had invited to accompany me in consequence of his
having been present at the making of the treaties, and by the Indian
Commissioner.
I reached the
Round Plain on the Assiniboine river, where Yellow Quill's band of
Saulteaux had assembled on the 26th, and met the Indians next day,
explaining to them our mission, and telling them what I was empowered
to promise them. This band, as you are aware, has always been
dissatisfied, and have been difficult to deal with I found them in an
intractable frame of mind, and the difficulty of the position was
enhanced by a division amongst themselves.
The
original Chief of the Portage band was Pee-quah-kee-quah, who was a
party to the treaty with Lord Selkirk. On his death he was succeeded by
his son, who died some years ago leaving a boy, who has now grown up.
Yellow Quill was appointed chief by the Hudson's Bay Company when
Pee-quah-kee-quah's son died. The grandson is now grown up and has
returned from the plains, where he has been, and claims to be
recognized as an hereditary chief, and about half the band have
followed his lead. After we had been in conference some time, an Indian
rose and told me that when the chief of the Portage died, he charged
him to keep the land for his son, and that they wished a reserve at the
Portage. Another rose and produced Pee-quah-kee-quah's King George
medal, and said the chief had placed it in his keeping and charged him
to deliver it to his son, when he was old enough to be a chief, and
then placed it round the neck of Kes-kee-maquah, or the Short Bear.
They then asked that I should receive him as a chief, in place of
Yellow Quill. I told them that could not be done. That Yellow Quill
must remain a chief, but that I would report their request on behalf of
the young chief to the Government at Ottawa and let them know their
decision, but that they could get no reserve at the Portage as only
that mentioned in the treaty would be given, and with this they were
satisfied. The conference then went on, the two parties sitting apart
and holding no intercourse with each other. I spent two days with them
making no progress, as they claimed that a reserve thirty miles by
twenty was promised them as shewn in the rough sketch enclosed, made at
their dictation and marked “A.” I produced the plan of the reserve, as
proposed to be allotted to them, containing 34,000 acres, but Yellow
Quill said it was not in the right place, and was not what was
promised, and morever it was not surrounded by the belt of five miles,
mentioned in the treaty, but was only partially so and did not cross
the river. I told them they could get no more land than was promised in
the treaty. They appealed to Mr. McKay whether the Reserve was not
promised to be on both sides of the river, and he admitted that it was.
I told them it was not so written in the treaty, and that if the
Government should allow it to cross the river, the rights of navigation
must be conserved, but I would consult the Queen's Councillors. They
replied that they would go to the “Grand Father” and get him to
intercede for them, meaning the “President of the United States,” as I
afterwards discovered, an American Indian having persuaded them to take
this course.
They refused
to discuss or accept anything until the Reserve Question was settled,
and while I was speaking on the afternoon of the second day, Yellow
Quill's Councillors went away, and left him alone, when he followed. I
then left the Council tent, leaving word that I would depart in the
morning. Yellow Quill came back and said that he would accept the five
dollars, but Mr. McKay told him he had not taken my hand, and that it
would not be paid, as my offer was conditioned on a settlement of all
questions between them and the Government. About six o'clock, Yellow
Quill and his Councillors sent me the following message which had been
written for them by Mr. Deputy Sheriff Setter from their dictation.
“They
didn't come to see you. You came to see them, and if you choose to come
and speak to them again, you can come if you like.”
I felt that I must now deal firmly with them,
and therefore prepared the following reply:
“It
is not right, for they came to see me at my request, as their Governor,
and I came to meet them. After spending two days with them, their Chief
insulted me by rising and going out while I was speaking, and breaking
up the Conference. I represent the Queen, and his action was
disrespectful to her. I will not go to meet you again. If you are sorry
for the way I have been treated you can come and see me.”
I
charged Mr. McKay to deliver it to them in their Council, which he did,
when they denied having meant to send the message in the terms in which
it was, and disclaimed all intended offence. The message had its
desired effect, but their disclaimer was not correct, as Mr. Setter
informs me that he had originally written a welcome to me, which they
caused him to strike out, and to say that “I could come if I chose.”
Next morning I struck my tents and loaded my waggons and prepared to
leave. Seeing this, Yellow Quill and his Councillors came to Mr. McKay,
and asked if I would not see them again, to which I consented. On
proceeding to Mr. Provencher's pay tent, I met the Chief, Yellow Quill.
His spokesman rose, saying “that they were glad to have met me, that
they had found my words good; that they had not desired to offend the
Queen or me, and were sorry; that God had watched us during two days,
and He was again looking on.” I accepted their apology, and then
proceeded to practical business, the whole tone and demeanor of the
Indians being changed, having become cordial and friendly. I may
mention here, that Yellow Quill reproached his Councillors for their
conduct. He also informed Mr. McKay privately, that he could not act
otherwise as he was in danger of his life from some of his own
“braves.” He was guarded all the time by a man armed with a bow and
steel-pointed arrows. I promised to state their claims as to the
reserve, but told them it would not be granted, but that I would change
the location of the reserve, as it had been selected without their
approval, and would represent their view as to its locality, and as to
crossing the river, the navigation of which, however, could not be
interfered with. They asked to be paid three dollars per head or one
dollar per year for the following transaction: In 1868 a number of
Ontario farmers had settled on Rat Creek. Yellow Quill's band drove
them off and trouble was impending. Governor McTavish sent Mr. McKay up
to arrange the difficulty, in anticipation of the advent of Canadian
power. He made a lease for three years of their rights, assuring them
that before that time the Canadian Government would make a treaty with
them and recognize the temporary arrangement, and in consequence the
settlers were unmolested. The question was not raised at the “Stone
Fort” Treaty, and I told them I had not known of it before, but
supposed the Government would hold that the treaty had covered it, and
that the extra two dollars would compensate for it, but that I would
represent their news and give them an answer. They complained of the
mode of payment, as my predecessor assured them that their children who
were absent should be paid when they presented themselves, and that
they only got two years payment instead of the full amount. As these
were Mr. Provencher's instructions I promised to report it. They
expressed themselves quite satisfied with the arrangements as to the
outside promises, and would gladly accept of it, if the reserve
question was settled, but that they could not receive that as surveyed.
I took the opportunity of explaining to them that the “President of the
United States” had no power here, and that the Queen and Her
Councillors were the only authorities they had to deal with, and that I
would state their wishes as fully as they could do themselves. They
asked if I would come back, but I said not this year, but next year
either I or some other Commissioner would meet them. Eventually they
cheerfully agreed to accept the three dollars annuity as usual, and to
defer a final adjustment of the question between us until next year,
and promised to accompany any one I sent to select the reserve and
agree on its locality. They again thanked me for my kindness and
patience with them, and I took leave of them. I regard the result as
very satisfactory, as I left the band contented, and you are aware of
their intimate relation with the “Plain Indians,” and the difficulty
their message to Qu'Appelle, “that the white man had not kept his
promises,” caused us then, and it is very important that they should be
satisfied. I returned to the Portage, and Mr. Provencher proceeded to
Totogan, and paid the White Mud section of the band, numbering one
hundred and thirty, who are nominally included in it, but do not
recognize Yellow Quill's authority, the usual annuities, which they
accepted without demur.
I would now make the following
recommendations:
1st.
That you should write to Yellow Quill declining to entertain his
demands for the large reserve but offering to them a reserve including
the “Eagle's Nest” on the north side of the river, and laid off in the
terms of the treaty, with the land comprised in the one hundred and
sixty acres for each family, surrounded by the belt mentioned in the
treaty, in the manner suggested in the enclosed rough sketch “B,”
reserving the rights of navigation and access to the river. The land is
of inferior quality to that already offered them.
2nd.
I would propose that the young chief should be recognized as head of
the section of the band adhering to him. He and his section are ready
to accept the terms and the reserve as described in the treaty. They
behaved very well and told Mr. McKay that they were glad I had not
recognized him then, as it would have led to bloodshed, and they would
be content if the recognition came when the reserve was settled. The
young chief is an intelligent, well disposed man, aged about twenty-six.
3rd.
I would propose that the White Mud Indians, who live there constantly,
should be recognized as a distinct band and should elect a Chief.
4th.
I would recommend that the arrears due to Indians who have not yet
received their annuities, should be paid in full at once, but that a
period of two years should be fixed for those bona fide members
of the band to come in and be paid, and that after that they should
only receive one year's payment. If these steps are taken, I think we
shall have no more trouble with these Indians.
In
conclusion I have to express my obligations to the Hon. Mr. McKay for
the valuable services he rendered me. The Indians told me they would
not have come into the Stone Fort Treaty but for him, and I know it was
the case.
I have the honor to be, etc.,
ALEXANDER MORRIS,
Lieut.-Governor.
GOVERNMENT HOUSE,
FORT GARRY, MANITOBA, 8th July 1876.
TO THE HONORABLE THE MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR.
Sir,—I
have the honor to inform you that, in compliance with your request, I
left this on the 14th ult. with the view of proceeding to the Long
Plain on the Assiniboine, in order to meet the Indians of the Portage
Band, to arrange the dispute with regard to the reserve, and to settle
the outside promises. Mr. Graham, of the Indian Department, and Mr.
Reid, P.L.S., also went there at my request, the one to act as
paymaster, and the other, as you wished, to survey the reserve. Owing
to the prevalence of heavy rain the roads were in so bad a condition
that I was four days in reaching the Long Plain, while we were also
subjected to inconvenience and expense by the detention of the
provisions, owing to the same cause. Added to my other discomforts was
the presence of mosquitoes in incredible numbers, so that the journey
and the sojourn at the Plain were anything but pleasurable. I had taken
the precaution to request Mr. Cummings, the interpreter, to summon the
White Mud Indians as well as Yellow Quill's band, and those who adhered
to the Short Bear.
On my
arrival at the Long Plains, which I accomplished on the 17th, I found
about five hundred Indians assembled, but camped in three separate
encampments. On arriving, I was saluted by a feu de joie. At the
Portage, Mr. Graham had obtained some provisions, which he had sent
forward in carts.
On
our way we met some carts sent by the Indians to relieve my waggons of
the tents and baggage, the Indian trail being almost impracticable; but
instead of so using them I sent them on toward the Portage to meet the
loaded carts, and was thus enabled to get the temporary supply of
provisions to the Plain, which was fortunate, as the Indians were
without food. The evening of my arrival the Councillors of Yellow Quill
came to talk with me, but I declined to do so, telling them that the
Chief had not come, and I would only speak with him. I acted thus, in
consequence of the conduct of their head men, last year, when they
controlled the Chief and coerced the whole band. In a short time Yellow
Quill came with them to see me, and finding that they had come about
provisions, I referred them to Mr. Graham, who, I informed them, had
charge of the provisions and payments. The incident had a marked effect
in giving tone to the following negotiations.
On
Monday I met the Indians, who ranged themselves in three parties. I
explained to them the proposed arrangement of the outside promises very
fully, and told them that as they were willing to accept of the
settlement last year, I did so for their information only. I then took
up the question of the reserve, read the terms in which it was referred
to in the Stone Fort Treaty, explained to them that they were getting
double the land any other Indians in Treaties Numbers One and Two were
doing, but told them the reserve belonged to all of them, and not to
Yellow Quill's band alone. I then called on them to speak to me, asking
Yellow Quill first. He said he did not understand the extent of the
reserve. I then asked Mr. Reid to shew them a diagram of it, and to
explain to them its length in ordinary miles, and otherwise, which he
did very satisfactorily, and at length they comprehended it. I then
called on Short Bear's band to express their views. They said they
wanted a reserve at the Long Plain, if it was only a little piece of
land; that they liked the place, that they had built houses and planted
gardens, had cut oak to build more houses, and wished to farm there. I
then called on the White Mud Indians. They said that they were
Christians and had always lived at the White Mud River; that they did
not wish to join either Yellow Quill's or Short Bear's reserve, but
desired a reserve at the Big Point. I told them they could not have it
there, as there were settlers, and the Government wished them to join
one of the other bands, and explained to them that their holdings would
be respected, except where inadvertently sold. I took this course, as I
had ascertained that the plan of Yellow Quill's head men was to make no
settlement this year, and that they had induced the other Indians to
agree to act in that way. I accordingly so shaped my opening speech and
my dealings with the Indians as to defeat this project, by securing the
support of Short Bear's and the White Mud Indians, which I succeeded in
doing, though Yellow Quill's spokesman taunted the others with having
broken their agreement. As the conference proceeded, Yellow Quill's
councillors said they did not want the band broken up, as they wished
all to live together. I told Yellow Quill he would have his reserve on
both sides of the river, reserving the navigation, and that if they
could agree to go to one reserve, I would be pleased; but if not, that
I would settle the matter. Yellow Quill said his councillors were
willing that the other Indians should have a separate reserve provided
they retained the belt of twenty-five miles, in addition to their
proportion of the reserve. I informed them this could not be done; the
reserve belonged to all. They then asked for an adjournment, in order
that they might meet together and have a smoke over it, to assemble
again when I hoisted my flag. After a couple of hours interval I again
convened them. The Short Bears and White Mud Indians adhered to what
they stated to me, but Yellow Quill's band insisted on one reserve for
all, but admitted that the objections of Short Bear's band to the place
asked by them were well founded, and that it was sandy and unfit for
farming, and that they would like to select a reserve higher up the
River Assiniboine. I then adjourned the conference until morning, and
asked them to meet together and be prepared for settlement.
On
Tuesday, the 20th June, the Indians again responded to the hoisting of
my flag, and met at 9 o'clock. Yellow Quill told me that his band were
now willing to separate from the others, and wished to select a reserve
higher up the river. I informed them that I would accede to their
request, but that they must do it at once, and on the approval thereof
by the Privy Council it would be laid off. Short Bear's band still
desired a reserve at the Long Plain, to which I assented. The White Mud
River Indians asked for a separate reserve where they could farm, and I
informed them that under the discretionary powers I possessed I would
have a reserve selected for them, giving them their proportion of the
original reserve. The Indians then asked that the two dollars per head,
which had, as they said, slipped through their fingers last year,
should be paid to them, and I told them that I had been authorized to
do so, which gave them much satisfaction. In anticipation of a
settlement I had prepared a draft agreement, which was being copied for
me by Mr. Graham. I informed them of this, and stated that I would sign
it, and that the Chiefs and Councillors must do so likewise, so that
there could be no misunderstanding. When the agreement was completed, I
asked Mr. Cummings, the Interpreter, to read it to them, which he did.
Three Indians, who understood English, and who had at an early period
been selected by the Indians to check the interpretation of what was
said, standing by, and Mr. Cummings being assisted by Mr. Cook, of St.
James, who, at Mr. Cummings' request, I had associated with him, on the
Indians choosing their interpreters. I then signed the agreement, and
called upon Yellow Quill to do so. He came forward cheerfully and said
he would sign it, because he now understood what he never did before,
viz., what was agreed to at the Stone Fort. I then called on his
Councillors to sign, but they refused, saying they had agreed by the
mouth. I then told the Indians that unless the Councillors signed
nothing could be done, and that the Councillors who refused would be
responsible for the failure of the negotiations. One of them then
signed, but the other persistently refused. I repeated my warning, and
at length he reluctantly came forward and said he wished to ask me a
question, “Would the head men be paid?” I told him I had no authority
to do so, but would report his request. He said he did not expect it
this year, but hoped for it next. Eventually he signed the agreement. I
then said I would recognize Short Bear as a Chief, and asked him to
select his Councillors and braves. He did so at once, making a
judicious choice, and came forward to touch the pen, saying “I thank
you for my people.” His Councillors promptly followed, one of them
asking for a part of the reserve on the other side of the river, which
I refused. I then called on the White Mud River Indians to select a
Chief and one Councillor, being under the impression at the time that
they were the least numerous band, which, however, has turned out not
to be the case, which they did at once, and on their being presented to
me they signed the agreement. I then gave a medal to Yellow Quill, and
promised to send the other two Chiefs medals when procured from Ottawa,
the supply here being exhausted. To the Chiefs and Councillors suits of
clothing were then distributed, Yellow Quill and his head men having
hitherto refused to accept either medals or coats, but now taking them.
Yellow Quill then presented me with a skin coat, and said that he
parted with the other Indians as friends, and that there would be no
hard feelings. The conference then broke up, and thus terminated a
difficulty which has existed for several years, and the influence of
which was felt as an obstacle, as you are aware, at Qu'Appelle when the
treaty was made there. Mr. Graham at once commenced the payments, and
during the evening the three Chiefs and their Councillors called on me,
evidently being on the most friendly terms with each other, a state of
things which had not existed for a considerable period. In the morning,
as I was leaving for the Portage, the Indians assembled near my waggon
and gave three cheers for the Queen and three for the Governor, and I
then drove off amid a salute of firearms from all sections of the
encampment. I left Mr. Graham to complete the payments, and here record
my sense of the efficient services he rendered me. He understands the
Indian character, and gets on well with them. I requested Mr. Reid to
visit the White Mud region and ascertain what persons are entitled to
holdings under the terms of your instructions, and also to survey Short
Bear's reserve.
Yellow
Quill is to go without delay to look up a reserve, and as there are no
settlers in the region in question, I propose that if Mr. Reid sees no
objection to the locality he should at once lay it off, so as to
effectually terminate the chronic difficulty with this band. I shall be
glad to receive by telegram your approval of his doing so. The
interpreters, Mr. Cummings, Mr. Cook, of St. James, a trader, and
Kissoway, an Indian trader belonging to the band, rendered me much
service; the latter trades in the west, and was passing the Portage on
his way to Fort Garry, and as he belonged to Yellow Quill's band, and
is a relative of his, being a son of the deceased Pecheto, (another of
whose sons was the spokesman at Qu'Appelle, as you will recollect) he
came to the Long Plains to advise the band to come to terms. He
remained at my request until the negotiations were concluded, and
exerted a most beneficial influence over Yellow Quill's band. I call
your attention to the request of Yellow Quill's Councillors, that they
should be paid. As in Treaties Three, Four and Five, they are paid, and
as the expense would not be large, I am of opinion that before the
Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Superintendency of Manitoba
proceeds to make the payments in Treaties One and Two, he should be
authorized to pay the head men. It will be difficult to explain why the
difference is made, and it will secure in every band, men who will feel
that they are officers of the Crown and remunerated as such. I returned
to Fort Garry on the 23rd inst., encountering on the way a very severe
thunder storm, which compelled me to take advantage of the very
acceptable shelter of the kindly proffered residence of the Hon. Mr.
Breland, at White Horse Plains, instead of a tent on the
thoroughly-drenched prairie. I congratulate you that with the
successful issue of this negotiation is closed, in Treaties One and
Two, the vexed question of the open promises. I forward by this mail a
copy of the agreement I have above alluded to, retaining the original
for the present, and will be pleased to hear of its speedy approval by
the Privy Council.
I have the honor to be, etc.,
ALEXANDER MORRIS,
Lieut.-Governor.
This
treaty, covers an area of approximately about 100,000 square miles. The
region is inhabited by Chippewas and Swampy Crees. The necessity for it
had become urgent. The lake is a large and valuable sheet of water,
being some three hundred miles long. The Red River flows into it and
the Nelson River flows from it into Hudson's Bay. Steam navigation had
been successfully established by the Hudson's Bay Company on Lake
Winnipeg. A tramway of five miles in length was being built by them to
avoid the Grand Rapids and connect that navigation with steamers on the
River Saskatchewan. On the west side of the lake, a settlement of
Icelandic immigrants had been founded, and some other localities were
admirably adapted for settlement. Moreover, until the construction of
the Pacific Railway west of the city of Winnipeg, the lake and
Saskatchewan River are destined to become the principal thoroughfare of
communication between Manitoba and the fertile prairies in the west. A
band of Indians residing at Norway House, who had supported themselves
by serving the Hudson's Bay Company as boatmen on the route from Lake
Winnipeg to the Hudson Bay, by way of the Nelson River, but whose
occupation was gone, owing to supplies being brought in by way of the
Red River, desired to migrate to the western shore of Lake Winnipeg,
and support themselves there by farming.
For
these and other reasons, the Minister of the Interior reported “that it
was essential that the Indian title to all the territory in the
vicinity of the lake should be extinguished so that settlers and
traders might have undisturbed access to its waters, shores, islands,
inlets and tributary streams.” The mouth of the Saskatchewan River
especially seemed to be of importance, as presenting an eligible site
for a future town. For these reasons the Privy Council of Canada, in
the year 1875, appointed Lieut.-Gov. Morris, and the Hon. James McKay,
to treat with these Indians. It may be here stated that this remarkable
man, the son of an Orkneyman by an Indian mother, has recently died at
a comparatively early age. Originally in the service of the Hudson's
Bay Company, he became a trader on his own account. Thoroughly
understanding the Indian character, he possessed large influence over
the Indian tribes, which he always used for the benefit and the
advantage of the Government.
The Hudson's Bay Company, to resume this
narrative, kindly placed their propeller steamer, the Colville,
at the service of the Commissioners, and the Board in London, in view
of the public service rendered by its use by the Commissioners,
eventually declined to make any charge for its employment. A full
report of the voyage of the Commissioners, and of the results of their
mission, will be found in the despatch of the Lieutenant-Governor,
which will be found at the end of this chapter. Suffice it to say, that
the Commissioners proceeded first to Berens River, on the east side of
the lake, and made a treaty with the Indians of that side of the lake,
thence they sailed to the head of Lake Winnipeg, descended the Nelson
River to Norway House, where no steamer had ever before been, and
concluded a treaty with the Indians there.
They
also promised the Indians to give those of them who chose to remove, a
reserve on the west side of Lake Winnipeg, at Fisher's River, about
forty miles from the Icelandic settlement.
A considerable number of families have since
removed there, and have formed a very promising settlement.
From
Nelson River the Commissioners proceeded to the mouth of the Great
Saskatchewan River, and met the Indians who live there. Their houses
were built at the foot of the Grand Rapids, and in the immediate
vicinity of the Hudson's Bay, Tramway, some seven miles from the mouth
of the river. The river is here deep to the very shore, so that the
steamer ran long aside the bank, and was moored by ropes attached to
the Chief's house. The Commissioners met the Indians and informed them
of the desire of the Government to control the land where they had
settled, and to give them a reserve, instead, on the opposite side of
the river. They said, they would surrender the locality in question,
and go to the south side of the river, if a small sum was given them,
to aid them in removing their houses or building others. To this the
Commissioners willingly acceded, and promised that the next year a sum
of five hundred dollars would be paid them for that purpose. The treaty
was then signed, the Commissioners having extended the boundaries of
the treaty limits, so as to include the Swampy Cree Indians at the Pas
or Wahpahpuha, a settlement on the Saskatchewan River, and recommended
that Commissioners should be sent in the ensuing summer to complete the
work. The Commissioners then returned to Winnipeg, after a voyage, on
and around the lake, of about one thousand miles. The terms of the
treaty were identical with those of Treaties Numbers Three and Four,
except that a smaller quantity of land was granted to each family,
being one hundred and sixty, or in some cases one hundred acres to each
family of five, while under Treaties Numbers Three and Four the
quantity of land allowed was six hundred and forty acres to each such
family. The gratuity paid each Indian in recognition of the treaty was
also five dollars per head, instead of twelve dollars the circumstances
under which the treaty was made being different. The area covered by
these treaties was approximately about 100,000 square miles and has
been described as lying north of the territory covered by Treaties
Numbers Two and Three, extending west to Cumberland House (on the
Saskatchewan River) and including the country east and west of Lake
Winnipeg, and of Nelson River as far north as Split Lake.
In
1876, Lieut.-Gov. Morris, in accordance with his suggestions to that
effect, was requested by the Minister of the Interior, to take steps
for completing the treaty, and entrusted the duty to the Hon. Thomas
Howard, and J. Lestock Reid, Esq., Dominion Land Surveyor. He gave them
formal instructions, and directed them to meet the Indians together at
Dog Head Point, on the lake, to treat with the Island Indians there and
thence to proceed to Berens River to meet the Indians of the rapids of
that river who had not been able to be present the previous year, and
thereafter directed Mr. Howard to proceed to the mouth of the
Saskatchewan and pay the Indians the five hundred dollars for removal
of the houses, and thence to go up the Saskatchewan to the Pas and deal
with the Indians there, while Mr. Reid was to proceed from Berens River
to Norway House, and arrange with the Indians for the removal of such
of them as desired it, to Fisher's River, on Lake Winnipeg.
These
gentlemen accordingly in July, 1876, proceeded in York boats (large
sail boats) to their respective destinations, and were very successful
in accomplishing the work confided to them.
I
now append the official despatch of Lieut.-Gov. Morris, dated 11th
October, 1875, giving an account of the making of the treaty and of the
journey, and his despatch of the 17th November, 1876, relating to the
completion of the treaty, together with extracts from the reports of
Messrs. Howard and Reid.
FORT GARRY, October
11th, 1875.
TO THE HONORABLE THE MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR.
Sir,—I
have the honor to inform you, that under authority of the Commission of
the Privy Council to that effect, I proceeded to Lake Winnipeg for the
purpose of making a treaty with the Saulteaux and Swampy Cree Indians,
in company with my associate, the Hon. James McKay, leaving Fort Garry
for Chief Prince's Landing on the Red River, on the 17th September
last, in order to embark on the Hudson's Bay Company's new propeller,
the Colville, which Chief Commissioner Graham had kindly placed
at our disposal on advantageous terms. We selected this mode of
conveyance, as travelling and conveyance of provisions in York boats
would, at the advanced period of the season, have occupied at least
eight weeks, if at all practicable.
The
steamer left the landing at five o'clock on the 18th September, but
owing to the prevalence of a gale of northerly wind was compelled to be
anchored at the three channels of the Red River, inside of the bar
which obstructs the entrance of the lake. The wind continued during the
18th and 19th, but on the afternoon of the latter day, Captain
Hackland, a sailor of much practical experience on the Northern Seas
decided to risk going out, as the water on the bar was running down so
fast that he feared that the steamer would be unable to cross over the
bar. I may remark that the wind causes the waters of the lake to ebb
and flow into the river with great rapidity, and that the bar is so
serious an obstruction to an important navigation, that it ought to be
examined with a view to ascertain the cost and practicability of its
removal. Leaving our anchorage, we crossed the bar at three in the
afternoon with difficulty, and proceeded on our voyage; anchored
opposite the mouth of the Berens River on Monday, the 20th, at nine
a.m., to await the arrival of a pilot, as no steamer had ever before
entered the river. Under the pilotage of a Chief and a Councillor, we
reached Berens River Post, the Indians greeting us with volleys of
firearms, and at once summoned the Indians to meet us in the Wesleyan
Mission School House, which the Rev. Mr. Young kindly placed at our
disposal. We met the Indians at four o'clock, and explained the object
of our visit. The question of reserves was one of some difficulty, but
eventually this was arranged, and the Indians agreed to accept our
offer, and the indenture of treaty was signed by the Chiefs and head
men about eleven p.m. The payment of the present of five dollars per
head, provided by the treaty, was immediately commenced by Mr. McKay
and the Hon. Thomas Howard, who accompanied me as Secretary and Pay
Master, and was continued until one a.m., when the payment was
concluded.
The steamer left
next day, the 21st, for Norway House, but the captain was obliged to
anchor at George's Island in the evening, owing to the stormy weather.
The Colville remained at anchor all the next day, the 22nd, but
left at midnight for Nelson River. We sighted the Mossy and Montreal
points, at the mouth of that river, about nine a.m. on the 23rd, and
arrived at the old or abandoned Norway House at eleven o'clock, under
the guidance of Roderick Rose, Esquire, of the Hudson's Bay Company's
Service, at Norway House, who had been engaged for some days in
examining the channel, in anticipation of our visit.
The
Nelson River expands into Play Green Lake, a large stream of water
studded with islands, presenting a remarkable resemblance to the
Thousand Islands of the St. Lawrence River. The distance from the mouth
of the river to Norway House is twenty miles. We arrived at Norway
House at three o'clock and were welcomed there by the Indians, who
fired a salute.
On the 24th
we met the Indians in a large store-house of the Hudson's Bay Company,
and asked them to present their Chiefs and head men. We found that
there were two distinct bands of Indians, the Christian Indians of
Norway House, and the Wood or Pagan Indians of Cross Lake. Each elected
their Chiefs by popular vote in a most business-like manner, and the
Chiefs, after consulting the bands, selected the head men. We then
accepted the Chiefs, and I made an explanation of the object of our
visit in English, and the Hon. James McKay in the Indian dialect. We
severed the questions of terms and reserves, postponing the latter till
we had disposed of the former. The Indians gratefully accepted of the
offered terms, and we adjourned the conference to enable them to
consult as to reserves. On re-assembling, the Christian Chief stated
that as they could no longer count on employment in boating for the
Hudson's Bay Company, owing to the introduction of steam navigation, he
and a portion of his band wished to migrate to Lake Winnipeg, where
they could obtain a livelihood by farming and fishing. We explained why
we could not grant them a reserve for that purpose at the Grassy
Narrows as they wished, owing to the proposed Icelandic settlement
there, but offered to allot them a reserve at Fisher River, about forty
miles north of the Narrows, and this they accepted. It is supposed that
some eighty or ninety families will remove there in spring, and it was
arranged that those who remain, instead of receiving a reserve, should
retain their present houses and gardens. The Chief of the Pagan band,
who has, however, recently been baptized, stated that the Wood Indians
wished to remain at Cross Lake, and we agreed that a reserve should be
allotted them there. The treaty was then signed and the medals and
uniforms presented. The Chiefs, on behalf of their people, thanked Her
Majesty and her officers for their kindness to the Indian people, which
I suitably acknowledged, and the payment of the presents was commenced
by Messrs. McKay and Howard, and completed on the 15th.
We
left that day at half-past three amidst cheering by the Indians and a
salute of fire-arms, and came to anchor in Play Green Lake, at Kettle
Island, at half-past five.
The
steamer left Kettle Island next morning at six o'clock for the Grand
Rapids of the Saskatchewan, which we reached at four o'clock.
The
original post of the Hudson's Bay Company, at the mouth of the river,
has been abandoned, and a new one established on their reserve, some
six miles higher up the river, at the head of the portage, which the
river steamer descends to. The Colville, at our request ran up
to the Chiefs house, situated on the shore of a deep bay, and was
moored and gangways laid out to the shore. We found an Indian village
on the north side, and also the Chief's house, which was built on the
only spot where good and inexpensive wharfage can be had, and
ascertained afterwards that the Indians claimed the whole north shore
for a reserve.
On the 27th
we met the Indians near the Chief's house in the open air, at a spot
where a large fire had been lighted by them, as the weather was cold.
We took a similar course as at Norway House in severing the question of
terms of the treaty and reserves, and with like satisfactory results.
After a lengthy discussion the Indians agreed to accept the terms, and
we then entered upon the difficult question of the reserves. They
complained of the Hudson's Bay Company's reserve, and wished to have
the land covered by it, but we explained whatever had been promised the
Company would be given just as promises made to them would be kept.
They said the Company's reserve should be at the abandoned post at the
mouth of the river, and not at the end of the portage. We informed them
that we would inquire as to this. They then claimed a reserve on both
sides of the river of large extent, and extending up to the head of the
Grand Rapids, but this we declined to accede to. Eventually, as the
locality they had hitherto occupied is so important a point,
controlling as it does the means of communication between the mouth of
the river, and the head of the rapids, and where a “tram-way” will no
doubt ere long require to be constructed, presenting also deep-water
navigation and excellent wharfage, and evidently being moreover the
site where a town will spring up, we offered them reserve on the south
side of the river. They objected, that they had their houses and
gardens on the north side of the river, but said that as the Queen's
Government were treating them so kindly, that they would go to south
side of the river, if a small sum was given them to assist in removing
their houses, or building others, and this as will be seen by the terms
of the treaty, we agreed to do, believing it to be alike in the
interests of the Government to have the control of so important a point
as the mouth of the great internal river of the Saskatchewan, and yet
only just to the Indians, who were making what was to them so large a
concession to the wishes of the Commissioners. On our agreeing to the
proposal, the treaty was cheerfully signed by the Chief and head men,
and the payment of the present was made to them, together with a
distribution of some provisions. I enclose a tracing of the mouth of
the river, copied from a sketch thereof kindly made for me by Mr. Ross,
which will enable you to understand the actual position of the locality
in question, and the better appreciate our reasons for our action in
the matter.
The steamer
left the Grand Rapids in the afternoon of the 27th, and the captain
took his course for the mouth of the Red River, but anchored, as the
night became very dark, between George's Island and Swampy Island.
On
the 28th, resuming our course at half past five a.m., we sighted Berens
River Mission House at eight o'clock, and passed into the channel
between Black Bear Island and Dog Head or Wapang Point, at 12.30; then
observing a number of Indians on the shore making signals to us by
firing guns, we requested the captain to approach the shore. The water
being very deep the steamer went close inshore and anchored—the Indians
coming off to us in their canoes. We found them to be headed by
Thickfoot, a principal Indian of the band inhabiting the islands, and
some of those and the Jack Head band of the West Shore, and explained
to them the object of our visit. They told us they had heard of it, and
had been waiting to see us. Thickfoot said the Island Indians at Big
Island, Black Island, Wapang and the other islands in the vicinity had
no chief; that they numbered one hundred and twenty-eight, and those at
Jack-Fish Head sixty. Thickfoot said he had cattle and would like to
have a place assigned to his people on the main shore, where they could
live by farming and fishing. We suggested Fisher River to them, which
they approved of. Eventually we decided on paying these Indians—took
Thickfoot's adhesion to the treaty, of which I enclose a copy, and
authorized him to notify the Indians to meet at the Dog Head Point next
summer, at a time to be intimated to them, and to request them in the
mean time to select a Chief and Councillors. Thickfoot expressed
gratitude for the kindness of the Government, and his belief that
Indians of the various Islands and of Jack Head Point would cheerfully
accept the Queen's benevolence and settle on a reserve. After paying
this party, and distributing a small quantity of provisions among them,
we resumed our voyage, and, owing to the character of the navigation,
again came to anchor in George's Channel at seven o'clock, p.m. On the
29th, we left our anchorage at five o'clock a.m., and entered the mouth
of the Red River at twelve o'clock, crossing the bar without
difficulty, as the weather was calm. We arrived at the Stone Fort at
three o'clock in the afternoon, but had to remain there till next day,
awaiting the arrival of conveyances from Winnipeg. Mr. McKay and I left
the Stone Fort on the 30th at seven a.m. leaving our baggage and a
portion of the provisions which had not been used to be forwarded by
the steamer Swallow, and reached Fort Garry at ten o'clock, thus
terminating a journey of over one thousand miles, and having
satisfactorily closed a treaty with the Saulteaux and Swampy Crees,
which will prove of much importance in view of the probable rapid
settlement of the west coast of Lake Winnipeg. The journey, moreover,
is of interest, as having been the first occasion on which a steam
vessel entered the waters of Berens River and of the Nelson River, the
waters of which river fall into the Hudson's Bay, and as having
demonstrated the practicability of direct steam navigation through a
distance of three hundred and sixty miles from the city of Winnipeg to
Norway House. I may mention here that the prevalence of timber suitable
for fuel and building purposes, of lime and sandstone, of much good
soil, and natural hay lands on the west shore of the lake, together
with the great abundance of white fish, sturgeon and other fish in the
lake, will ensure, ere long, a large settlement.
The
east coast is much inferior to the west coast, as far as I could learn,
but appeared to be thickly wooded, and it is understood that
indications of minerals have been found in several places.
I
now beg to call your attention to the boundaries of the treaty, which,
you will observe, vary somewhat from those suggested in your memorandum
to the Privy Council. The Commissioners adopted as the southern
boundary of the treaty limits, the northern boundary of Treaties
Numbers Two and Three. They included in the limits all the territory to
which the Indians ceding, claimed hunting and other rights, but they
fixed the western boundary as defined in the treaty, for the following
reasons:
1st. The extension
of the boundary carries the treaty to the western limit of the lands
claimed by the Saulteaux and Swampy Cree Tribes of Indians, and creates
an eastern base for the treaties to be made with the Plain Crees next
year.
2nd. The Swampy Crees at the Pas, on the
Saskatchewan, would otherwise have had to be included in the western
treaties.
3rd.
That the extension of the boundaries will add some six hundred to the
number of Indians in the suggested limits, of whom three hundred at
Wahpahhuha or the Pas on the Saskatchewan would have had to be treated
with owing to the navigation of the Saskatchewan, in any event.
4th.
The inclusion of the Norway House Indians in the treaty, and the
surrender of their rights, involved a larger area of territory.
5th.
That a number of the Norway House Indians came from Moose Lake and the
Cumberland region, and possessed rights there which have been included
in the boundaries.
6th.
Unless the boundaries had been properly defined, in conformity with
known geographical points, a portion of the country lying between the
territories formerly ceded and those comprised in Treaty Number Five,
would have been left with the Indian title unextinguished.
For
these reasons, the Commissioners defined the boundaries as they are
laid down in the treaty, and it will remain with the Government to send
a Commissioner to the Pas to obtain the adhesion of the Indians there
to the treaty next summer, or not as they shall decide, though the
Commissioners strongly urge that step to be taken as a necessity.
I
forward the original of the treaty to you by the Hon. Mr. Christie, and
in order to the better understanding of the treaty area, I enclose a
very valuable map copied from one made for me at my request on board of
the Colville, by Roderick Ross, Esq., who accompanied me from
Norway House to the Stone Fort, and to whom I was indebted for much
valuable assistance and co-operation, as we were in fact to the
Company's officers generally. This map is prepared from actual
observation, and locates many places not indicated on any existing map,
and covering as it does an area of over 100,000 square miles, which,
exclusive of the great waters, has been included in the treaty,
possesses much value.
I
enclose herewith duplicates of the pay sheets, a statement of the cash
expenditure, shewing the balance on hand of the credit which was given
me for the purposes of the treaty, and statements of the distribution
of the provisions and of the clothing, and medals, as given to the
chiefs and head men. These statements will shew that every arrangement
was made to secure the utmost economy in effecting the treaty, and yet
to give satisfaction to the Indians concerned.
I
mention here that the Indians were uniformly informed that no back
payments of the present would be made to those who did not attend the
meetings with the Commissioners, but that next year those not present
would receive payment with the others, if they presented themselves.
I
have to express my sense of the services rendered to the Government by
my associate the Hon. James McKay, and the Hon. Thomas Howard, who
acted as Secretary and Pay Master to the Commissioners as well as of
the many kind services we received from Captain Hackland, and the other
officers of the Colville, from the Wesleyan Missionaries, and
from the officers of the Hudson's Bay Company.
I
take this opportunity of suggesting that the supervision of Treaty
Number Five, and the carrying out of the treaty obligations with the
Indians of the St. Peter's Band, and of those of Fort Alexander and the
River Roseau and Broken Head, which fall into Lake Winnipeg, should be
entrusted to a local agent, stationed at the Stone Fort or in the
vicinity of St. Peter's, and who would thence supervise the whole
District.
In conclusion, I
have only to express the hope that the action of the Commissioners,
which in every respect was governed by a desire to promote the public
interest, will receive the approval of the Privy Council, and be
regarded by them as the satisfactory discharge of an onerous and
responsible duty.
I have the honor to be, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
ALEXANDER MORRIS,
Lieut.-Gov. N. W. T.
GOVERNMENT HOUSE,
FORT GARRY 17th November, 1876.
TO THE HONORABLE THE MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR.
Sir,—I
recommended in my despatch of the 7th June, that measures should be
adopted to secure the adhesion of the Indians, who had not been met
with when Treaty Number Five was concluded, and was requested by you to
entrust the duty to Mr. Graham, of the Indian Department here, or to
the Hon. Thomas Howard, Mr. Graham was unable to leave the office. I
therefore entrusted the matter to Mr. Howard and J. Lestock Reid,
D.L.S. I gave these gentleman written instructions, a copy of which
will be found appended to the report of Mr. Howard, in which I directed
them to meet the Island Indians and those of Berens River together, and
then to separate, Mr. Reid proceeding to Norway House and Mr. Howard to
the Grand Rapids of the Saskatchewan and the Pas, this course being
necessary to enable the work to be accomplished during the season. I
have pleasure in informing you that these gentlemen discharged their
mission most successfully and satisfactorily, as will be seen from the
following reports, which I enclose, viz:—
A. Joint report of Messrs. Howard and Reid as
to the Island Indians of Lake Winnipeg and those of Berens River.
B. Report of Mr. Howard as to the band at the
Grand Rapids, and as to his negotiations with the Indians at the Pas.
C. Report of Mr. Reid with regard to the
Norway House Indians.
D. Report of Mr. Howard, submitting the
accounts of the expenditure incurred in carrying out my instructions.
1.
It will appear from these reports that the Commissioners obtained the
assent of the scattered bands among the islands and shores of Lake
Winnipeg, and had them united in a band with one Chief and his
Councillors.
2. That the
Indians of the Grand Rapids of the Berens River accepted the treaty,
being received as part of the band of Jacob Berens, and that the latter
band wish their reserves to be allotted them and some hay lands
assigned.
3. That the Norway House Indians contemplate
removal to Fisher's River, on Lake Winnipeg.
4.
That the Indians of Grand Rapids have removed, as they agreed to do
last year from the point where they had settled on the Saskatchewan,
and which had been set apart as the site of a town.
5.
That the Indians of the Pas, Cumberland, and Moose Lake gave their
adhesion to the treaty and, subject to the approval of the Privy
Council, have agreed upon the localities for their reserves.
6.
That the bands at the Grand Rapids, the Pas, and Cumberland are in a
sufficiently advanced position to be allowed the grant for their
schools.
I forward herewith
the balance sheet of Mr. Howard for the receipts and disbursements
connected with the completion of the treaty and the payments, as also
the various vouchers in support thereof. I placed the charge of the
financial arrangements in the hands of Mr. Howard, on whom also fell
the longest period of service in the work entrusted to the
Commissioners.
I also forward by parcel post, registered,
the original of the assents to the treaty of the various bands.
To
prevent complications and misunderstandings, it would be desirable that
many of the reserves should be surveyed without delay, and, from Mr.
Reid's connection with the treaty, and his fitness for the work, I
think that he would be a suitable person to be employed in the duty.
I
would remark in conclusion, that I requested Mr. Provencher to obtain
the assent to the treaty of the band at the mouth of the Black River,
and that be informs me that he obtained their adhesion and has so
reported to you. The having obtained the assent of the whole of the
Indians within the region treated for so far, is a most satisfactory
feature of the year's operations.
I have, &c.,
ALEXANDER MORRIS,
Lieut.-Governor.
A.
WINNIPEG, October
10th, 1876.
TO THE HON. ALEXANDER MORRIS,
Lieutenant-Governor, Fort Garry.
Sir,—Under instructions
received from you, dated 14th July last, we were directed to proceed to
the Dog Head Point and Berens River, on Lake Winnipeg, and there obtain
the adhesion of certain Indians to the treaty that was made and
concluded at Norway House last year, and we have now the honor to
report....
With a fair wind
and fine weather we reached the Narrows on Monday afternoon, the 24th,
at half-past four. Mr. Howard called at the Hudson's Bay Company's post
to see about the provisions stored there, where he found Thickfoot and
the Jack-Fish Head Indians encamped, about twenty-five families in all,
and learned from them that they were desirous to meet and speak to us
where they were, and not across the Narrows at the Dog Head; but as the
place of meeting was distinctly fixed, Mr. Howard informed them that
they would have to move their camps.
Mr.
Reid having, in the meantime, gone to the Dog Head Point, was received
with a salute from the Indians there encamped, viz.: the Blood Vein
River, Big Island and Sandy Bar bands, and, almost simultaneously with
Mr. Howard's arrival there, the Indians belonging to Thickfoot and the
Jack-Fish Head arrived also.
We
hardly had time to make our camp before being waited upon by a
representative from all the bands except Thickfoot's, and they desired
to know when we would be prepared to have a conference; and, having
told them that the following day, the 25th, was the day appointed, and
that we would meet them at eleven o'clock in the morning, we gave them
some provisions and they withdrew. Thickfoot subsequently called upon
us and stated that he was prepared at any time to meet us and sign the
treaty, that he had learned that it was our intention to make only one
Chief for all the Indians gathered there; that he had felt when the
paper was placed in his hands last year by the Governor, that he was
making him the Chief; that he had notified all the Indians that were
there as he had agreed, and that they had threatened him with violence
for saying he was to be Chief, and that he was afraid now to join them
in any way, and that he and his band wished to be spoken to by
themselves. Upon hearing this, we informed him that he need not be
afraid of violence, that the paper the Governor gave him merely stated
that he was a principal Indian, and we would certainly recognize him as
such, and if the Indians desired him to be their Chief it would be a
great pleasure to us.
The
following morning the Indians sent word by a representative from each
band, except Thickfoot's, that they desired another day to meet in
council before having a conference; but, feeling they had sufficient
time already, yet not wishing to hurry them too much, we extended the
hour of meeting to four o'clock on the same day, which satisfied them,
and when they promised to be ready.
About
three o'clock, we were informed that the Indians had gathered, so we at
once proceeded to meet them. The place we had chosen for the conference
was on a granite plateau, and at one end our crews had erected a
covering with boughs; a more suitable spot for the meeting could not be
found.
After inquiring if
they had all gathered, and, being assured that they had, we began to
explain the object of our mission, but immediately saw that the bands
were determined to be considered distinct and wished to be treated with
separately, when we informed them that only one Chief would be allowed,
and that before we could proceed any further we would require them all
to meet together in council and there select one Chief and three
Councillors, and be prepared to present them to us on the following
day. This evidently gave great satisfaction to the Island Band, of
which Ka-tuk-e-pin-ais was head man, but they all withdrew; before
doing so, agreeing to be ready the next day at noon to meet us.
Before
the hour appointed for the meeting the next day, another delegation
came over and informed us that the Indians were not yet prepared, that
they could not come to any decision as to who should be Chief, and
again asked to have the hour of meeting extended to three o'clock,
which we did upon the understanding that if they were not then prepared
we would return and report the facts to you.
Shortly
after, we noticed Thickfoot and his Indians sitting near our tents, and
evidently taking no part in the selection of a Chief, so we called him
over and found him still disinclined to join the other Indians. He
stated that they would not have him as Chief, and that he would
therefore remain away. We then explained that he could be head man of
his band by being elected a Councillor to whoever would be appointed
Chief, and at last prevailing upon him to go with his Indians to the
Council tent, we requested the Rev. Mr. Cochrane to proceed to the
Indian encampment and state to them that from each band other than the
one from which the chief was chosen, a Councillor would have to be
taken. By this means we saw our way to satisfy all the bands, and Mr.
Cochrane having notified the Indians accordingly, we felt confident the
choice of a chief would soon be made; but in this we were disappointed,
as a messenger shortly after arrived and said no choice could be made,
as Ka-tuk-e-pin-ais would do nothing unless he was chosen Chief. On
hearing this Mr. Cochrane decided to visit the Indians in Council, and,
having done so, proposed to them that they should elect a Chief by
ballot, and having got them all to agree to this proposition, they
proceeded to the election. Several ballots had to be taken, and at last
resulted in favor of the chief Indian of the Blood Vein River band,
Sa-ha-cha-way-ass, and the Councillors elected were the head men from
the Big Island, Doghead and Jack-Fish Head bands.
At
three o'clock p.m., we were notified that the Indians had again
gathered, when we proceeded to the place of meeting, and were presented
to the Chief and two of his Councillors. Ka-tuk-e-pin-ais, the third
Councillor, coming forward, said his band did not want him to act as
Councillor; that he had seen the Governor the other day, and had been
told by him that he would be the Chief of the Island Indians. Whereupon
we informed him that no such promise had been made by you, and that we
could only recognize the choice of the majority. He then desired to
withdraw from the negotiations, and wait until he saw you, before
signing the treaty; but as we had learned that out of the twenty-two
families that were in his band, all, with one or two exceptions, had
received the annuity since 1870, with the St. Peter's Band, we made
them sit by themselves, and then explained that by receiving the
annuity as a large number of them had done, they had really agreed to
the treaty and that we were there only to deal with those of the band
that had at no time received money from the Queen. Ka-tuk-e-pin-ais
then said that there were very few of his Indians that had not received
money from the Queen, but that he never had; that he was quite prepared
to sign the treaty now, only some of his people did not want him to do
so, unless we agreed to give them the Big Island for a reserve. This we
at once refused, and at the same time told them that unless he and all
his band agreed to the terms we offered them without further delay,
they might return to their homes. Hearing this, they all withdrew, but
soon returned, when Ka-tuk-e-pin-ais said one or two of his people did
not want him to sign any treaty, but most of them did, and that he was
going to do so. He then took his seat along with the Chiefs and other
Councillors, and we proceeded to explain the terms of the treaty. When
we came to the clause referring to the reserves, each band was anxious
that the places where they are in the habit of living should be granted
them as reserves, and the locations of the same mentioned in the
treaty; but as our instructions were positive on this point, we refused
but assured them that the names of the places they asked for, we would
certainly forward with our report to you, and we stated that with the
exception of the location asked for by the Sandy Bar Indians, we felt
sure the Government would grant their request, and give them their
reserves where they desired. The following were the localities
mentioned:—
DOG HEAD BAND.—The point opposite the Dog Head.
BLOOD VEIN RIVER BAND.—At mouth of Blood Vein River.
BIG ISLAND BAND.—At mouth of Badthroat River.
JACK-FISH HEAD BAND.—The north side of Jack Head Point, at the
Lobstick, and the
SANDY BAR BAND.—White Mud River, west side of Lake Winnipeg.
It must be remembered
that four bands out of the above named, viz.:—Big Island, Jack-Fish
Head, Dog Head and Blood Vein River, are distinct bands, those at Sandy
Bar really belonging to the St. Peter's Band of Indians and that they
have always lived at the different points upon the lake from which they
take their names, and they therefore look upon these points as their
homes. We would, therefore, beg to recommend that the request of of
all, with the exception of the Sandy Bar Indians, be granted, although
in doing so we are aware of the desire of the Government that Indians
should not be encouraged to break up into small bands, yet we feel sure
in this instance it would be impossible to get them all upon any one
reserve.
The adhesion we
had signed on Wednesday evening, July 26th, and we then arranged to
begin the payments of annuities the following morning at nine o'clock,
which was done, and the payments completed by four o'clock on the same
day. We then distributed the implements, ammunition, twine, and balance
of provisions.
As already
stated, the Indians at Sandy Bar, were formerly paid with the St.
Peter's band. They are now included in the limits of Treaty Five, and
desire to receive their annuity with the Island band.
Having
distributed the presents, we immediately moved our camp to an island
about a quarter of a mile from the Point, and there remained until
Saturday morning, the 29th, when, having a favourable wind, we set sail
and arrived off the mouth of Berens River, and camped on Lobstick
Island the following morning, Sunday, at half-past nine o'clock.
We
remained there until Tuesday, and then moved our camp to the Methodist
Mission. The next day we went over in one of our boats to the Hudson's
Bay Company's post, where we met Mr. Flett, the officer in charge and
received from him the provisions that had been previously forwarded and
which he had in store, and then returned to our camp.
Mr.
Flett informed us that the Indians from the Narrows of Berens River, he
expected would arrive that evening, and on Thursday, visited us to say
that they had arrived and were then holding a council. The same
afternoon the Chief and Councillors called upon us and desired to know
when we would be prepared to meet them, and though the 5th was the day
appointed, we thought it advisable, as all the Indians were then
gathered there, and were anxious to return to their homes, to appoint
the following day, the 4th August.
The
next morning the Indians came over from where they were encamped near
the Hudson's Bay post, in York boats; and when we learned that they
were all in the school-house we proceeded there, and met, in addition
to the Berens River band, about thirty Indians from the Grand Rapids of
Berens River. We explained the object of our mission, and found the
Indians from the Rapids most anxious to accept the Queen's bounty and
benevolence, some of them had already accepted the annuity with the Lac
Seule Indians we found, so we immediately told them that it was only to
those that had not previously received money or presents from the
Queen, that the first part of our mission extended, and with whom it
was necessary we should first speak. The head man,
Num-ak-ow-ah-nuk-wape, then said that he was fully prepared, on behalf
of all his Indians, to accept the same terms as given to the Berens
River band, only be wanted his reserve where he then lived, at the
Grand Rapids; upon which we told him that before we could speak
further, we must be assured by the band that he was their head man, and
this the band at once did. We then thought it advisable to recommend
that they should make the Chief of the Berens River band their Chief,
and make their head man a Councillor to him, and although our
proposition was not at once received satisfactorily, we ultimately
prevailed upon them to accept it, and the Chief was at once elected. By
this means we saved the expenses necessarily incurred in maintaining
one Chief and two Councillors. We then stated that we were prepared to
grant them their reserve where they asked for it; and having explained
the treaty to them, clause by clause, and mentioned in the adhesion
where the reserve should be, the adhesion was duly signed by the Chief
and Councillors. The payment of the annuity was then gone on with and
finished that afternoon at four o'clock.
We
then distributed the implements, ammunition, twine and provisions. When
we had finished, the Chief and Councillors came forward, and thanked us
for all that had been done for them; they said they were well pleased
with what they had received and desired us to inform you of the fact,
which we accordingly promised. They then returned in the same boats
they had come over in: before leaving the bank, giving three cheers for
the Queen and three for the Governor.
We
are very much pleased to inform you that the best possible feeling
appears to exist between the Indians in this region. They all appeared
anxious to farm and settle down, and we heard that a number of houses
had been built at Poplar River, and considerable clearing done there
since the treaty was made with them last year; the implements and tools
we brought them were therefore most acceptable. As these bands live at
a considerable distance from each other, we would recommend that an
extra supply of tools be allowed them. We also feel satisfied that the
animals promised by the treaty might be furnished, as we certainly
consider them in a position to take care of the same.
As
you directed, we informed them that their application for hay lands had
been forwarded to the Government, and this gave them great
satisfaction. The following morning, Saturday, August 5th, Mr. Reid
left for Norway House, and during the afternoon of the same day, Mr.
Howard sailed for the Stone Fort on the Red River.
Having
obtained the adhesion of the Indians at the Dog Head, and at Berens
River, our duties as Joint Commissioners under your instructions
ceased....
We were
fortunate enough to secure the services of the Rev. Henry Cochrane, who
kindly acted as interpreter. Being in the Province on a visit from his
mission at the Pas, and desirous of returning, Mr. Howard gave him a
passage in his boat, and he rendered us the most valuable assistance
throughout.
Having thus
referred to the different matters connected with our mission while
acting together, and assuring you that our aim and desire was to
fulfill it to your entire satisfaction, which we trust we have done,
We have the honor to be, Sir,
Your obedient servants,
THOS. HOWARD,
J. LESTOCK REID,
Commissioners.
B.
WINNIPEG, October
10th, 1876.
TO THE HONORABLE ALEXANDER MORRIS,
Lieutenant-Governor, Fort Garry.
Sir,—I have the honor to
inform you that in compliance with your instructions, a copy of which I
hereunto annex, I proceeded, accompanied by Mr. Reid, to the Dog Head
and Berens River on Lake Winnipeg, and there successfully secured the
adhesion of the Island and Grand Rapids of Berens River Bands of
Indians to Treaty Number Five, and, having paid the annuities to the
Berens River Indians, returned to the Stone Fort. As mentioned in the
joint report submitted to you by Mr. Reid and myself, I had the
greatest difficulty in procuring a boat to take me on my mission, and
only through the kindness of Mr. Flett, of the Hudson's Bay Company, at
the Stone Fort, was I able to obtain even the loan of one as far as
Berens River, from where I had to return it....
I
left the Stone Fort for the Grand Rapids, on the morning of the 17th of
August, and after a very fast, though rough and dangerous passage,
reached the mouth of the Saskatchewan river, early on the morning of
the 26th. I found, on entering the river, that the Indians were
encamped near its mouth, on the south bank, where I landed, and
arranged to meet them at noon that day. As the provisions were stored
at the Hudson's Bay Company's post, about a mile and a half up the
river, I decided to camp at the foot of the road leading across the
four-mile Portage, and having done so, and in the meantime sent the
provisions to the Indian camp, I returned there at the time agreed upon.
The
band having assembled, I stated to them the object of my mission—that I
had been directed to pay them the annuity and deliver some of the tools
and implements granted them by the treaty, and also to distribute
amongst those that formerly had houses and gardens on the north bank of
the river, and had moved to where they were then living, as stipulated
in the treaty, the sum of five hundred dollars.
To
my surprise, the Chief at once expressed his astonishment at my saying
that the treaty had been made last year, and said he had only a talk
then with the Governor preliminary to making the treaty this year, and
that they were only then prepared to be treated with. I explained to
the band how I had been present myself when it was made, and that I
would have it read to them. I accordingly requested Mr. Cochrane to do
so, explaining it thoroughly; yet, it was only after a great deal of
talking on their part, during which they made most unreasonable
demands, and many explanations on my part, that the Indians were
satisfied that a treaty had been made, when they requested me to go on
with the payments; at the same time a number of them stated that they
had been misled by one of the counsellors, Joseph Atkinson by name. I
then paid the annuity, distributed the provisions, tools, implements,
etc., and gave the Chief a copy of the treaty, and, arranging to meet
them again on Monday the 28th, I returned to my camp at midnight.
On
Monday, I met them as agreed, and at once began and made inquiries as
to who had houses and gardens on the north bank and had moved their
houses to the south bank, and I found that all those that had formerly
lived on the north bank had removed from there. I noticed that great
feeling existed amongst them all as to the division of the five hundred
dollars granted. All the band congregated round me and the large
majority desired that the amount should be divided equally between them
all, and claimed that every one belonging to the band was entitled to
participate in the division; so I thought it best to leave it to
themselves to decide how the amount should be distributed, and they
only succeeded in doing so after a great deal of talking, and, I regret
to say, quarrelling; but they at last arranged it, and I was requested
by the Chief and Councillors to divide it amongst the whole band in
such proportions as I thought right, so I proceeded at once to what
turned out to be a long and troublesome undertaking; but having as I
considered made a fair and equitable distribution of the amount, I paid
the same, had the document witnessed by the Chief and Councillors, and
only got back to my camp again at midnight. As I before said, all the
Indians had removed to the south bank of the river, but had made no
preparations to build, and were merely living in tents. Close to the
encampment, at the mouth of the river, the Church Missionary Society
have put up a large building to answer the purposes of a church and
school-house. Care must be taken and strict watch kept over this band.
Living as they do on the bank of a navigable river, where people are
constantly passing, they can give great trouble and annoyance, and, I
am sorry to say, are inclined to do so. Several complaints were made to
me while there, and I spoke to the Indians regarding them. They
promised me to abide faithfully by the terms of the treaty henceforth
and not give any further annoyance.
While
occupied paying the Indians there, my crew were engaged in taking my
boat and supplies across the Portage. They left the camp early on
Monday morning, and with the assistance kindly rendered them by Mr.
Matheson, of the Hudson's Bay Company, succeeded in reaching the north
end of the Portage on Tuesday evening. That same afternoon I walked
over the four-mile Portage and found there a number of buildings
belonging to the Hudson's Bay Company. To this point the Saskatchewan
River steamer Northcote descends and receives the supplies for
the different posts belonging to the Company to the West and North-West.
On
Wednesday morning, the 30th, I left for the Pas. From the Grand Rapids
to the Narrows, before entering Cedar Lake, a distance of eighteen or
twenty miles, a continuous rapid extends, and it is only by tracking
and poling simultaneously that you are at all able to ascend the river.
The first day I made only nine miles on my way and camped at the Demi
Charge, and it was late in the evening on the second day when I reached
Cedar Lake. This lake is about thirty-five miles in length and is very
shallow and dangerous in stormy weather. I was fortunate enough to have
very calm weather, and, therefore, crossed it without any delay and
entered the Saskatchewan again at the Che-ma-wa-win or “Seining place,”
early on Saturday morning, September 2nd. Noticing a large encampment
of Indians there, I landed and found they were part of the Moose Lake
band. They desired that I should treat with them where they were, and
not bring them to the Pas, but upon my telling them that I could only
treat with them at the appointed place of meeting, they readily
assented to follow me up, and having given them some provisions to take
them there, and secured the services of one of them to act as guide, I
again started on my journey.
I
was then three days and two nights ascending the river, and on Tuesday
morning, the 5th September, the day appointed for me to meet the
Indians, I arrived at the Pas or Devon Mission, on my way up having
been passed by the Indians from the Che-ma-wa-win.
On
entering the river after leaving Cedar Lake the whole aspect of the
country changes, and from there to the Pas, and, I understand, for
fully one hundred miles above it, nothing but marsh can be seen; so
much so that it was difficult along the bank of the river to find a
spot dry enough to camp upon, and I was, consequently, obliged to eat
and sleep in my boat. The dreariness of this voyage can hardly be
realized, and it was with feelings of delight that I landed at the
Mission at the Pas where the Rev. Mr. Cochrane received me.
Mr.
Cochrane had accompanied me from the Stone Fort and had been in my boat
up to the night before I arrived, when, meeting some Indians that were
on the look-out for us, he returned with them in their canoe and
reached his home shortly before I arrived.
The
Pas or Devon Mission is situated on the south bank of the Saskatchewan,
distant, I should say, one hundred and forty miles from Grand Rapids.
The Church Missionary Society have a very nice church, school-house and
parsonage there; and the Hudson's Bay Company one of their posts. There
are also a large number of houses belonging to the Indians of the
place; and on the other bank the firm of Kew, Stobart & Co., have
erected a store for trading purposes. There are also several
dwelling-houses on the north bank. Altogether, the appearance of the
place, on my arrival, was most prepossessing. The banks were covered
with Indians with their canoes, and immediately the boat rounded the
point below the Mission and came in view a salute was fired, the like
of which, I was subsequently told, had never been heard in the “Ratty
Country”.
Having landed at
the Mission, Mr. Cochrane informed me that he had, as I requested,
summoned the Indians to meet in the school-house at three o'clock that
afternoon, and when the hour arrived I proceeded there and found
upwards of five hundred Indians gathered. I stated the object of my
mission to them, and was at once assured of their desire to accept of,
and their gratitude for, the Queen's bounty and benevolence.
I
found that the Pas and Cumberland bands of Indians had acknowledged
Chiefs, but that the Moose Lake band had none, owing to a division
amongst them. It appeared that the Indians from the Che-ma-wa-win
desired to be a distinct band and have their reserves where I had seen
them at the entrance of the river from Cedar Lake; but noticing, on my
way up, the unfitness of the locality for a reserve, and having learned
that at Moose Lake, where part of the band desired to live, a most
suitable locality could be had, I had decided before meeting them upon
the course I should take, which was, not to encourage the division in
the band, and allow only one Chief; and this I did, and succeeded,
without much trouble, in getting the band to unite. I then requested
all the Indians to meet in council and select their Chief and head men,
and be prepared the following morning to present them to me, when I
would be ready to speak to them.
The
next morning at eleven o'clock I met them and found they had done as I
requested, and having been presented to the Chiefs and Councillors I
proceeded to explain the terms of the treaty that I desired to receive
their adhesion to. The Chiefs immediately stated that they wanted to
make a treaty of their own, and it was only after great difficulty that
I could make them understand that in reality it was not a new treaty
they were about to make.
They
had heard of the terms granted the Indians at Carlton, and this acted
most prejudicially at one time against the successful carrying out of
my mission; but I at last made them understand the difference between
their position and the Plain Indians, by pointing out that the land
they would surrender would be useless to the Queen, while what the
Plain Indians gave up would be of value to her for homes for her white
children. They then agreed to accept the terms offered if I would agree
to give them reserves where they desired; and to their demands I
patiently listened, and having at last come to a satisfactory
understanding I adjourned the meeting to the following day.
Before
proceeding further, I would draw your attention to the localities I
granted for reserves, subject to the approval of the Government, and
beg to inform you that I made every inquiry as to the extent of farming
land in each locality mentioned.
At
the Narrows, at Moose Lake, there is considerable good land, and a
suitable place for a reserve can be had for the Moose Lake band.
For
the Pas and Cumberland Indians I had to mention several localities. At
the Pas all the land obtainable is now cultivated, and consists of a
vegetable garden and one field attached to the Mission, and a few
patches of potatoes here and there. A short distance from the river the
marsh begins, and extends to the south for miles; and the same thing
occurs to the north. In fact, on both banks of the river at this point,
and from the Che-ma-wa-win up to it, one hundred and fifty acres of
land fit for cultivation cannot be found; and about Cumberland the
country in every respect is similar.
The
following day, Thursday the 7th, I met the Indians at three p.m., and
had the adhesion read to them and signed. I then presented the medals
and clothing to the Chiefs and Councillors, with which they were
greatly pleased, and having congratulated them upon wearing the Queen's
uniform, and having in return been heartily thanked by them for what
had been done, I proceeded to pay them, and continued to do so up to
seven o'clock, when the funds at my disposal being exhausted, I
directed them to meet me again the following morning at nine o'clock,
which they did, and I completed the payments the same evening at five
o'clock. I then distributed the balance of provisions and the
ammunition and twine. The implements and tools I had been unable to
bring from Grand Rapids, my boat being very heavily laden; but Mr.
Belanger, of the Hudson's Bay Company, kindly promised to have them
brought up free of charge in a boat that was going to the Grand Rapids
in a few days; I therefore gave the Chief of the Pas band an order for
the chest of tools and the implements.
The
following day, Saturday, having again seen all the Chiefs and
Councillors and received their thanks, and after many expressions of
gratitude from the Indians gathered, I left the Pas at half-past two
o'clock p.m., and with rowing and floating alternately during the
afternoon and night, reached the Che-ma-wa-win on Sunday evening;
crossed Cedar Lake on Monday, and landed at the head of Grand Rapids on
Tuesday morning. I then ran the rapids and hoisted the sail at the
mouth of the river at two p.m., having called upon Mr. Matheson and
seen the Chief of the Indians there on my way down. I then made all
haste to return here, but, owing to contrary winds, only succeeded in
reaching the Stone Fort on the 20th September, yet, having made a very
quick trip, unprecedented in fact, and in carrying out the mission
entrusted to me, travelled in an open boat, thirteen hundred miles.
I
would now inform you that three out of the four bands of Indians I met
on the Saskatchewan, viz., the Grand Rapids, Pas and Cumberland, are in
a position to receive at once from the Government the grant allowed for
the maintenance of schools of instruction; at the Grand Rapids a huge
school-house is by this time entirely completed; and at the Pas and
Cumberland, schools, under the charge of the Church Missionary Society,
have been in existence some years. The Indians belonging to the bands I
have named desired that the assistance promised should be given as soon
as possible.
I would now
mention the very valuable services rendered the Government by the Rev.
Mr. Cochrane, who acted as interpreter at the Dog Head, Berens River,
Grand Rapids and the Pas, and who was at all times ready to give his
advice and assistance; as well as by Mr. A. M. Muckle, who accompanied
me and assisted in making the payments; and by Mr. Nursey, who took
charge of the boat with supplies for the Pas. To Mr. Matheson, of the
Hudson's Bay Company, Grand Rapids, and Mr. Belanger, of Cumberland
House, I am deeply indebted, and take this opportunity of tendering
these gentlemen my sincere thanks for the assistance rendered me and
the many kindnesses I received from them. I enclose herewith the
pay-sheet of the different bands I paid, a statement of the cash
expenditure, and statements shewing quantities of provisions,
implements, etc., received and how distributed, with a statement of
clothing, medals, etc., given to the Chiefs and Councillors, and a
report I received from Mr. Bedson.
And, trusting that the manner in which I have
carried out the mission entrusted to my care, may meet with your
approval,
I have the honor to be, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
THOMAS HOWARD,
Commissioner.
FORT GARRY, July 14th,
1876.
TO THE HON. THOS. HOWARD AND J. LESTOCK REID,
ESQ.
Dear
sirs,—Under authority from the Minister of the Interior, I have to
request you to proceed to Lake Winnipeg for the purpose of—on behalf of
the Privy Council of Canada—securing the adhesion to Treaty Number Five
of the Indians who have not yet been dealt with, and to make the
necessary payments to the others.
1st.
You will, if possible, together proceed to or meet at the following
places, being there on the days named, viz.: Dog Head Point, 25th July,
and Berens River on the 5th August.
2nd.
Mr. Howard will then proceed to the mouth of the Saskatchewan, so as to
reach there on the 25th of August, and then arrive at the Pas on the
5th of September.
3rd. Mr. Reid will proceed from Berens River
to Norway House, to arrive there on or before the 25th of August.
4th.
You or either of you will secure the adhesion of the Island Indians to
the treaty after the form annexed, and will request them to select a
Chief and three Councillors, and will be authorized to promise them a
reserve of one hundred and sixty acres to each family of five, or that
proportion for larger or smaller families, to be selected for them by
the person chosen for that end by the Privy Council with their approval.
5th.
You or either of you will obtain the adhesion of the Indians of the
Grand Rapids of Berens River to the treaty according to the form
annexed. You will ask them to select a Chief and three Councillors. A
similar provision will be made as to a reserve, but if necessary you
can fix the locality at the Sandy Narrows above the rapids on the
Berens River, reserving free navigation and access to the shores to all
Her Majesty's subjects.
6th.
Mr. Reid will pay the Norway House and Cross Lake Indians, and will
ascertain the intentions of the Norway House Indians as to the time of
their removal to Fisher River, of which I am unadvised.
7th.
Mr. Howard will pay the Indians at the mouth of the Saskatchewan, and
if the Indians have removed their houses, as agreed by the treaty, will
pay them five hundred dollars, but if not and some have removed, will
pay such their proportionate share of the five hundred dollars.
8th.
You will distribute the implements, tools, etc. sent among the Indians,
as also the ammunition and twine. Cattle cannot be given till the
Indians are sufficiently settled on the reserves to make it seem that
they will be cared for. You will report any cases where you find this
to be the case, for future action.
9th.
You will inform the Berens River Indians that their application for a
hay reserve has been forwarded to the Privy Council by me, and that
they will receive a reply hereafter.
10th.
Mr. Howard will secure the adhesion of the Indians at the Pas to the
treaty providing that reserves of one hundred and sixty acres to each
family of five will be granted at places selected for them by an
officer of the Privy Council, with their approval; but it will probably
be necessary to give them a reserve at the Pas where they reside,
reserving carefully free navigation and access to the shores. As the
extent of land there is very narrow, it may be desirable to indicate
localities where farming reserves will be granted subject to the
approval of the Privy Council.
11th.
The Moose Lake Indians are a distinct band, and will probably desire
the recognition of two separate Chiefs and the allotment of separate
reserves to them.
12th. The
Cumberland House Indians are another band, but very much scattered; the
question of a reserve will have to be considered, and, in connection
with it, as in other cases, respect for actual, bona fide,
substantial improvements, and for the rights of settlers.
13th.
In all cases the places indicated for reserves to be subject to Her
Majesty's approval in Council, and free navigation and access to the
shores to be reserved.
14th.
In the case of new adhesions to the treaty, which are in fact new
treaties, only five dollars is to be paid, but persons belonging to
bands treated with last year are to receive last year's payment, if
then absent, if necessary.
15th. You will each take with you a suitable
person, to be approved of by me, to assist you in the payment.
I have the honor to be,
Your obedient servant,
ALEXANDER MORRIS,
Lieut.-Governor.
C.
WINNIPEG, October 14th
1876.
TO THE HON. ALEXANDER MORRIS,
Lieut.-Governor.
Sir,—Referring to your
letter of instructions under date of the 14th of July, relative to the
payment of the Norway House and Cross Lake bands of Indians, I have the
honor to submit the following report:—
Having,
in co-operation with the Hon. Thomas Howard, paid the Indians of Berens
River and successfully secured the adhesion of the Island and Upper
Berens River bands of Indians to Treaty Number Five, on the morning of
Saturday, the 5th of August, I left for Norway House, which place,
owing to stormy weather and strong head winds, I did not succeed in
reaching until the morning of the 12th. On the way I was met by Indians
proceeding to inspect their reserve at Fisher's River, who brought a
letter from the Chiefs of Norway House and Cross Lake, stating that the
Indians were all assembled, and requesting to be paid at the earliest
possible date.
On reaching
this place, Norway House, after having camp pitched at a short distance
from the fort, I dispatched messengers to the several camps and
villages, notifying the Indians of my arrival and desiring the Chiefs
to meet me on the Monday morning following. On Sunday evening divine
service was held within the fort by the Rev. Mr. Ruttan, Wesleyan
missionary, at which a large number of Indians were present.
On
Monday morning, the Chiefs and most of the Indians of both bands having
assembled at my camp, the Cross Lake band requested to be paid there,
and the Norway House Chief asked that his people might he paid in the
school-house in their village about two miles from the fort. On hearing
that all the Indians that could come were assembled, I consented to pay
them where they desired, and told the Cross Lake Chief to bring his
people at noon to receive their gratuities, the payment which was
satisfactorily completed the same day.
The next day I crossed over to the Indian
village and paid the Norway House bands their annuities....
The
following morning, Wednesday, August 16th, the Chiefs and Indians of
the two bands having assembled at my camp, I distributed the provisions
implements, &c., which were received with the greatest degree of
gratification and satisfaction.
On
my inquiring of the Chief of Norway House when his band would be
prepared to remove to their reserve at the Fisher River, he informed me
that he had sent two of his people to that locality to report on the
same, and that he could not say anything definite on the matter until
their return. I might here state that, on my way back to Winnipeg I met
these men returning from Fisher's River, who expressed themselves as
highly pleased with the proposed location, and that the band in all
probability would remove there in the spring.
Whilst
at Norway House I was waited upon by a Chief and four Councillors from
the vicinity of Oxford House, who were anxious to know if the same
bounties would be extended to them as were being extended to their
brethren of Norway House and Cross Lake, and also whether they could
obtain a reserve on Lake Winnipeg, as the country in which they were
living was totally unfit for cultivation, and that they had the
greatest difficulty in procuring a livelihood. I told them that I had
no idea what were the intentions of the Government with regard to those
Indians living north of the present Treaty, but that I would make known
their requests to Your Excellency, and that they would be duly notified
of any action the Government might take in the matter.
I
left Norway House on my return trip, on the morning of the 18th,
arriving at Winnipeg on the afternoon of Saturday the 26th, having that
morning paid my boat's crew off at Selkirk.
I
would here mention that previous to my departure from Norway House
there was a very hearty and apparently sincere expression of gratitude,
on the part of all the Indians present, for the liberality extended to
them, and a general and spoken wish that their thanks be conveyed to
the Queen's Representative in this Province for his kind interest in
their welfare.
I cannot
conclude without bearing testimony to the kindness of Mr. Ross,
Hudson's Bay Company's Factor, and the Rev. Mr. Ruttan, Wesleyan
missionary, for services rendered during the few days occupied in my
making the payments at Norway House.
I enclose herewith statement of expenditure,
&c., &c., with vouchers attached.
I have the honor to be, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
J. LESTOCK REID,
Commissioner.
The treaties made at Forts Carlton and Pitt
in the year 1876, were of a very important character.
The
great region covered by them, abutting on the areas included in
Treaties Numbers Three and Four, embracing an area of approximately
120,000 square miles, contains a vast extent of fertile territory and
is the home of the Cree nation. The Crees had, very early after the
annexation of the North-West Territories to Canada, desired a treaty of
alliance with the Government. So far back as the year 1871, Mr.
Simpson, the Indian Commissioner, addressing the Secretary of State in
a despatch of date, the 3rd November, 1871, used the following language:
“I
desire also to call the attention of His Excellency to the state of
affairs in the Indian country on the Saskatchewan. The intelligence
that Her Majesty is treating with the Chippewa Indians has already
reached the ears of the Cree and Blackfeet tribes. In the neighborhood
of Fort Edmonton, on the Saskatchewan, there is a rapidly increasing
population of miners and other white people, and it is the opinion of
Mr. W. J. Christie, the officer in charge of the Saskatchewan District,
that a treaty with the Indians of that country, or at least an
assurance during the coming year that a treaty will shortly be made, is
essential to the peace, if not the actual retention, of the country. I
would refer His Excellency, on this subject, to the report of Lieut.
Butler, and to the enclosed memoranda of Mr. W. J. Christie, the
officer above alluded to.”
He
also enclosed an extract of a letter from Mr. Christie, then Chief
Factor of the Hudson's Bay Company, and subsequently one of the Treaty
Commissioners, in which, he forwarded the messages of the Cree Chiefs
to Lieut.-Gov. Archibald, “our Great Mother's representative at Fort
Garry, Red River Settlement.” This extract and messages are as follows.
EDMONTON HOUSE, 13th
April, 1871.
On
the 13th instant (April) I had a visit from the Cree Chiefs,
representing the Plain Crees from this to Carlton, accompanied by a few
followers.
The object of
their visit was to ascertain whether their lands had been sold or not,
and what was the intention of the Canadian Government in relation to
them. They referred to the epidemic that had raged throughout the past
summer, and the subsequent starvation, the poverty of their country,
the visible diminution of the buffalo, their sole support, ending by
requesting certain presents at once, and that I should lay their
case before Her Majesty's representative at Fort Garry. Many stories
have reached these Indians through various channels, ever since the
transfer of the North-West Territories to the Dominion of Canada, and
they were most anxious to hear from myself what had taken place.
I
told them that the Canadian Government had as yet made no application
for their lands or hunting grounds, and when anything was required of
them, most likely Commissioners would be sent beforehand to
treat with them, and that until then they should remain quiet and live
at peace with all men. I further stated that Canada, in her treaties
with Indians, heretofore, had dealt most liberally with them, and that
they were now in settled houses and well off, and that I had no doubt
in settling with them the same liberal policy would be followed.
As
I was aware that they had heard many exaggerated stories about the
troops in Red River, I took the opportunity of telling them why troops
had been sent, and if Her Majesty sent troops to the Saskatchewan, it
was as much for the protection of the red as the white man, and that
they would be for the maintenance of law and order.
They
were highly satisfied with the explanations offered, and said they
would welcome civilization. As their demands were complied with, and
presents given to them, their immediate followers, and for the young
men left in camp, they departed well pleased for the present tune, with
fair promises for the future. At a subsequent interview with the Chiefs
alone, they requested that I should write down their words, or messages
to their Great Master in Red River. I accordingly did so, and have
transmitted the messages as delivered. Copies of the proclamation
issued, prohibiting the traffic in spirituous liquors to Indians or
others, and the use of strychnine in the destruction of animal life,
have been received, and due publicity given to them. But without any
power to enforce these laws, it is almost useless to publish them here;
and I take this opportunity of most earnestly soliciting, on behalf of
the Company's servants, and settlers in this district, that protection
be afforded to life and property here as soon as possible, and that
Commissioners be sent to speak with the Indians on behalf of the
Canadian Government.
MEMORANDA:
Had
I not complied with the demands of the Indians—giving them some little
presents—and otherwise satisfied them, I have no doubt that they would
have proceeded to acts of violence, and once that had commenced, there
would have been the beginning of an Indian war, which it is difficult
to say when it would have ended.
The
buffalo will soon be exterminated, and when starvation comes, these
Plain Indian tribes will fall back on the Hudson's Bay Forts and
settlements for relief and assistance. If not complied with, or no
steps taken to make some provision for them, they will most assuredly
help themselves; and there being no force or any law up there to
protect the settlers, they must either quietly submit to be pillaged,
or lose their lives in the defence of their families and property,
against such fearful odds that will leave no hope for their side.
Gold
may be discovered in paying quantities, any day, on the eastern slope
of the Rocky Mountains. We have, in Montana, and in the mining
settlements close to our boundary line, a large mixed frontier
population, who are now only waiting and watching to hear of gold
discoveries to rush into the Saskatchewan, and, without any form of
Government or established laws up there, or force to protect whites or
Indians, it is very plain what will be the result.
I
think that the establishment of law and order in the Saskatchewan
District, as early as possible, is of most vital importance to the
future of the country and the interest of Canada, and also the making
of some treaty or settlement with the Indians who inhabit the
Saskatchewan District.
W. J. CHRISTIE, Chief Factor,
In charge of Saskatchewan District,
Hudson's Bay Company.
Messages from the
Cree Chiefs of the Plains, Saskatchewan, to His Excellency Governor
Archibald, our Great Mother's representative at Fort Garry, Red River
Settlement.
1. The Chief Sweet Grass, The Chief of the
country.
GREAT
FATHER,—I shake hands with you, and bid you welcome. We heard our lands
were sold and we did not like it; we don't want to sell our lands; it
is our property, and no one has a right to sell them.
Our
country is getting ruined of fur-bearing animals, hitherto our sole
support, and now we are poor and want help—we want you to pity us. We
want cattle, tools, agricultural implements, and assistance in
everything when we come to settle—our country is no longer able to
support us.
Make provision
for us against years of starvation. We have had great starvation the
past winter, and the small-pox took away many of our people, the old,
young, and children.
We
want you to stop the Americans from coming to trade on our lands, and
giving firewater, ammunition and arms to our enemies the Blackfeet.
We made a peace this winter with the
Blackfeet. Our young men are foolish, it may not last long.
We invite you to come and see us and to speak
with us. If you can't come yourself, send some one in your place.
We send these words by our Master, Mr.
Christie, in whom we have every confidence.—That is all.
2. Ki-he-win, The Eagle.
GREAT
FATHER,—Let us be friendly. We never shed any white man's blood, and
have always been friendly with the whites, and want workmen, carpenters
and farmers to assist us when we settle. I want all my brother, Sweet
Grass, asks. That is all.
3. The Little Hunter.
You, my brother, the Great Chief in Red
River, treat me as a brother, that is, as a Great Chief.
4. Kis-ki-on, or Short Tail.
My
brother, that is coming close, I look upon you, as if I saw you; I want
you to pity me, and I want help to cultivate the ground for myself and
descendants. Come and see us.
The
North-West Council, as already elsewhere stated, had urged the making
of treaties with these Indians, and the necessity of doing so, was also
impressed upon the Privy Council, by the Lieutenant-Governor of the
North-West Territories, and Col. French, then in command of the Mounted
Police therein. The Minister of the Interior, the Hon. David Mills, in
his Report for the year 1876, thus alluded to this subject:
“Official
reports received last year from His Honor Governor Morris and Colonel
French, the officer then in command of the Mounted Police Force, and
from other parties, showed that a feeling of discontent and uneasiness
prevailed very generally amongst the Assiniboines and Crees lying in
the unceded territory between the Saskatchewan and the Rocky Mountains.
This state of feeling, which had prevailed amongst these Indians for
some years past, had been increased by the presence, last summer, in
their territory of the parties engaged in the construction of the
telegraph line, and in the survey of the Pacific Railway line, and also
of a party belonging to the Geological Survey. To allay this state of
feeling, and to prevent the threatened hostility of the Indian tribes
to the parties then employed by the Government, His Honor Governor
Morris requested and obtained authority to despatch a messenger to
convey to these Indians the assurance that Commissioners would be sent
this summer, to negotiate a treaty with them, as had already been done
with their brethren further east.
“The
Rev. George McDougall, who had been resident as a missionary amongst
these Indians for upwards of fourteen years, and who possessed great
influence over them, was selected by His Honor to convey this
intelligence to the Indians, a task which he performed with great
fidelity and success: being able to report on his return that although
he found the feeling of discontent had been very general among the
Indian tribes, he had been enabled entirely to remove it by his
assurance of the proposed negotiations during the coming year.
“For
the purpose of negotiating this treaty with the Indians, Your
Excellency availed yourself of the services of His Honor Governor
Morris, who had been formerly employed in negotiating Treaties Numbers
Three, Four and Five. With him were associated the Hon. James McKay and
W. J. Christie, Esq., both of whom had had considerable experience in
such work, and possessed moreover an intimate acquaintance with the
Indians of the Saskatchewan, their wants, habits and dialects.”
With
reference to the Rev. George McDougall, [Footnote: This faithful
missionary came to an untimely death on the plains during the
succeeding winter. Having missed his way to his camp, he was found
lying dead on the snow, and there in the lonely wilds was closed a most
useful career.] I may here state, that when the application was made to
him, to visit the Indians of the Plains, in the Saskatchewan Valley, he
was on his way, with his family, to his distant mission, among the
Assiniboines, near the Rocky Mountains, after a brief sojourn in the
Province of Ontario, but on the request being made to him, to explain
to the Indians the intentions of the Government, he at once undertook
the duty, and leaving his family to follow him, went upon the long
journey, which his mission involved, carrying with him a letter missive
from the Lieutenant-Governor of the North-West Territories, promising
the Indians, that Commissioners would visit them during the ensuing
summer, to confer with them as to a treaty. The result of his tour, and
of the tidings which he bore was very gratifying, as the Indians were
at once tranquilized, and awaited in full confidence, the coming of the
Commissioners. The way in which he discharged his important duties and
the success which followed his exertions, will be best set forth by
giving place to his Report, addressed to the Lieutenant-Governor, of
the results of his arduous mission:
MORLEYVILLE, BOW RIVER, ROCKY MOUNTAINS,
October 23rd, 1875.
TO HIS HONOR LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR MORRIS.
Sir,—In
accordance with my instructions, I proceeded with as little delay as
possible to Carlton, in the neighborhood of which place I met with
forty tents of Crees. From these I ascertained that the work I had
undertaken would be much more arduous than I had expected, and that the
principal camps would be found on the south branch of the Saskatchewan
and Red Deer Rivers. I was also informed by these Indians that the
Crees and Plain Assiniboines were united on two points: 1st. That they
would not receive any presents from Government until a definite time
for treaty was stated. 2nd. Though they deplored the necessity of
resorting to extreme measures, yet they were unanimous in their
determination to oppose the running of lines, or the making of roads
through their country, until a settlement between the Government and
them had been effected. I was further informed that the danger of a
collision with the whites was likely to arise from the officious
conduct of minor Chiefs who were anxious to make themselves
conspicuous, the principal men of the large camps being much more
moderate in their demands. Believing this to be the fact, I revolved to
visit every camp and read them your message, and in order that your
Honor may form a correct judgment of their disposition towards the
Government, I will give you a synopsis of their speeches after the
message was read. Mistahwahsis, head Chief of the Carlton Indians,
addressing the principal Chief of the Assiniboines and addressing me,
said: “That is just it, that is all we wanted.” The Assiniboines
addressing me, said: “My heart is full of gratitude, foolish men have
told us that the Great Chief would send his young men to our country
until they outnumbered us, and that then he would laugh at us, but this
letter assures us that the Great Chief will act justly toward us.”
Beardy,
or the Hairy Man, Chief of the Willow Indians, said: “If I had heard
these words spoken by the Great Queen I could not have believed them
with more implicit faith than I do now.” The Sweet Grass was absent
from camp when I reached the Plain Crees, but his son and the principal
men of the tribe requested me to convey to the Great Chief, at Red
River, their thanks for the presents received, and they expressed the
greatest loyalty to the government. In a word, I found the Crees
reasonable in their demands, and anxious to live in peace with the
white men. I found the Big Bear, a Saulteaux, trying to take the lead
in their council. He formerly lived at Jack Fish Lake, and for years
has been regarded as a troublesome fellow. In his speech he said: “We
want none of the Queen's presents; when we set a fox-trap we scatter
pieces of meat all round, but when the fox gets into the trap we knock
him on the head; we want no bait, let your Chiefs come like men and
talk to us.” These Saulteaux are the mischief-makers through all this
western country, and some of them are shrewd men.
A
few weeks since, a land speculator wished to take a claim at the
crossing on Battle River and asked the consent of the Indians, one of
my Saulteaux friends sprang to his feet, and pointing to the east,
said: “Do you see that great white man (the Government) coming?” “No,”
said the speculator. “I do,” said the Indian, “and I hear the tramp of
the multitude behind him, and when he comes you can drop in behind him
and take up all the land claims you want; but until then I caution you
to put up no stakes in our country.” It was very fortunate for me that
Big Bear and his party were a very small minority in camp. The Crees
said they would have driven them out of camp long ago, but were afraid
of their medicines, as they are noted conjurers.
The
topics generally discussed at their council and which will be brought
before the Commissioner are as follows in their own language. “Tell the
Great Chief that we are glad the traders are prohibited bringing
spirits into our country; when we see it we want to drink it, and it
destroys us; when we do not see it we do not think about it. Ask for us
a strong law, prohibiting the free use of poison (strychnine). It has
almost exterminated the animals of our country, and often makes us bad
friends with our white neighbors. We further request, that a law be
made, equally applicable to the Half-breed and Indian, punishing all
parties who set fire to our forest or plain. Not many years ago we
attributed a prairie fire to the malevolence of an enemy, now every one
is reckless in the use of fire, and every year large numbers of
valuable animals and birds perish in consequence. We would farther ask
that our chiefships be established by the Government. Of late years
almost every trader sets up his own Chief and the result is we are
broken up into little parties, and our best men are no longer
respected.” I will state in connection with this, some of the false
reports I had to combat in passing through this country, all calculated
to agitate the native mind. In the neighborhood of Carlton an
interested party went to considerable trouble to inform the Willow
Indians that I had $3,000 for each band, as a present from the
Government, and nothing in my long journey gave me greater satisfaction
than the manner in which these Indians received my explanation of the
contents of my letter of instructions. At the Buffalo Lake I found both
Indians and Half-breeds greatly agitated. A gentlemen passing through
their country had told them that the Mounted Police had received orders
to prevent all parties killing buffalo or other animals, except during
three months in the year, and these are only samples of the false
statements made by parties who would rejoice to witness a conflict of
races.
That your Honor's message was most timely,
these are ample proofs.
A
report will have reached you before this time that parties have been
turned back by the Indians, and that a train containing supplies for
the telegraph contractors, when west of Fort Pitt, were met by three
Indians and ordered to return. Now after carefully investigating the
matter and listening to the statements of all parties concerned, my
opinion is, that an old traveller amongst Indians would have regarded
the whole affair as too trivial to be noticed. I have not met with a
Chief who would bear with the responsibility of the act....
Personally
I am indebted both to the missionaries, and the Hudson's Bay Company's
officials for their assistance at the Indian councils.
Believing
it would be satisfactory to your Honor and of service to the
Commissioners, I have kept the number of all the tents visited and the
names of the places where I met the Indians. [Footnote: The number of
Indians, as estimated by Mr. McDougall, as being visited by him, was
3,976.]
By reckoning eight
persons to each tent, we will have a very close approximate to the
number of Indians to be treated with at Carlton, and Fort Pitt. There
may have been a few tents in the forest, and I have heard there are a
few Crees at Lesser Slave Lake and Lac la Biche, but the number cannot
exceed twenty tents.
All of which is respectfully submitted.
G. McDOUGALL.
The
Commissioners, in the discharge of their task, had to travel through
the prairie district in going to their destination and returning to
Winnipeg, a distance of over 1,800 miles. They first met the Indians in
the vicinity of Fort Carlton, on the Saskatchewan, in the month of
August, 1876, and eventually succeeded on the 23rd day of that month,
in effecting a treaty with the Plain and Wood Crees, and on the 28th of
the same month with the tribe of Willow Crees. The negotiations were
difficult and protracted. The Hon. David Mills, then Minister of the
Interior, in his Annual Report thus characterizes them:—“In view of the
temper of the Indians of the Saskatchewan, during the past year, and of
the extravagant demands which they were induced to prefer on certain
points, it needed all the temper, tact, judgment and discretion, of
which the Commissioners were possessed, to bring the negotiations to a
satisfactory issue.” The difficulties were encountered chiefly at
Carlton: The main body of the Crees were honestly disposed to treat,
and their head Chiefs, Mistowasis and Ah-tuk-uh-koop, shewed sound
judgment, and an earnest desire to come to an understanding.
They
were embarrassed, however, by the action of the Willow Crees, who,
under the guidance of one of their Chiefs, Beardy, interposed every
obstacle to the progress of the treaty, and refused to attend the
Council, unless it was held at the top of a hill some miles off, where
the Chief pretended it had been revealed to him in a vision that the
treaty was to be made. The Willow Crees were, moreover, under the
influence of a wandering band of Saulteaux, the chief portion of whom
resided within the limits of the other treaties, and who were disposed
to be troublesome. Before the arrival of the Commissioners, the
Saulteaux conceived the idea of forming a combination of the French
Half-breeds, the Crees, and themselves, to prevent the crossing of the
Saskatchewan by the Lieutenant-Governor, and his entrance into the
Indian territories. They made the proposal first to the French
Half-breeds, who declined to undertake it, and then to the Crees, who
listened to it in silence. One of them at length arose, and pointing to
the River Saskatchewan, said, “Can you stop the flow of that river?”
The answer was, “No,” and the rejoinder was “No more can you stop the
progress of the Queen's Chief.” When the Commissioners arrived at the
Saskatchewan, a messenger from the Crees met them, proffering a safe
convoy, but it was not needed. About a hundred traders' carts were
assembled at the crossing, and Kissowayis, a native Indian trader, had
the right of passage, which he at once waived, in favor of Messrs.
Christie and Morris, the Commissioners. The other Commissioner, Mr.
McKay, met them at Duck Lake next day, having proceeded by another
route, and there they encountered Chief Beardy, who at once asked the
Lieutenant-Governor to make the treaty at the hill, near the lake. On
his guard, however, he replied, that he would meet the Cree nation
wherever they desired, but must first go on and see them at Carlton, as
he had appointed. An escort of Mounted Police also met the
Commissioners at Duck Lake, having been sent from Carlton, in
consequence of the information given by the Crees of the threatened
interference with their progress. After several days' delay the
Commissioners were obliged to meet the Crees without the Willow Crees.
But after the conference had opened, the Beardy sent a message asking
to be informed of the terms the Commissioners intended to offer in
advance. The reply was that the messenger could sit with the other
Indians, and report to his Chief what he heard, as it was his own fault
that the Chief was not there to take part in the proceedings. The
negotiations then went on quietly and deliberately, the Commissioners
giving the Indians all the time they desired. The Indians were
apprehensive of their future. They saw the food supply, the buffalo,
passing away, and they were anxious and distressed. They knew the large
terms granted to their Indians by the United States, but they had
confidence in their Great Mother, the Queen, and her benevolence.
They desired to be fed. Small-pox had
destroyed them by hundreds a few years before, and they dreaded
pestilence and famine.
Eventually
the Commissioners made them an offer. They asked this to be reduced to
writing, which was done, and they asked time to consider it, which was
of course granted. When the conference resumed, they presented a
written counter-proposal. This the Commissioners considered, and gave
full and definite answers of acceptance or refusal to each demand,
which replies were carefully interpreted, two of the Commissioners,
Messrs. Christie and McKay, being familiar with the Cree tongue,
watching how the answers were rendered, and correcting when necessary.
The food question, was disposed of by a promise, that in the event of a
National famine or pestilence
such aid as the Crown saw fit would be extended to them, and that for
three years after they settled on their reserves, provisions to the
extent of $1,000 per annum would be granted them during seed-time.
The
other terms were analogous to those of the previous treaties. The Crees
accepted the revised proposals. The treaty was interpreted to them
carefully, and was then signed, and the payment made in accordance
therewith. After the conclusion of the treaty, the Commissioners were
unwilling that the Willow Crees should remain out of the treaty, and
sent a letter to them by a messenger, Pierre Levailler, that they would
meet them half way, at the camp of the Hon. James McKay, and give them
the opportunity of accepting the terms of the treaty already concluded.
The letter was translated to the Indians by the Rev. Père
André, a
Catholic missionary, who, as well as M. Levailler, urged the Indians to
accede to the proposal made to them, which they agreed to do. The
Commissioners met the Indians accordingly, at the place proposed, and
received, after a full discussion, the adhesion of the three Chiefs and
head men of the Willow Crees to the treaty, and the payments were then
made to them.
The
Commissioners then prepared to leave for Fort Pitt, but having been
apprised by the Rev. Mr. Scollan, a Catholic missionary, who had been
sent by Bishop Grandin, to be present at the making of the treaty, that
Sweet Grass, the principal Chief of the Plain Crees, at Fort Pitt, was
unaware of the place and time of meeting, they despatched a messenger
to apprise him of them, and request him to be present.
The
Commissioners crossed the Saskatchewan and journeyed to Fort Pitt. Near
it they were met by an escort of Mounted Police, who convoyed them to
the fort.
There they found
a number of Indians assembled, and, during the day, Sweet Grass
arrived. In the evening the Chief and head men waited upon the
Commissioners. Delay was asked and granted before meeting. Eventually
the conference was opened. The ceremonies which attended it were
imposing. The national stem or pipe dance was performed, of which a
full narrative will be found hereafter. The conference proceeded, and
the Indians accepted the terms made at Carlton with the utmost good
feeling, and thus the Indian title was extinguished in the whole of the
Plain country, except a comparatively small area, inhabited by the
Black Feet, comprising about 35,000 square miles, I regret to record,
that the Chief Sweet Grass, who took the lead in the proceedings, met
with an accidental death a few months afterwards, by the discharge of a
pistol. The Indians, in these two treaties, displayed a strong desire
for instruction in farming, and appealed for the aid of missionaries
and teachers.
The latter
the Commissioners promised, and for the former they were told they must
rely on the churches, representatives of whom were present from the
Church of England, the Methodist, the Presbyterian and the Roman
Catholic Church. The Bishop (Grandin) of the latter Church travelled
from Edmonton to Fort Pitt and Battleford to see the Commissioners and
assure them of his good will. After the conclusion of the treaty, the
Commissioners commenced their long return journey by way of Battleford,
and arrived at Winnipeg on the 6th day of October, with the
satisfaction of knowing that they had accomplished a work which, with
the efficient carrying out of the treaties, had secured the good will
of the Cree Nation, and laid the foundations of law and order in the
Saskatchewan Valley.
The
officers of the Hudson's Bay Company, the missionaries of the various
churches, Colonel McLeod of the Mounted Police Force, his officers and
men, and the Half-breed population, all lent willing assistance to the
commissioners, and were of substantial service.
I
now submit the despatch of the Lieutenant-Governor, giving an account
of the journey and of the negotiations attending the treaty, and I
include a narrative of the proceedings taken down, day by day, by A. G.
Jackes, Esq., M.D., Secretary to the Commission, which has never before
been published, and embraces an accurate account of the speeches of the
Commissioners and Indians. It is satisfactory to be able to state, that
Lieut.-Gov. Laird, officers of the police force and Mr. Dickieson have
since obtained the adhesion to the treaty, of, I believe, all but one
of the Chiefs included in the treaty area, viz.: The Big Bear, while
the head men even of his band have ranged themselves under the
provisions of the treaty.
GOVERNMENT HOUSE,
FORT GARRY, MANITOBA, 4th. December, 1876.
Sir,—I beg to inform you
that in compliance with the request of the Privy Council that I should
proceed to the west to negotiate the treaties which I had last year,
through the agency of the late Rev. George McDougall, promised the
Plain Crees, would be undertaken, I left Fort Garry on the afternoon of
the 27th of July last, with the view of prosecuting my mission. I was
accompanied by one of my associates, the Hon. J. W. Christie, and by A.
G. Jackes, Esq., M.D., who was to act as secretary. I selected as my
guide Mr. Pierre Levailler. The Hon. James McKay, who had also been
associated in the commission, it was arranged, would follow me and meet
me at Fort Carlton.
On the
morning of the 4th of August, I forded the Assiniboine about five miles
from Fort Ellice, having accomplished what is usually regarded as the
first stage of the journey to Fort Carlton, about two hundred and
twenty miles. After crossing the river, I was overtaken by a party of
the Sioux who have settled on the reserve assigned to them at Bird Tail
Creek, and was detained the greater part of the day.
I
am sanguine that this settlement will prove a success, as these Sioux
are displaying a laudable industry in cutting hay for their own use and
for sale, and in breaking up ground for cultivation. I resumed my
journey in the afternoon, but a storm coming on, I was obliged to
encamp at the Springs, having only travelled eight miles in all during
the day.
On the 5th I left
the Springs, and after traversing much fine country, with excellent
prairie, good soil, clumps of wood, lakelets, and hay swamps, in the
Little and Great Touchwood Hills and File Mountain region, I arrived at
the South Saskatchewan, at Dumont's crossing, twenty miles from Fort
Carlton, on the afternoon of the 14th of August.
Here
I found over one hundred carts of traders and freighters, waiting to be
ferried across the river. The scow was occupied in crossing the carts
and effects of Kis-so-wais, an enterprising Chippewa trader, belonging
to the Portage la Prairie band, who at once came forward and gave up to
me his right of crossing.
I met, also, a young Cree who had been sent
by the Crees to hand me a letter of welcome in the name of their nation.
The
reason of this step being taken was, that a few wandering Saulteaux or
Chippewa, from Quill Lake, in Treaty Number Four, had come to the Crees
and proposed to them to unite with them and prevent me from crossing
the river and entering the Indian country. The Crees promptly refused
to entertain the proposal, and sent a messenger, as above stated, to
welcome me.
I also received
from their messenger a letter from Lawrence Clarke, Esq., Chief Factor
of the Hudson's Bay Company at Carlton, offering the Commissioners the
hospitalities of the fort.
I
sent replies in advance, thanking the Crees for their action, and
accepting the kind offer of Mr. Clarke, to the extent of the use of
rooms in the fort.
It was late in the evening before our party
crossed the river, so that we encamped on the heights near it.
On
the morning of the 15th we left for Fort Carlton, Mr. Christie
preceding me to announce my approaching arrival at Duck Lake. About
twelve miles from Carlton I found the Hon. James McKay awaiting me,
having travelled by way of Fort Pelly.
Here also a Chief, Beardy of the Willow
Crees, came to see me.
He
said that his people were encamped near the lake, and that as there
were fine meadows for their horses they wished the treaty to be made
there.
I was at once on my
guard, and replied to him, that after I reached Carlton, which was the
place appointed, I would meet the Indians wherever the great body of
them desired it.
He then
asked me to stop as I passed his encampment, and see his people. This I
agreed to do, as I was leaving Duck Lake I met Captain Walker with his
troop of mounted police, coming to escort me to Carlton which they did.
When
I arrived at Beardy's encampment, the men came to my carriage and
holding up their right hands to the skies, all joined in an invocation
to the deity for a blessing on the bright day which had brought the
Queen's messenger to see them, and on the messenger and themselves; one
of them shook hands with me for the others.
The
scene was a very impressive and striking one, but as will be seen
hereafter, this band gave me great trouble and were very difficult to
deal with.
Leaving the
Indian encampment I arrived at Fort Carlton, where Mr. Christie, Dr.
Jackes and myself were assigned most comfortable rooms, Mr. McKay
preferring to encamp about four miles from the fort.
In
the evening, Mist-ow-as-is and Ah-tuk-uk-koop, the two head Chiefs of
the Carlton Crees, called to pay their respects to me, and welcomed me
most cordially.
On the 16th the Crees sent me word that they
wished the day to confer amongst themselves.
I acceded to their request, learning that
they desired to bring the Duck Lake Indians into the negotiations.
I
sent a messenger, Mr. Peter Ballenden, to Duck Lake to inform the
Indians that I would meet them at the encampment of the Carlton Crees,
about two miles from the fort.
On
the 17th, on his return, he informed me that the Chief said “He had not
given me leave to meet the Indians anywhere except at Duck Lake, and
that they would only meet me there.” The Carlton Indians, however, sent
me word, that they would be ready next morning at ten o'clock.
On
the 18th, as I was leaving for the Indian encampment, a messenger came
to me from the Duck Lake Indians, asking for provisions. I replied,
that Mr. Christie was in charge of the distribution of provisions, but
that I would not give any to the Duck Lake Indians, in consequence of
the unreasonableness of their conduct, and that provisions would only
be given to the large encampment.
I then proceeded to the Indian camp, together
with my fellow Commissioners, and was escorted by Captain Walker and
his troop.
On
my arrival I found that the ground had been most judiciously chosen,
being elevated, with abundance of trees, hay marshes and small lakes.
The spot which the Indians had left for my council tent overlooked the
whole.
The view was very
beautiful: the hills and the trees in the distance, and in the
foreground, the meadow land being dotted with clumps of wood, with the
Indian tents clustered here and there to the number of two hundred.
On
my arrival, the Union Jack was hoisted, and the Indians at once began
to assemble, beating drums, discharging fire-arms, singing and dancing.
In about half an hour they were ready to advance and meet me. This they
did in a semicircle, having men on horseback galloping in circles,
shouting, singing and discharging fire-arms.
They
then performed the dance of the “pipe stem,” the stem was elevated to
the north, south, west and east, a ceremonial dance was then performed
by the Chiefs and head men, the Indian men and women shouting the while.
They
then slowly advanced, the horsemen again preceding them on their
approach to my tent. I advanced to meet them, accompanied by Messrs.
Christie and McKay, when the pipe was presented to us and stroked by
our hands.
After the
stroking had been completed, the Indians sat down in front of the
council tent, satisfied that in accordance with their custom we had
accepted the friendship of the Cree nation.
I
then addressed the Indians in suitable terms, explaining that I had
been sent by the Queen, in compliance with their own wishes and the
written promise I had given them last year, that a messenger would be
sent to them.
I had
ascertained that the Indian mind was oppressed with vague fears; they
dreaded the treaty; they had been made to believe that they would be
compelled to live on the reserves wholly, and abandon their hunting and
that in time of war, they would be placed in the front and made to
fight.
I accordingly shaped
my address, so as to give them confidence in the intentions of the
Government, and to quiet their apprehensions. I impressed strongly on
them the necessity of changing their present mode of life, and
commencing to make homes and gardens for themselves, so as to be
prepared for the diminution of the buffalo and other large animals,
which is going on so rapidly.
The
Indians listened with great attention to my address, and at its close
asked an adjournment that they might meet in council to consider my
words, which was of course granted.
The
Rev. C. Scollen, a Roman Catholic Missionary amongst the Blackfeet,
arrived soon after from Bow River, and informed me that on the way he
had learned that Sweet Grass, the principal Chief of the Plain Crees,
was out hunting and would not be at Fort Pitt, and that he was of
opinion that his absence would be a great obstruction to a treaty.
After
consulting with my colleagues, I decided on sending a messenger to him,
requesting his presence, and succeeded in obtaining, for the occasion,
the services of Mr. John McKay, of Prince Albert, who had accompanied
the Rev. George McDougall on his mission last year.
In
the evening, Lieut.-Col. Jarvis arrived with a reinforcement of the
Mounted Police, and an excellent band, which has been established at
the private cost of one of the troops.
On the 19th, the Commissioners, escorted by
the Mounted Police, headed by the band, proceeded to the Indian
encampment.
The Indians again assembled, following
Mist-ow-as-is and Ah-tuk-uk-koop, the recognised leading Chiefs.
I asked them to present their Chiefs; they
then presented the two head Chiefs, and the minor ones.
At
this juncture, a messenger arrived from the Duck Lake Indians, asking
that I should tell them the terms of the Treaty. I replied that if the
Chiefs and people had joined the others they would have heard what I
had to say, and that I would not tell the terms in advance, but that
the messenger could remain and hear what I had to say. He expressed
himself satisfied and took his seat with the others. I then fully
explained to them the proposals I had to make, that we did not wish to
interfere with their present mode of living, but would assign them
reserves and assist them as was being done elsewhere, in commencing to
farm, and that what was done would hold good for those that were away.
The
Indians listened most attentively, and on the close of my remarks
Mist-ow-as-is arose, took me by the hand, and said that “when a thing
was thought of quietly, it was the best way,” and asked “this much,
that we go and think of his words.”
I acquiesced at once, and expressed my hope
that the Chiefs would act wisely, and thus closed the second day.
The
20th being Sunday, the Rev. Mr. John McKay, of the Church of England,
conducted divine service at the fort, which was largely attended; the
Rev. Mr. Scollen also conducted service.
At
noon a messenger came from the Indian camp, asking that there should be
a service held at their camp, which Mr. McKay agreed to do; this
service was attended by about two hundred adult Crees.
On
Monday, 21st, the head Chiefs sent word that, as the previous day was
Sunday, they had not met in council, and wished to have the day for
consultation, and if ready would meet me on Tuesday morning. I
cheerfully granted the delay from the reasonableness of the request;
but I was also aware that the head Chiefs were in a position of great
difficulty.
The attitude of
the Duck Lake Indians and of the few discontented Saulteaux embarrassed
them, while a section of their own people were either averse to make a
treaty or desirous of making extravagant demands. The head Chiefs were
men of intelligence, and anxious that the people should act unitedly
and reasonably.
We, therefore, decided to give them all the
time they might ask, a policy which they fully appreciated.
On
the 22nd the Commissioners met the Indians, when I told them that we
had not hurried them, but wished now to hear their Chiefs.
A
spokesman, The Pond Maker, then addressed me, and asked assistance when
they settled on the land, and further help as they advanced in
civilization.
I replied
that they had their own means of living, and that we could not feed the
Indians, but only assist them to settle down. The Badger, Soh-ah-moos,
and several other Indians all asked help when they settled, and also in
case of troubles unforeseen in the future. I explained that we could
not assume the charge of their every-day life, but in a time of a great
national calamity they could trust to the generosity of the Queen.
The
Honourable James McKay also addressed them, saying that their demands
would be understood by a white man as asking for daily food, and could
not be granted, and explained our objects, speaking with effect in the
Cree tongue.
At length the
Indians informed me that they did not wish to be fed every day, but to
be helped when they commenced to settle, because of their ignorance how
to commence, and also in case of general famine; Ah-tuk-uk-koop winding
up the debate by stating that they wanted food in the spring when they
commenced to farm, and proportionate help as they advanced in
civilization, and then asking for a further adjournment to consider our
offers.
The Commissioners
granted this, but I warned them not to be unreasonable, and to be ready
next day with their decision, while we on our part would consider what
they had said.
The whole day was occupied with this
discussion on the food question, and it was the turning point with
regard to the treaty.
The Indians were, as they had been for some
time past, full of uneasiness.
They
saw the buffalo, the only means of their support, passing away. They
were anxious to learn to support themselves by agriculture, but felt
too ignorant to do so, and they dreaded that during the transition
period they would be swept off by disease or famine—already they have
suffered terribly from the ravages of measles, scarlet fever and
small-pox.
It was
impossible to listen to them without interest, they were not exacting,
but they were very apprehensive of their future, and thankful, as one
of them put it, “a new life was dawning upon them.”
On
the 23rd the conference was resumed, an Indian addressed the people,
telling them to listen and the interpreter, Peter Erasmus, would read
what changes they desired in the terms of our offer. They asked for an
ox and a cow each family; an increase in the agricultural implements;
provisions for the poor, unfortunate, blind and lame; to be provided
with missionaries and school teachers; the exclusion of fire water in
the whole Saskatchewan; a further increase in agricultural implements
as the band advanced in civilization; freedom to cut timber on Crown
lands; liberty to change the site of the reserves before the survey;
free passages over Government bridges or scows; other animals, a horse,
harness and waggon, and cooking stove for each chief; a free supply of
medicines; a hand mill to each band; and lastly, that in case of war
they should not be liable to serve.
Two spokesmen then addressed us in support of
these modifications of the terms of the Treaty.
I
replied to them that they had asked many things some of which had been
promised, and that the Commissioners would consult together about what
they had asked that day and the day before, and would reply, but before
doing so wished to know if that was the voice of the whole people, to
which the Indians all assented.
After
an interval we again met them, and I replied, going over their demands
and reiterating my statements as to our inability to grant food, and
again explaining that only in a national famine did the Crown ever
intervene, and agreeing to make some additions to the number of cattle
and implements, as we felt it would be desirable to encourage their
desire to settle.
I closed
by stating that, after they settled on the reserves, we would give them
provisions to aid them while cultivating, to the extent of one thousand
dollars per annum, but for three years only, as after that time they
should be able to support themselves.
I
told them that we could not give them missionaries, though I was
pleased with their request, but that they must look to the churches,
and that they saw Catholic and Protestant missionaries present at the
conference. We told them that they must help their own poor, and that
if they prospered they could do so. With regard to war, they would not
be asked to fight unless they desired to do so, but if the Queen did
call on them to protect their wives and children I believed they would
not be backward.
I then asked if they were willing to accept
our modified proposals.
Ah-tuk-uk-koop
then addressed me, and concluded by calling on the people, if they were
in favour of our offers, to say so. This they all did by shouting
assent and holding up their hands.
The
Pond Maker then rose and said he did not differ from his people, but he
did not see how they could feed and clothe their children with what was
promised. He expected to have received that; he did not know how to
build a house nor to cultivate the ground.
Joseph
Toma, a Saulteaux, said he spoke for the Red Pheasant, Chief of the
Battle River Crees, and made demands as follows: Men to build houses
for them, increased salaries to the Chiefs and head men, etc. He said
what was offered was too little; he wanted enough to cover the skin of
the people, guns, and also ten miles of land round the reserves in a
belt.
I asked the Red
Pheasant how it was that he was party to the requests of his people and
how, when I asked if that was their unanimous voice he had assented,
and yet had now put forward new and large demands.
I
said it was not good faith, and that I would not accede to the requests
now made; that what was offered was a gift as they had still their old
mode of living.
The
principal Chiefs then rose and said that they accepted our offers, and
the Red Pheasant repudiated the demands and remarks of Toma, and stated
that he had not authorized him to speak for him.
Mist-ow-as-is then asked to speak for the
Half-breeds, who wish to live on the reserves.
I
explained the distinction between the Half-breed people and the Indian
Half-breeds who lived amongst the Indians as Indians, and said the
Commissioners would consider the case of each of these last on its
merits.
The treaty was then
signed by myself, Messrs. Christie and McKay, Mist-ow-as-is and
Ah-tuk-uk-koop, the head Chiefs, and by the other Chiefs and
Councillors, those signing, though many Indians were absent, yet
representing all the bands of any importance in the Carlton regions,
except the Willow Indians.
On
the 24th the Commissioners again met the Indians, when I presented the
Head Chiefs with their medals, uniforms and flags, and informed them
that Mr. Christie would give the other Chiefs and Councillors the same
in the evening.
Some half a
dozen of Saulteaux then came forward, of whom I found one was from
Qu'Appelle, and had been paid there, and the others did not belong to
the Carlton region. I told them that I had heard that they had
endeavoured to prevent me crossing the river and to prevent a treaty
being made, but that they were not wiser than the whole of their
nation, who had already been treated with.
They
did not deny the charge, and their spokesman becoming insolent, I
declined to hear them further, and they retired, some stating that they
would go to Fort Pitt, which I warned them not to do.
Besides
these Saulteaux, there were others present who disapproved of their
proceedings, amongst them being Kis-so-way-is, already mentioned, and
Pecheeto, who was the chief spokesman at Qu'Appelle, but is now a
Councillor of the Fort Ellice Band.
I
may mention here that the larger part of the Band to whom these other
Saulteaux belonged, with the Chief Yellow Quill, gave in their adhesion
to Treaty Number Four, at Fort Pelly about the time that their comrades
were troubling me at Fort Carlton.
Mr.
Christie then commenced the payments, assisted by Mr. McKay, of Prince
Albert, and was engaged in so doing during the 24th and 25th. Amongst
those paid were the few resident Saulteaux, who were accepted by the
Cree Chiefs as part of their bands.
The
next morning, the 26th, the whole band, headed by their Chiefs and
Councillors, dressed in their uniforms, came to Carlton House to pay
their farewell visit to me.
The Chiefs came forward in order, each
addressing me a few remarks, and I replied briefly.
They
then gave three cheers for the Queen, the Governor, one for the Mounted
Police, and for Mr. Lawrence Clarke, of Carlton House, and then
departed, firing guns as they went.
Considering
it undesirable that so many Indians should be excluded from the treaty,
as would be the case if I left the Duck Lake Indians to their own
devices, I determined on sending a letter to them. I, therefore,
prepared a message, inviting them to meet me at the Hon. Mr. McKay's
encampment about three miles from the large Indian encampment about
half way to Duck Lake, on Monday, the 28th, if they were prepared then
to accept the terms of the treaty I had made with the Carlton Indians.
My letter was entrusted to Mr. Levailler, who proceeded to Duck Lake.
On
entering the Indian Council room, he found they had a letter written to
me by the Rev. Mr. André, offering to accept the terms of the
treaty,
if I came to Duck Lake.
The
Indians sent for Mr. André to read my letter to them, which was
received with satisfaction; both he and Mr. Levailler urged them to
accept my proposal, which they agreed to do, and requested Mr.
Levailler to inform me that they would go to the appointed place.
Accordingly, on the 28th, the Commissioners
met the Willow Indians.
After
the usual handshaking, and short speeches from two of the Chiefs, I
addressed them, telling them I was sorry for the course they had
pursued, and that I did not go away without giving them this
opportunity to be included in the treaty.
Kah-mee-yes-too-waegs, the Beardy, spoke for
the people. He said some things were too little. He was anxious about
the buffalo.
Say-sway-kees
wished to tell our mother, the Queen, that they were alarmed about the
buffalo. It appeared as if there was only one left.
The
Beardy again addressed me and said,—“You have told me what you have
done with the others you will do with us. I accept the terms; no doubt
it will run further, according to our numbers; when I am utterly unable
to help myself I want to receive assistance.”
I
replied to them, explaining, with regard to assistance that we could
not support or feed the Indians, and all that we would do would be to
help them to cultivate the soil.
If
a general famine came upon the Indians the charity of the Government
would come into exercise. I admitted the importance of steps being
taken to preserve the buffalo, and assured them that it would be
considered by the Governor-General and Council of the North-West
Territories, to see if a wise law could be framed such as could be
carried out and obeyed.
The
three Chiefs and their head men then signed the treaty, and the medals
and flags were distributed, when Mr. Christie intimated that he was
ready to make the payments.
They
then asked that this should be done at Duck Lake, but Mr. Christie
informed them that, as we had to leave for Fort Pitt, this was
impossible; and that, moreover their share of the unexpended provisions
and the clothing and presents were at the fort, where they would
require to go for them.
They then agreed to accept the payment, which
was at once proceeded with.
The
persistency with which these Indians clung to their endeavor to compel
the Commissioners to proceed to Duck Lake was in part owing to
superstition, the Chief Beardy having announced that he had a vision,
in which it was made known to him that the treaty would be made there.
It
was partly, also, owing to hostility to the treaty, as they endeavored
to induce the Carlton Indians to make no treaty, and urge them not to
sell the land, but to lend it for four years.
The
good sense and intelligence of the head Chiefs led them to reject their
proposals, and the Willow Indians eventually, as I have reported,
accepted the treaty.
The 29th was occupied by Mr. Christie in
settling accounts, taking stock of the clothing, and preparing for our
departure.
An
application was made to me by Toma, the Saulteaux, who took part in the
proceedings on the 23rd, to sign the treaty as Chief of the Saulteaux
band.
As I could not
ascertain that there were sufficient families of these Indians resident
in the region to be recognized as a distinct band, and as I had no
evidence that they desired him to be their Chief, I declined to allow
him to sign the treaty, but informed him that next year, if the
Saulteaux were numerous enough, and expressed the wish that he should
be Chief, he would be recognized.
He was satisfied with this, and said that
next year they would come to the payments.
His
daughter, a widow, with her family, was paid, but he preferred to
remain until next year, as he did not wish to be paid except as a Chief.
On
the morning of the 31st, the previous day having been wet, Mr. Christie
and I left for Fort Pitt, Mr. McKay having preceded us by the other
road—that by way of Battle River.
We
arrived on the 5th September, the day appointed, having rested, as was
our custom throughout the whole journey, on Sunday, the 3rd.
About
six miles from the fort we were met by Col. Jarvis and the police, with
their band, as an escort, and also by Mr. McKay, the Factor of the
Hudson's Bay Company, who informed us that he had rooms ready for our
occupation.
We found over
one hundred lodges of Indians already there, and received a message
from them, that as their friends were constantly arriving, they wished
delay until the 7th.
On the
morning of the 6th, Sweet Grass, who had come in, in consequence of my
message, accompanied by about thirty of the principal men, called to
see me and express their gratification at my arrival.
Their
greeting was cordial, but novel in my experience, as they embraced me
in their arms, and kissed me on both cheeks, a reception which they
extended also to Mr. Christie and Dr. Jackes.
The
Hon. James McKay arrived from Battle River in the evening, and reported
that he had met there a number of Indians, principally Saulteaux, who
had been camped there for some time. There had been about seventy
lodges in all, but as the buffalo had come near, the poorer Indians had
gone after them.
They
expressed good feeling, and said they would like to have waited until
the 15th, the day named for my arrival there, to see me and accept the
treaty, but that the buffalo hunt was of so much consequence to them
that they could not wait so long.
This band is a mixed one, composed of Crees
and Saulteaux from Jack Fish Lake, their Chief being the Yellow Sky.
On
the 7th the Commissioners proceeded to the council tent, which was
pitched on the high plateau above the fort, commanding a very fine
view, and facing the Indian encampment.
They were accompanied by the escort of the
police, with their band.
The Indians approached with much pomp and
ceremony, following the lead of Sweet Grass.
The
stem dance was performed as at Fort Carlton, but with much more
ceremony, there being four pipes instead of one, and the number of
riders, singers and dancers being more numerous. After the pipes were
stroked by the Commissioners, they were presented to each of them to be
smoked, and then laid upon the table to be covered with calico and
cloth, and returned to their bearers.
After
the conclusion of these proceedings I addressed them, telling them we
had come at their own request, and that there was now a trail leading
from Lake Superior to Red River, that I saw it stretching on thence to
Fort Ellice, and there branching off, the one track going to Qu'Appelle
and Cypress Hills, and the other by Fort Pelly to Carlton, and thence I
expected to see it extended, by way of Fort Pitt to the Rocky
Mountains; on that road I saw all the Chippewas and Crees walking, and
I saw along it gardens being planted and houses built.
I
invited them to join their brother Indians and walk with the white men
on this road. I told them what we had done at Carlton, and offered them
the same terms, which I would explain fully if they wished it.
On
closing Sweet Grass rose, and taking me by the hand, asked me to
explain the terms of the treaty, after which they would all shake hands
with me and then go to meet in council.
I
complied with this request, and stated the terms fully to them, both
addresses having occupied me for three hours. On concluding they
expressed satisfaction, and retired to their council.
On
the 8th the Indians asked for more time to deliberate, which was
granted, as we learned that some of them desired to make exorbitant
demands, and we wished to let them understand through the avenues by
which we had access to them that these would be fruitless.
On
the 9th, the Commissioners proceeded to the council tent, but the
Indians were slow of gathering, being still in council, endeavoring to
agree amongst themselves.
At
length they approached and seated themselves in front of the tent, I
then asked them to speak to me. The Eagle addressed the Indians,
telling them not to be afraid, and that I was to them as a brother, and
what the Queen wished to establish was for their good.
After
some time had passed, I again called on them to tell me their minds and
not to be afraid. Sweet Grass then rose and addressed me in a very
sensible manner. He thanked the Queen for sending me; he was glad to
have a brother and a friend who would help to lift them up above their
present condition. He thanked me for the offer and saw nothing to be
afraid of. He therefore accepted gladly, and took my hand to his heart.
He said God was looking down on us that day, and had opened a new world
to them. Sweet Grass further said, he pitied those who had to live by
the buffalo, but that if spared until this time next year, he wanted,
this my brother (i.e. the Governor), to commence to act for him
in protecting the buffalo; for himself he would commence at once to
prepare a small piece of land, and his kinsmen would do the same.
Placing
one hand over my heart, and the other over his own, he said: “May the
white man's blood never be spilt on this earth. I am thankful that the
white man and red man can stand together. When I hold your hand and
touch your heart, let us be as one; use your utmost to help me and help
my children so that they may prosper.”
The
Chief's speech, of which the foregoing gives a brief outline in his own
words, was assented to by the people with a peculiar guttural sound
which takes with them the place of the British cheer.
I
replied, expressing my satisfaction that they had so unanimously
approved of the arrangement I had made with the nation at Carlton, and
promised that I would send them next year, as I had said to the Crees
of Carlton, copies of the treaty printed on parchment.
I said that I knew that some of the Chiefs
were absent, but next year they would receive the present of money as
they had done.
The
Commissioners then signed the treaty, as did Sweet Grass, eight other
Chiefs and those of their Councillors who were present, the Chiefs
addressing me before signing. James Senum, Chief of the Crees at White
Fish Lake, said that he commenced to cultivate the soil some years ago.
Mr.
Christie, then chief factor of the Hudson's Bay Company, gave him a
plough, but it was now broken. He had no cattle when he commenced, but
he and his people drew the plough themselves, and made hoes of roots of
trees. Mr. Christie also gave him a pit-saw and a grind-stone, and he
was still using them. His heart was sore in spring when his children
wanted to plough and had no implements. He asked for these as soon as
possible, and referring to the Wesleyan mission at that place, he said
by following what I have been taught it helps me a great deal.
The
Little Hunter, a leading Chief of the Plain Crees, said he was glad
from his very heart; he felt in taking the Governor's hand as if it was
the Queen's. When I hear her words that she is going to put this
country to rights, it is the help of God that put it into her heart. He
wished an everlasting grasp of her hand; he was thankful for the
children who would prosper. All the children who were settling there,
hoped that the Great Spirit would look down upon us as one. Other
Chiefs expressed themselves similarly.
Ken-oo-say-oo, or The Fish, was a Chippewayan
or mountaineer, a small band of whom are in this region.
They
had no Chief, but at my request they had selected a Chief and presented
the Fish to me. He said, speaking in Cree, that he thanked the Queen,
and shook hands with me, he was glad for what had been done, and if he
could have used his own tongue he would have said more.
I
then presented Sweet Grass his medal, uniform, and flag, the band
playing “God Save the Queen” and all the Indians rising to their feet.
The
rest of the medals, flags, and uniforms, were distributed, as soon as
possible, and Mr. Christie commenced to make the payments.
On
Sunday, the 10th, the Rev. Mr. McKay conducted the service for the
police and others, who might attend, and in the afternoon the Rev. Mr.
McDougall had a service in Cree; Bishop Grandin and the Rev. Mr.
Scollen also had services for the Crees and Chippewayans.
On
Monday, the 11th, Mr. Christie completed the payments and distribution
of provisions. The police commenced crossing the Saskatchewan, with a
view to leaving on Tuesday, the 12th, for Battle River. We therefore
sent our horses and carts across the river, and had our tents pitched
with the view of commencing our return journey, early in the morning.
Just as we were about to leave Port Pitt, however, the Great Bear, one
of the three Cree Chiefs who were absent, arrived at the fort and asked
to see me. The Commissioners met him, when he told me that he had been
out on the plains hunting the buffalo, and had not heard the time of
the meeting; that on hearing of it he had been sent in by the Crees and
by the Stonies or Assiniboines to speak for them. I explained to him
what had been done at Carlton and Pitt, he expressed regret that I was
going away as he wished to talk to me. I then said we would not remove
until the next day, which gratified him much.
On the 13th, Sweet Grass and all the other
Chiefs and Councillors came down to the fort with the Great Bear to bid
me farewell.
Sweet
Grass told me the object of their visit. The Bear said the Indians on
the plains had sent him to speak for them, and those who were away were
as a barrier before what he would have to say.
Sweet
Grass said, addressing him, “You see the representative of the Queen
here. I think the Great Spirit put it into their hearts to come to our
help. Let there be no barrier, as it is with great difficulty that this
was brought about. Say yes and take his hand.” The White Fish spoke
similarly.
The Bear said,
“Stop, my friends. I never saw the Governor before; when I heard he was
to come, I said I will request him to save me from what I most
dread—hanging; it was not given to us to have the rope about our
necks.” I replied, that God had given it to us to punish murder by
death, and explained the protection the police force afforded the
Indians.
Big Bear still
demanded that there should be no hanging, and I informed him that his
request would not be granted. He then wished that the buffalo might be
protected, and asked why the other Chiefs did not speak.
The Fish, the Chippewayan replied, “We do not
because Sweet Grass has spoken, and what he says we all say.”
I
then asked the Bear to tell the other two absent Chiefs Short Tail and
Sagamat, what had been done; that I had written him and them a letter,
and sent it by Sweet Grass, and that next year they could join the
treaty; with regard to the buffalo, the North-West Council were
considering the question, and I again explained that we would not
interfere with the Indian's daily life except to assist them in farming.
I
then said I never expected to see them again. The land was so large
that another Governor was to be sent, whom I hoped they would receive
as they had done me, and give him the same confidence they had extended
to me. The Chiefs and Councillors, commencing with Sweet Grass, then
shook hands with Mr. Christie and myself, each addressing me words of
parting.
The Bear remained
sitting until all had shaken hands, he then took mine and holding it,
said, “If he had known he would have met me with all his people. I am
not an undutiful child, I do not throw back your hand, but as my people
are not here I do not sign. I will tell them what I have heard, and
next year I will come.” The Indians then left, but shortly afterwards
the Bear came to see me again, fearing I had not fully understood him,
and assured me that he accepted the treaty as if he had signed it, and
would come next year with all his people and accept it.
We
crossed the river, and left for Battle River in the afternoon, where we
arrived on the afternoon of the 15th. We found no Indians there except
Red Pheasant and his band, whom we had already met at Carlton.
On
the 16th, the Red Pheasant saw the Commissioners. He said he was a
Battle River Indian; his fathers had lived there before him, but he was
glad to see the Government coming there, as it would improve his means
of living. He wished the claims of the Half-breeds who had settled
there before the Government came to be respected, as for himself he
would go away and seek another home, and though it was hard to leave
the home of his people, yet he would make way for the white man, and
surely, he said, “if the poor Indian acts thus, the Queen, when she
hears of this, will help him.” He asked, that a little land should be
given him to plant potatoes in next spring, and they would remove after
digging them, to their reserve, which he thought he would wish to have
at the Eagle Hills.
I
expressed my satisfaction with their conduct and excellent spirit, and
obtained the cheerful consent of Mr. Fuller, of the Pacific telegraph
line, who is in occupation of a large cultivated field, that the band
should use three acres within the fenced enclosure, and which,
moreover, Mr. Fuller kindly promised to plough for them gratuitously.
The
17th being Sunday we remained at our camp, and on Monday morning, the
18th, we commenced our long return journey, with the incidents of which
I will not trouble you further than to state that, on arriving on the
4th of October at an encampment about thirty miles from Portage la
Prairie, we found it necessary to leave our tents and carts to follow
us leisurely (many of the horses having become completely exhausted
with the long journey of sixteen hundred miles) and push on to the
Portage; on the 5th we reached the Portage, where Mr. Christie and Dr.
Jackes remained, their horses being unable to go farther, and I went on
to Poplar Point, forty-five miles from Fort Garry, where I found
accommodation for the night from Mr. Chisholm, of the Hudson's Bay
Company's Post there.
I
arrived at Fort Garry on the afternoon of the 6th of October having
been absent for over two months and a half. Mr. McKay, having taken
another road, had arrived before me; Mr. Christie and Dr. Jackes
reached here subsequently. Having thus closed the narrative of our
proceedings, I proceed to deal with the results of our mission, and to
submit for your consideration some reflections and to make some
practical suggestions.
1st.
The Indians inhabiting the ceded territory are chiefly Crees, but there
are a few Assiniboines on the plains and also at the slope of the
mountains. There are also a small number of Saulteaux and one band of
Chippewayans.
2nd. I was
agreeably surprised to find so great a willingness on the part of the
Crees to commence to cultivate the soil, and so great a desire to have
their children instructed. I requested Mr. Christie to confer with the
Chief while the payments were going on, as to the localities where they
would desire to have reserves assigned to them, and with few exceptions
they indicated the places, in fact most of them have already commenced
to settle.
It is, therefore important that the cattle
and agricultural implements should be given them without delay.
I
would, therefore, recommend that provision should be made for
forwarding these as soon as the spring opens. I think it probable that
cattle and some implements could be purchased at Prince Albert and thus
avoid transportation.
3rd.
I would further represent that, though I did not grant the request, I
thought the desire of the Indians, to be instructed in farming and
building, most reasonable, and I would therefore recommend that
measures be adopted to provide such instruction for them. Their present
mode of living is passing away; the Indians are tractable, docile and
willing to learn. I think that advantage should be taken of this
disposition to teach them to become self-supporting, which can best be
accomplished with the aid of a few practical farmers and carpenters to
instruct them in farming and house building.
The
universal demand for teachers, and by some of the Indians for
missionaries, is also encouraging. The former, the Government can
supply; for the latter they must rely on the churches, and I trust that
these will continue and extend their operations amongst them. The field
is wide enough for all, and the cry of the Indian for help is a clamant
one.
4th. In connection
with the aiding of the Indians to settle, I have to call attention to
the necessity of regulations being made for the preservation of the
buffalo. These animals are fast decreasing in numbers, but I am
satisfied that a few simple regulations would preserve the herds for
many years. The subject was constantly pressed on my attention by the
Indians, and I promised that the matter would be considered by the
North-West Council. The council that has governed the territories for
the last four years was engaged in maturing a law for this purpose, and
had our regime continued we would have passed a statute for their
preservation. I commend the matter to the attention of our successors
as one of urgent importance.
5th.
There is another class of the population in the North-West whose
position I desire to bring under the notice of the Privy Council. I
refer to the wandering Half-breeds of the plains, who are chiefly of
French descent and live the life of the Indians. There are a few who
are identified with the Indians, but there is a large class of Metis
who live by the hunt of the buffalo, and have no settled homes. I think
that a census of the numbers of these should be procured, and while I
would not be disposed to recommend their being brought under the
treaties, I would suggest that land should be assigned to them, and
that on their settling down, if after an examination into their
circumstances, it should be found necessary and expedient, some
assistance should be given them to enable them to enter upon
agricultural operations.
If
the measures suggested by me are adopted, viz., effective regulations
with regard to the buffalo, the Indians taught to cultivate the soil,
and the erratic Half-breeds encouraged to settle down, I believe that
the solution of all social questions of any present importance in the
North-West Territories will have been arrived at.
In
conclusion, I have to call your attention to the report made to me by
the Hon. Mr. Christie, which I forward herewith; that gentleman took
the entire charge of the payments and administration of matters
connected with the treaty, and I have to speak in the highest terms of
the value of his services.
Accompanying
his report will be found the pay sheets, statements of distribution of
provisions and clothing, memoranda as to the localities of the
reserves, suggestions as to the times and places of payment next year,
and a general balance sheet.
A
credit of $60,000 was given to me, and I have placed as a refund to the
credit of the Receiver-General, $12,730.55. This arises from the fact
that owing to the proximity of the buffalo, many of the Indians did not
come into the treaty.
I
have to acknowledge the benefit I derived from the services of the Hon.
James McKay, camping as he did near the Indian encampment. He had the
opportunity of meeting them constantly, and learning their views which
his familarity with the Indian dialects enabled him to do. Dr. Jackes
took a warm interest in the progress of our work, and kept a record of
the negotiations, a copy of which I enclose and which I think ought to
be published, as it will be of great value to those who will be called
on to administer the treaty, showing as it does what was said by the
negotiators and by the Indians, and preventing misrepresentations in
the future. The Commissioners are under obligations to Lieut.-Colonel
McLeod, and the other officers and men of the police force for their
escort.
The conduct of the
men was excellent, and the presence of the force as an emblem and
evidence of the establishment of authority in the North-West was of
great value.
I have to
record my appreciation of the kindness of Messrs. Clarke, of Fort
Carlton, and McKay of Fort Pitt, and of the other officials of the
Hudson's Bay Company, and of the hearty assistance they extended
towards the accomplishment of our mission. I have also to mention the
interest taken in the negotiations by His Lordship Bishop Grandin, and
by the various missionaries, Protestant and Catholic.
On
this occasion, as on others, I found the Half-breed population whether
French or English generally using the influence of their relationship
to the Indians in support of our efforts to come to a satisfactory
arrangement with them.
We
also had the advantage of good interpreters, having secured the
services of Messrs. Peter Ballendine and John McKay, while the Indians
had engaged Mr. Peter Erasmus to discharge the same duty. The latter
acted as chief interpreter, being assisted by the others, and is a most
efficient interpreter.
I
transmit herewith a copy of the treaty, and have only in conclusion to
express my hope that this further step in the progress of the work of
the Dominion amongst the Indian tribes will prove beneficial to them,
and of advantage to the realm.
I have the honor to be, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
ALEXANDER MORRIS,
Lieut.-Governor.
Narrative of the
proceedings connected with the effecting of the treaties at Forts
Carlton and Pitt, in the year 1876, together with a report of the
speeches of the Indians and Commissioners, by A. G. Jackes, Esq., M.D.,
Secretary to the Commission.
The
expedition for the proposed Treaty Number Six, reached the South
Saskatchewan on the afternoon of August 14th, where they were met by a
messenger from the Cree Indians expressing welcome, also a messenger
from Mr. L. Clarke, of Carlton House, offering to the Governor and
party the hospitality of the Fort.
The
next morning, when about ten miles from Carlton, the Commissioners were
met by a detachment of Mounted Police under Major Walker, who escorted
them to the Fort; on the way the Commissioners passed an encampment of
Crees whose Chief had previously seen the Governor at Duck Lake and
asked him to make the treaty there; he replied that he could not
promise, that he would meet the Indians where the greater number
wished. These Crees joined in an invocation to the deity for a blessing
on the Governor, and deputed one of their number to welcome him by
shaking hands.
Near the
Fort were encamped about two hundred and fifty lodges of Crees, to whom
the Commissioners at once served out two days' allowance of provisions.
On
the 16th the Crees reported that they wanted another day to confer
amongst themselves, this was granted and the Governor requested them to
meet him and the Commissioners on the 18th at 10 a.m., to commence the
business of the treaty.
FIRST DAY
August 18th.
At
half-past ten His Honor Lieut.-Gov. Morris, the Hon. W. J. Christie and
Hon. Jas. McKay, accompanied by an escort of North-West Mounted Police,
left the Fort for the camp of the Cree Indians, who had selected a site
about a mile and a half from the Hudson's Bay Fort. There were about
two hundred and fifty lodges, containing over two thousand souls. The
Governor's tent was pitched on a piece of rising ground about four
hundred yards from the Indian camp, and immediately facing it.
As
soon as the Governor and party arrived, the Indians who were to take
part in the treaty, commenced to assemble near the Chief's tents, to
the sound of beating drums and the discharge of small arms, singing,
dancing and loud speaking, going on at the same time.
In
about half an hour they were ready to advance and meet the Governor;
this they did in a large semi-circle; in their front were about twenty
braves on horseback, galloping about in circles, shouting, singing and
going through various picturesque performances. The semi-circle
steadily advanced until within fifty yards of the Governor's tent, when
a halt was made and further peculiar ceremonies commenced, the most
remarkable of which was the “dance of the stem.” This was commenced by
the Chiefs, medicine men, councillors, singers and drum-beaters, coming
a little to the front and seating themselves on blankets and robes
spread for them. The bearer of the stem,
Wah-wee-kah-nich-kah-oh-tah-mah-hote (the man you strike on the back),
carrying in his hand a large and gorgeously adorned pipe stem, walked
slowly along the semi-circle, and advancing to the front, raised the
stem to the heavens, then slowly turned to the north, south, east and
west, presenting the stem at each point; returning to the seated group
he handed the stem to one of the young men, who commenced a low chant,
at the same time performing a ceremonial dance accompanied by the drums
and singing of the men and women in the background.
This
was all repeated by another of the young men, after which the horsemen
again commenced galloping in circles, the whole body slowly advancing.
As they approached his tent, the Governor, accompanied by the Hon. W.
J. Christie and Hon. Jas. McKay, Commissioners, went forward to meet
them and to receive the stem carried by its bearer. It was presented
first to the Governor, who in accordance with their customs, stroked it
several times, then passed it to the Commissioners who repeated the
ceremony.
The significance of this ceremony is that the
Governor and Commissioners accepted the friendship of the tribe.
The
interpreter then introduced the Chiefs and principal men; the Indians
slowly seating themselves in regular order in front of the tent. In a
few minutes there was perfect quiet and order, when His Honor the
Lieutenant-Governor addressed them as follows:
“My
Indian brothers, Indians of the plains, I have shaken hands with a few
of you, I shake hands with all of you in my heart. God has given us a
good day, I trust his eye is upon us, and that what we do will be for
the benefit of his children.
“What
I say and what you say, and what we do, is done openly before the whole
people. You are, like me and my friends who are with me, children of
the Queen. We are of the same blood, the same God made us and the same
Queen rules over us.
“I am
a Queen's Councillor, I am her Governor of all these territories, and I
am here to speak from her to you. I am here now because for many days
the Cree nation have been sending word that they wished to see a
Queen's messenger face to face. I told the Queen's Councillors your
wishes. I sent you word last year by a man who has gone where we will
all go by and by, that a Queen's messenger would meet you this year. I
named Forts Carlton and Pitt as the places of meeting, I sent a letter
to you saying so, and my heart grew warm when I heard how well you
received it.
“As the
Queen's chief servant here, I always keep my promises; the winter came
and went but I did not forget my word, and I sent a messenger to tell
you that I would meet you at Carlton on the 15th of August, and at Fort
Pitt on the 5th of September.
“During
the winter I went to Ottawa to consult with the other Queen's
Councillors about you amongst other matters, and they said to me, 'you
promised a Queen's messenger to the Crees, you have been so much with
the Indians, that we wish you to go yourself;' I said 'the journey is
long and I am not a strong man, but when a duty is laid upon me I will
do it, but,' I said, 'you must give with me two friends and councillors
whom I can trust, to help me in the duty;' and now I have with me two
friends whom you and I have known long; one of them is of your own
blood, the other has been many years amongst you.
“I
will, in a short time, give you a message from the Queen, and my
Councillors will tell you that the words are true. Before I do so,
there are so many things I want to say to you that I scarcely know
where to begin. I have been nearly four years Governor of Manitoba and
these territories, and from the day I was sworn, I took the Indian by
the hand, and those who took it have never let it go.
“Three
years ago I went to the north-west angle of Lake of the Woods, and
there I met the Chippewa nation, I gave them a message and they talked
with me and when they understood they took my hand. Some were away,
next year I sent messengers to them and I made a treaty between the
Queen and them; there are numbered of those altogether four thousand. I
then went to Lake Qu'Appelle the year after, and met the Crees and
Chippewas there, gave them my message, and they took my hand. Last
summer I went to Lake Winnipeg and gave the Queen's message to the
Swampy Crees and they and I, acting for the Queen, came together heart
to heart; and now that the Indians of the east understand the Queen and
her Councillors, I come to you. And why is all this done? I will tell
you; it is because you are the subjects of the Queen as I am. She cares
as much for one of you as she does for one of her white subjects. The
other day a party of Iroquois Indians were taken to England across the
ocean; the Queen heard of it and sent to them, saying, 'I want to see
my red children,' took their hands and gave each of them her picture,
and sent them away happy with her goodness.
“Before
I came here I was one of the Queen's Councillors at Ottawa. We have
many Indians there as here, but for many years there has been
friendship between the British, and the Indians. We respect the Indians
as brothers and as men. Let me give you a proof it. Years ago there was
war between the British and the Americans; there was a great battle;
there were two brave Chief warriors on the British side, one wore the
red coat, the other dressed as you do, but they fought side by side as
brothers; the one was Brock and the other was Tecumseth whose memory
will never die; the blood of both watered the ground; the bones of
Tecumseth were hid by his friends; the remains of Brock by his, and now
a great pile of stone stands up toward heaven in his memory. And now
the white man is searching for the remains of Tecumseth, and when found
they will build another monument in honour of the Indian.
“I
hope the days of fighting are over, but notwithstanding the whites are
as much your friends in these days of peace, as in war.
“The
many Indians in the place that I have left are happy, prosperous,
contented and growing in numbers. A meeting of the Grand Council of the
Six Nation Indians was held a month ago; they now number six thousand
souls. They met to thank the Queen and to say that they were content,
and why are they content? Because many years ago the Queen's
Councillors saw that the Indians that would come after, must be cared
for, they saw that the means of living were passing away from the
Indians, they knew that women and children were sometimes without food;
they sent men to speak to the Indians, they said your children must be
educated, they must be taught to raise food for themselves. The Indians
heard them, the Councillors gave them seed, land, food, taught their
children and let them feel that they were of one blood with the whites.
Now, what we have found to work so well where I came from we want to
have here in our territories, and I am happy to say that my heart is
gladdened by the way the Indians have met me.
“We
are not here as traders, I do not come as to buy or sell horses or
goods, I come to you, children of the Queen, to try to help you; when I
say yes, I mean it, and when I say no, I mean it too.
“I
want you to think of my words, I want to tell you that what we talk
about is very important. What I trust and hope we will do is not for
to-day or to-morrow only; what I will promise, and what I believe and
hope you will take, is to last as long as that sun shines and yonder
river flows.
“You have to
think of those who will come after you, and it will be a remembrance
for me as long as I live, if I can go away feeling that I have done
well for you. I believe we can understand each other, if not it will be
the first occasion on which the Indians have not done so. If you are as
anxious for your own welfare as I am, I am certain of what will happen.
“The
day is passing. I thank you for the respectful reception you have given
me. I will do here as I have done on former occasions. I hope you will
speak your minds as fully and as plainly as if I was one of yourselves.
“I
wish you to think of what I have said. I wish you to present your
Chiefs to me to-day if you are ready, if not then we will wait until
to-morrow.”
Here the
Indians requested an adjournment until next day in order that they
might meet in council; this was granted, and the first day's
proceedings terminated.
Late
in the evening the escort of Mounted Police was reinforced by a
detachment, accompanied by their band, under command of Col. Jarvis,
making a force of nearly one hundred men and officers.
SECOND DAY
August 19th.
The
Lieutenant-Governor and Commissioners, with the Mounted Police escort,
headed by their band, proceeded to the camp to meet the Indians at
10:30 a.m. The Indians having assembled in regular order with their two
leading Chiefs, Mis-tah-wah-sis and Ah-tuck-ah-coop seated in front,
the Governor said:
“My
friends, we have another bright day before us, and I trust that when it
closes our faces will continue as bright as the day before us. I spoke
yesterday as a friend to friends, as a brother to brothers, as a father
to his children. I did not want to hurry you, I wanted you to think of
my words, and now I will be glad if you will do as I asked you then,
present your Chiefs to me, and I shall be glad to hear the words of the
Indians through the voice of their Chiefs, or whoever they may appoint.”
The
head men then brought forward Mis-tah-wah-sis, of the Carlton Indians,
representing seventy-six lodges. Ah-tuck-ah-coop, of the Wood Indians,
representing about seventy lodges. These were acknowledged as the
leading Chiefs, after them came James Smith, of the Fort-a-la-Corne
Indians, fifty lodges. John Smith, of the Prince Albert and South
Branch Indians, fifty lodges. The Chip-ee-wayan, of the Plain Indians,
sixty lodges. Yah-yah-tah-kus-kin-un, of the Fishing or Sturgeon lake
Indians, twenty lodges. Pee-yahan-kah-mihk-oo-sit, thirty lodges.
Wah-wee-kah-nich-kah-oh-tah-mah-hote, of the River Indians, fifty
lodges.
Here a messenger
came from the Indians under Chief Beardy, camped at Duck Lake, eight
miles from the main camp. He shook hands with the Governor and said, “I
am at a loss at this time what to say, for the Indians' mind cannot be
all the same, that is why I came to tell the Governor the right of it;
with a good heart I plead at this time, it is not my own work, I would
like to know his mind just now and hear the terms of the treaty.”
The
Governor said in reply: “If your Chief and his people had been in their
places here, they would have heard with the rest what I had to say. You
refused to meet me here, yet you sent and asked me to give you
provisions, but I refused to do so unless you joined the others; and
now I will not tell my message to this messenger until I tell all the
rest; he can hear with the rest and take back my words to his chief.”
The messenger expressed himself satisfied, and took his seat with the
others.
On the Indians expressing themselves ready to
hear the message, the Governor said:
“First
I wish to talk to you about what I regard as something affecting the
lives of yourselves and the lives of your children. Often when I
thought of the future of the Indian my heart was sad within me. I saw
that the large game was getting scarcer and scarcer, and I feared that
the Indians would melt away like snow in spring before the sun. It was
my duty as Governor to think of them, and I wondered if the Indians of
the plains and lakes could not do as their brothers where I came from
did. And now, when I think of it, I see a bright sky before me. I have
been nearly four years working among my Indian brothers, and I am glad
indeed to find that many of them are seeking to have homes of their
own, having gardens and sending their children to school.
“Last
spring I went to see some of the Chippewas, this year I went again and
I was glad to see houses built, gardens planted and wood cut for more
houses. Understand me, I do not want to interfere with your hunting and
fishing. I want you to pursue it through the country, as you have
heretofore done; but I would like your children to be able to find food
for themselves and their children that come after them. Sometimes when
you go to hunt you can leave your wives and children at home to take
care of your gardens.
“I am
glad to know that some of you have already begun to build and to plant;
and I would like on behalf of the Queen to give each band that desires
it a home of their own; I want to act in this matter while it is time.
The country is wide and you are scattered, other people will come in.
Now unless the places where you would like to live are secured soon
there might be difficulty. The white man might come and settle on the
very place where you would like to be. Now what I and my brother
Commissioners would like to do is this: we wish to give each band who
will accept of it a place where they may live; we wish to give you as
much or more land than you need; we wish to send a man that surveys the
land to mark it off, so you will know it is your own, and no one will
interfere with you. What I would propose to do is what we have done in
other places. For every family of five a reserve to themselves of one
square mile. Then, as you may not all have made up your minds where you
would like to live, I will tell you how that will be arranged: we would
do as has been done with happiest results at the North-West Angle. We
would send next year a surveyor to agree with you as to the place you
would like.
“There is one
thing I would say about the reserves. The land I name is much more than
you will ever be able to farm, and it may be that you would like to do
as your brothers where I came from did.
“They,
when they found they had too much land, asked the Queen to it sell for
them; they kept as much as they could want, and the price for which the
remainder was sold was put away to increase for them, and many bands
now have a yearly income from the land.
“But
understand me, once the reserve is set aside, it could not be sold
unless with the consent of the Queen and the Indians; as long as the
Indians wish, it will stand there for their good; no one can take their
homes.
“Of course, if when
a reserve is chosen, a white man had already settled there, his rights
must be respected. The rights and interests of the whites and
half-breeds are as dear to the Queen as those of the Indians. She deals
justly by all, and I am sure my Indian brothers would like to deal with
others as they would have others to deal with them. I think you can now
understand the question of homes.
“When
the Indians settle on a reserve and have a sufficient number of
children to be taught, the Queen would maintain a school. Another
thing, that affects you all, some of you have temptations as the white
men have, and therefore the fire-water which does so much harm will not
be allowed to be sold or used in the reserve. Then before I leave the
question of reserves I will tell you how we will help you to make your
homes there. We would give to every family actually cultivating the
soil the following articles, viz., two hoes, one spade, one scythe, one
axe, and then to help in breaking the land, one plough and two harrows
for every ten families; and to help you to put up houses we give to
each Chief for his band, one chest of carpenter's tools, one cross-cut
saw, five hand saws, one pit saw and files, five augers and one
grindstone. Then if a band settles on its reserves the people will
require something to aid them in breaking the soil. They could not draw
the ploughs themselves, therefore we will give to each Chief for the
use of his band one or two yokes of oxen according to the number in the
band. In order to encourage the keeping of cattle we would give each
band a bull and four cows; having all these things we would give each
band enough potatoes, oats, barley and wheat for seed to plant the land
actually broken. This would be done once for all to encourage them to
grow for themselves.
“Chiefs
ought to be respected, they ought to be looked up to by their people;
they ought to have good Councillors; the Chiefs and Councillors should
consult for the good of the people; the Queen expects Indians and
whites to obey her laws; she expects them to live at peace with other
Indians and with the white men; the Chiefs and Councillors should teach
their people so, and once the Queen approves a Chief or Councillor he
cannot be removed unless he behaves badly.
“The
Chiefs and head men are not to be lightly put aside. When a treaty is
made they become servants of the Queen; they are to try and keep order
amongst their people. We will try to keep order in the whole country.
“A
Chief has his braves; you see here the braves of our Queen, and why are
they here? To see that no white man does wrong to the Indian. To see
that none give liquor to the Indian. To see that the Indians do no harm
to each other. Three years ago some Americans killed some Indians; when
the Queen's Councillors heard of it they said, we will send men there
to protect the Indians, the Queen's subjects shall not be shot down by
the Americans; now you understand why the police force is in this
country, and you should rejoice.
“I
have said a Chief was to be respected; I wear a uniform because I am an
officer of the Queen, the officers of the police wear uniforms as
servants of the Queen. So we give to Chiefs and Councillors good and
suitable uniform indicating their office, to wear on these and other
great days.
“We recognize four head men to each large
band and two to each small one.
“I
have always been much pleased when Indians came to me and showed me
medals given to their grandfathers and transmitted to them; now we have
with us silver medals that no Chief need be ashamed to wear, and I have
no doubt that when the Chiefs are gone, they will be passed on to their
children. In addition each Chief will be given a flag to put over his
lodge to show that he is a Chief.
“I told you yesterday that I and my brother
Commissioners were not here as traders.
“There
is one thing I ought to have mentioned in addition to what I have
already named, that is, if a treaty is made here and at Fort Pitt, we
will give every year to the Indians included in it, one thousand five
hundred dollars' worth of ammunition and twine.
“You
think only for yourselves, we have to think of the Indians all over the
country, we cannot treat one better than another, it would not be just,
we will therefore do this, and what I tell you now is the last.
“When
the treaty is closed, if it be closed, we will make a present to every
man, woman and child, of twelve dollars, the money being paid to the
head of a family for his wife, and children not married.
“To
each Chief, instead of twelve, we give twenty-five dollars, and to each
head man fifteen dollars, their wives and children getting the same as
the others. I told you also that what I was promising was not for
to-day or to-morrow only, but should continue as long as the sun shone
and the river flowed. My words will pass away and so will yours, so I
always write down what I promise, that our children may know what we
said and did. Next year I shall send copies of what is written in the
treaty, printed on skin, so that it cannot rub out nor be destroyed,
and one shall be given to each Chief so that there may be no mistakes.
“Then
I promise to do as we have done with all before from Cypress Hills to
Lake Superior, the Queen will agree to pay yearly five dollars per head
for every man, woman and child. I cannot treat you better than the
others, but I am ready to treat you as well.
“A
little thing I had forgotten, and I have done. The Chiefs' and head
men's coats will wear out, they are meant to be worn when it is
necessary to show that they are officers of the Queen, and every third
year they will be replaced by new ones.
“And
now, Indians of the plains, I thank you for the open ear you have given
me; I hold out my hand to you full of the Queen's bounty and I hope you
will not put it back. We hate no object but to discharge our duty to
the Queen and towards you. Now that my hand is stretched out to you, it
is for you to say whether you will take it and do as I think you
ought—act for the good of your people.
“What
I have said has been in the face of the people. These things will hold
good next year for those that are now away. I have done. What do you
say?”
MIS-TAH-WAH-SIS here
came forward, shook hands with the Governor, and said:—“We have heard
all he has told us, but I want to tell him how it is with us as well;
when a thing is thought of quietly, probably that is the best way. I
ask this much from him this day that we go and think of his words.”
The
Governor and Commissioners agreed to the request and asked the Indians
to meet them Monday morning at ten o'clock with as little delay as
possible.
Before parting,
the Governor said to the Indians, “This is a great day for us all. I
have proposed on behalf of the Queen what I believe to be for your
good, and not for yours only, but for that of your children's children,
and when you go away think of my words. Try to understand what my heart
is towards you. I will trust that we may come together hand to hand and
heart to heart again. I trust that God will bless this bright day for
our good, and give your Chiefs and Councillors wisdom so that you will
accept the words of your Governor. I have said.”
Sunday, August 20th.
Divine
service, which was largely attended, was held in the square of Fort
Carlton, by the Rev. John McKay, at half-past ten a.m.
At
noon a message came from the encampment of Indians requesting the Rev.
Mr. McKay to hold service with them, which he did in the afternoon,
preaching in their own tongue to a congregation of over two hundred
adult Crees.
Monday, August 21st.
The
principal Chief sent a message that as the Indians had held no Council
on Sunday, they wished to have Monday to themselves and would if ready
meet the Commissioners on Tuesday morning.
THIRD DAY
August 22nd.
The
Governor and Commissioners having proceeded as usual to the camp, the
Indians soon assembled in order, when the Lieutenant-Governor said:
“Indian
children of the Queen, it is now a week to-day since I came here on the
day I said I would; I have to go still further after I leave here, and
then a long journey home to Red River.
“I
have not hurried you, you have had two days to think; I have spoken
much to you and now I wish to hear you, my ears are open and I wish to
hear the voices of your principal Chiefs or of those chosen to speak
for them. Now I am waiting.”
OO-PEE-TOO-KERAH-HAN-AP-EE-WEE-YIN
(the Pond-maker) came forward and said:—“We have heard your words that
you had to say to us as the representative of the Queen. We were glad
to hear what you had to say and have gathered together in council and
thought the words over amongst us, we were glad to hear you tell us how
we might live by our own work. When I commence to settle on the lands
to make a living for myself and my children, I beg of you to assist me
in every way possible—when I am at a loss how to proceed I want the
advice and assistance of the Government; the children yet unborn, I
wish you to treat them in like manner as they advance in civilization
like the white man. This is all I have been told to say now, if I have
not said anything in a right manner I wish to be excused; this is the
voice of the people.”
GOVERNOR:—“I
have heard the voice of the people; I am glad to learn that they are
looking forward to having their children civilized, that is the great
object of the Government, as is proved by what I have offered. Those
that come after us in the Government will think of your children as we
think of you. The Queen's Councillors intend to send a man to look
after the Indians, to be chief superintendent of Indian affairs, and
under him there will be two or three others to live in the country,
that the Queen's Councillors may know how the Indians are prospering.
“I
cannot promise however, that the Government will feed and support all
the Indians; you are many, and if we were to try to do it, it would
take a great deal of money, and some of you would never do anything for
yourselves. What I have offered does not take away your living, you
will have it then as you have now, and what I offer now is put on top
of it. This I can tell you, the Queen's Government will always take a
deep interest in your living.”
THE
BADGER—“We want to think of our children; we do not want to be too
greedy; when we commence to settle down on the reserves that we select,
it is there we want your aid, when we cannot help ourselves and in case
of troubles seen and unforeseen in the future.”
Sak-ah-moos and several other Indians in
order repeated what The Badger had said.
GOVERNOR—“I
have told you that the money I have offered you would be paid to you
and to your children's children. I know that the sympathy of the Queen,
and her assistance, would be given you in any unforeseen circumstances.
You must trust to her generosity. Last winter when some of the Indians
wanted food because the crops had been destroyed by grasshoppers,
although it was not promised in the treaty, nevertheless the Government
sent money to buy them food, and in the spring when many of them were
sick a man was sent to try and help them. We cannot foresee these
things, and all I can promise is that you will be treated kindly, and
in that extraordinary circumstances you must trust to the generosity of
the Queen. My brother Commissioner, Mr. McKay, will speak to you in
your own language.”
MR.
McKAY—“My friends, I wish to make you a clear explanation of some
things that it appears you do not understand. It has been said to you
by your Governor that we did not come here to barter or trade with you
for the land. You have made demands on the Governor, and from the way
you have put them a white man would understand that you asked for daily
provisions, also supplies for your hunt and for your pleasure
excursions. Now my reasons for explaining to you are based on my past
experience of treaties, for no sooner will the Governor and
Commissioners turn their backs on you than some of you will say this
thing and that thing was promised and the promise not fulfilled; that
you cannot rely on the Queen's representative, that even he will not
tell the truth, whilst among yourselves are the falsifiers. Now before
we rise from here it must be understood, and it must be in writing, all
that you are promised by the Governor and Commissioners, and I hope you
will not leave until you have thoroughly understood the meaning of
every word that comes from us. We have not come here to deceive you, we
have not come here to rob you, we have not come here to take away
anything that belongs to you, and we are not here to make peace as we
would to hostile Indians, because you are the children of the Great
Queen as we are, and there has never been anything but peace between
us. What you have not understood clearly we will do our utmost to make
perfectly plain to you.”
GOVERNOR—“I
have another word to say to the Indians on this matter: last year an
unforeseen calamity came upon the people of Red River, the grasshoppers
came and ate all their crops. There is no treaty between the people of
Red River and the Queen except that they are her subjects. There was no
promise to help them, but I sent down and said that unless help came
some of the people would die from want of food, and that they had
nothing wherewith to plant. The Queen's Councillors at once gave money
to feed the people, and seed that they might plant the ground; but that
was something out of and beyond every-day life, and therefore I say
that some great sickness or famine stands as a special case. You may
rest assured that when you go to your reserves you will be followed by
the watchful eye and sympathetic hand of the Queen's Councillors.”
THE
BADGER—“I do not want you to feed me every day; you must not understand
that from what I have said. When we commence to settle down on the
ground to make there our own living, it is then we want your help, and
that is the only way that I can see how the poor can get along.”
GOVERNOR—“You
will remember the promises which I have already made; I said you would
get seed; you need not concern yourselves so much about what your
grand-children are going to eat; your children will be taught, and then
they will be as well able to take care of themselves as the whites
around them.”
MIS-TAH-WAH-SIS
(one of the leading Chiefs)—“It is well known that if we had plenty to
live on from our gardens we would not still insist on getting more
provision, but it is in case of any extremity, and from the ignorance
of the Indian in commencing to settle that we thus speak; we are as yet
in the dark; this is not a trivial matter for us.
“We
were glad to hear what the Governor was saying to us and we understood
it, but we are not understood, we do not mean to ask for food for every
day but only when we commence and in case of famine or calamity. What
we speak of and do now will last as long as the sun shines and the
river runs, we are looking forward to our children's children, for we
are old and have but few days to live.”
AH-TAHK-AH-COOP
(the other leading Chief)—“The things we have been talking about in our
councils I believe are for our good. I think of the good Councillors of
the Queen and of her Commissioners; I was told the Governor was a good
man, and now that I see him I believe he is; in coming to see us, and
what he has spoken, he has removed almost all obstacles and
misunderstandings, and I hope he may remove them all. I have heard the
good things you promise us, you have told us of the white man's way of
living and mentioned some of the animals by which he gets his living,
others you did not. We want food in the spring when we commence to
farm; according as the Indian settles down on his reserves, and in
proportion as he advances, his wants will increase.”
The
Indians here asked for the afternoon to hold further council. To this
the Governor said, “I grant the request of the Indians but I give them
a word of warning, do not listen to every voice in your camp, listen to
your wise men who know something of life, and do not come asking what
is unreasonable, it pains me to have to say no, and I tell you again I
cannot treat you with more favor than the other Indians. To-morrow,
when we meet, speak out your minds openly, and I will answer, holding
nothing back. Be ready to meet me to-morrow, as soon as my flag is
raised, for remember I have a long journey before me and we ought to
come to a speedy understanding. I trust the God who made you will give
you wisdom in considering what you have to deal with.”
FOURTH DAY
August 23rd.
Shortly
after the business had commenced, proceedings were interrupted by the
loud talking of a Chippewa, who was addressing the Indians gathered in
front of the tent. The Governor said, “There was an Indian, a Chippewa,
stood and spoke to you, he did not speak to his Governor as he should
have done: I am willing to hear what any band has to say, but they must
speak to me. I have been talking to the Crees for several days. I wish
to go on with the work; if the Chippewas want to talk with me I will
hear them afterwards. They are a little handful of strangers from the
east, I have treated with their whole nation, they are not wiser than
their people.
“There are
many reasons why business should go on; I hear that the buffalo are
near you and you want to be off to your hunt; there are many mouths
here to feed and provisions are getting low; now my friends I am ready
to hear you.”
TEE-TEE-QUAY-SAY—“Listen
to me, my friends, all you who are sitting around here, and you will
soon hear what the interpreter has to say for us.”
The
interpreter then read a list of the things the Indians had agreed in
council to ask, viz.:—One ox and cow for each family. Four hoes, two
spades, two scythes and a whetstone for each family. Two axes, two hay
forks, two reaping hooks, one plough and one harrow for every three
families. To each Chief one chest of tools as proposed. Seed of every
kind in full to every one actually cultivating the soil. To make some
provision for the poor, unfortunate, blind and lame. To supply us with
a minister and school teacher of whatever denomination we belong to. To
prevent fire-water being sold in the whole Saskatchewan.
As the tribe advances in civilization, all
agricultural implements to be supplied in proportion.
When
timber becomes scarcer on the reserves we select for ourselves, we want
to be free lo take it anywhere on the common. If our choice of a
reserve does not please us before it is surveyed we want to be allowed
to select another. We want to be at liberty to hunt on any place as
usual. If it should happen that a Government bridge or scow is built on
the Saskatchewan at any place, we want passage free. One boar, two
sows, one horse, harness and waggon for each Chief. One cooking stove
for each Chief. That we be supplied with medicines free of cost. That a
hand-mill be given to each band. Lastly in case of war occurring in the
country, we do not want to be liable to serve in it.
TEE-TEE-QUAY-SAY
then continued—“When we look back to the past we do not see where the
Cree nation has ever watered the ground with the white man's blood, he
has always been our friend and we his; trusting to the Giver of all
good, to the generosity of the Queen, and to the Governor and his
councillors, we hope you will grant us this request.”
WAH-WEE-KAH-NIHK-KAH-OO-TAH-MAH-HOTE
(the man you strike in the back)—“Pity the voice of the Indian, if you
grant what we request the sound will echo through the land; open the
way; I speak for the children that they may be glad; the land is wide,
there is plenty of room. My mouth is full of milk, I am only as a
sucking child; I am glad; have compassion on the manner in which I was
brought up; let our children be clothed; let us now stand in the light
of day to see our way on this earth; long ago it was good when we first
were made, I wish the same were back again. But now the law has come,
and in that I wish to walk. What God has said, and our mother here (the
earth), and these our brethren, let it be so.”
To
this the Governor replied—“Indians, I made you my offer. You have asked
me now for many things, some of which were already promised. You are
like other Indians I have met, you can ask very well. You are right in
asking, because you are saying what is in your minds. I have had taken
down a list of what you have asked, and I will now consult with my
brother Commissioners and give you my answer in a little while.”
After
consultation, the Governor again had the Indians assembled, and said—“I
am ready now to answer you, but understand well, it is not to be talked
backwards and forwards. I am not going to act like a man bargaining for
a horse for you. I have considered well what you have asked for, and my
answer will be a final one. I cannot grant everything you ask, but as
far as I can go I will, and when done I can only say you will be acting
to your own interests if you take my hand.
“I
will speak of what you asked yesterday and to-day. I told you yesterday
that if any great sickness or general famine overtook you, that on the
Queen being informed of it by her Indian agent, she in her goodness
would give such help as she thought the Indians needed. You asked for
help when you settled on your reserves during the time you were
planting. You asked very broadly at first. I think the request you make
now is reasonable to a certain extent; but help should be given after
you settle on the reserve for three years only, for after that time you
should have food of your own raising, besides all the things that are
given to you; this assistance would only be given to those actually
cultivating the soil. Therefore, I would agree to give every spring,
for three years, the sum of one thousand dollars to assist you in
buying provisions while planting the ground. I do this because you seem
anxious to make a living for yourselves, it is more than has been done
anywhere else; I must do it on my own responsibility, and trust to the
other Queen's councillors to ratify it.
“I
will now answer what you had written down and asked to-day. I expect
you to be reasonable, none of us get all our own way. You asked first
for four hoes, two spades, two scythes and whetstone, two axes, two hay
forks and two reaping hooks for every family. I am willing to give them
to every family actually cultivating the soil, for if given to all it
would only encourage idleness. You ask a plough and harrow for every
three families; I am willing to give them on the same conditions. The
carpenters' tools, as well as the seed grain, were already promised. I
cannot undertake the responsibility of promising provision for the
poor, blind and lame. In all parts of the Queen's dominions we have
them; the poor whites have as much reason to be helped as the poor
Indian; they must be left to the charity and kind hearts of the people.
If you are prosperous yourselves you can help your unfortunate brothers.
“You
ask for school teachers and ministers. With regard to ministers I
cannot interfere. There are large societies formed for the purpose of
sending the gospel to the Indians. The Government does not provide
ministers anywhere in Canada. I had already promised you that when you
settled down, and there were enough children, schools would be
maintained. You see missionaries here on the ground, both Roman
Catholic and Protestant; they have been in the country for many years.
As it has been in the past, so it will be again, you will not be
forgotten.
“The police
force is here to prevent the selling or giving of liquor to the
Indians. The Queen has made a strong law against the fire-water; and
the councillors of the country have made a law against the use of
poison for animals.
“You
can have no difficulty in choosing your reserves; be sure to take a
good place so that there will be no need to change; you would not be
held to your choice until it was surveyed.
“You
want to be at liberty to hunt as before. I told you we did not want to
take that means of living from you, you have it the same as before,
only this, if a man, whether Indian or Half-breed, had a good field of
grain, you would not destroy it with your hunt. In regard to bridges
and scows on which you want passage free, I do not think it likely that
the Government will build any, they prefer to leave it to private
enterprise to provide these things.
“In
case of war you ask not to be compelled to fight. I trust there will be
no war, but if it should occur I think the Queen would leave you to
yourselves. I am sure she would not ask her Indian children to fight
for her unless they wished, but if she did call for them and their
wives and children were in danger they are not the men I think them to
be, if they did not come forward to their protection.
“A
medicine chest will be kept at the house of each Indian agent, in case
of sickness amongst you. I now come to two requests which I shall have
to change a little, you have to think only of yourselves, we have to
think of all the Indians and of the way in which we can procure the
money to purchase all these things the Indians require. The Queen's
Councillors will have to pay every year to help the Indians a very
large sum of money.
“I
offered you to each band, according to size, two or four oxen, also one
bull and four cows, and now you ask for an ox and a cow for each
family. I suppose in this treaty there will be six hundred families, so
it would take very much money to grant these things, and then all the
other Indians would want them, so we cannot do it: but that you may see
it that we are anxious to have you raise animals of your own we will
give you for each band four oxen, one bull, six cows, one boar and two
pigs. After a band has settled on a reserve and commenced to raise
grain, we will give them a hand-mill.
“At
first we heard of only two Chiefs, now they are becoming many. You ask
a cooking-stove for each, this we cannot give; he must find a way of
cooking for himself. And now, although I fear I am going too far, I
will grant the request that each Chief be furnished with a horse,
harness, and waggon.
“I
have answered your requests very fully, and that there may be no
mistake as to what we agree upon, it will be written down, and I will
leave a copy with the two principal Chiefs, and as soon as it can be
properly printed I will send copies to the Chiefs so that they may know
what is written, and there can be no mistake.
“It now rests with you, my friends, and I ask
you without any hesitation to take what I have offered you.”
AH-TUCK-AH-COOP—“I
never sent a letter to the Governor; I was waiting to meet him, and
what we have asked we considered would be for the benefit of our
children. I am not like some of my friends who have sent their messages
down, even stretched out their hands to the Queen asking her to come; I
have always said to my people that I would wait to see the Governor
arrive, then he would ask what would benefit his children; now I ask my
people, those that are in favour of the offer, to say so.”
They all assented by holding up their hands
and shouting.
OO-PEE-TOO-KORAH-HAIR-AP-EE-WEE-YIN
(The Pond-maker)—“I do not differ from my people, but I want more
explanation. I heard what you said yesterday, and I thought that when
the law was established in this country it would be for our good. From
what I can hear and see now, I cannot understand that I shall be able
to clothe my children and feed them as long as sun shines and water
runs. With regard to the different Chiefs who are to occupy the
reserves, I expected they would receive sufficient for their support,
this is why I speak. In the presence of God and the Queen's
representative I say this, because I do not know how to build a house
for myself, you see how naked I am, and if I tried to do it my naked
body would suffer; again, I do not know how to cultivate the ground for
myself, at the same time I quite understand what you have offered to
assist us in this.”
JOSEPH
THOMA proposed to speak for The Red Pheasant, Chief of Battle River
Indians—“This is not my own desire that I speak now, it is very hard we
cannot all be of one mind. You know some were not present when the list
of articles mentioned was made, there are many things overlooked in it;
it is true that what has been done this morning is good. What has been
overlooked I will speak about. The one that is next to the Chief (first
head man) should have had a horse as well. I want the Governor to give
us somebody to build our houses, we cannot manage it ourselves, for my
own part you see my crippled hand. It is true the Governor says he
takes the responsibility on himself in granting the extra requests of
the Indians, but let him consider on the quality of the land he has
already treated for. There is no farming land whatever at the
north-west angle, and he goes by what he has down there. What I want,
as he has said, is twenty-five dollars to each Chief and to his head
men twenty dollars. I do not want to keep the lands nor do I give away,
but I have set the value. I want to ask as much as will cover the skin
of the people, no more nor less. I think what he has offered is too
little. When you spoke you mentioned ammunition, I did not hear mention
of a gun; we will not be able to kill anything simply by setting fire
to powder. I want a gun for each Chief and head man, and I want ten
miles around the reserve where I may be settled. I have told the value
I have put on my land.”
GOVERNOR—“I
have heard what has been said on behalf of the Red Pheasant. I find
fault that when there was handed me a list from the Indians, the Red
Pheasant sat still and led me to believe he was a party to it. What I
have offered was thought of long before I saw you; it has been accepted
by others more in number than you are. I am glad that so many are of
our mind. I am surprised you are not all. I hold out a full hand to
you, and it will be a bad day for you and your children if I have to
return and say that the Indians threw away my hand. I cannot accede to
the requests of the Red Pheasant. I have heard and considered the wants
of Mist-ow-asis and Ah-tuck-ah-coop, and when the people were spoken to
I understood they were pleased. As for the little band who are not of
one mind with the great body, I am quite sure that a week will not pass
on leaving this before they will regret it. I want the Indians to
understand that all that has been offered is a gift, and they still
have the same mode of living as before.”
Here
the principal Chiefs intimated the acceptance of the proposal of the
Commissioners, the Red Pheasant repudiating the demands and remarks of
Joseph Thoma.
GOVERNOR—“I
am happy at what we have done; I know it has been a good work; I know
your hearts will be glad as the days pass. This will be the fourth time
that I have done what we are going to do to-day. I thank you for your
trust in me. I have had written down what I promised. For the Queen and
in her name I will sign it, likewise Mr. McKay and Mr. Christie. Then I
will ask the Chiefs and their head men to sign it in the presence of
the witnesses, whites and Metis, around us, some of whom I will
also ask to sign. What we have done has been done before the Great
Spirit and in the face of the people.
“I
will ask the interpreter to read to you what has been written, and
before I go away I will have a copy made to leave with the principal
Chiefs. The payments will be made to-morrow, the suits of clothes,
medals and flags given also, besides which a present of calicoes,
shirts, tobacco, pipes and other articles will be given to the Indians.”
MIS-TOW-ASIS—“I
wish to speak a word for some Half-breeds who wish to live on the
reserves with us, they are as poor as we are and need help.”
GOVERNOR—“How many are there?”
MIS-TOW-ASIS—“About twenty.”
GOVERNOR—“The
Queen has been kind to the Half-breeds of Red River and has given them
much land; we did not come as messengers to the Half-breeds, but to the
Indians. I have heard some Half-breeds want to take lands at Red River
and join the Indians here, but they cannot take with both hands. The
Half-breeds of the North-West cannot come into the Treaty. The small
class of Half-breeds who live as Indians and with the Indians, can be
regarded as Indians by the Commissioners, who will judge of each case
on its own merits as it comes up, and will report their action to the
Queen's Councillors for their approval.”
The
treaty was then signed by the Lieutenant-Governor, Hon. James McKay,
Hon. W. J. Christie, Mist-ow-asis, Ah-tuck-ah-coop, and the remainder
of the Chiefs and the Councillors.
August 24th.
Immediately
on meeting at ten a.m., the Governor called up Mis-tow-asis and
Ah-tuck-ah-coop, the two principal Chiefs, and presented their
uniforms, medals and flags; after them the lesser Chiefs, their medals
and flags, and told them they and their Councillors would get their
uniforms in the evening from the stores. The Governor then told them
that Mr. Christie would commence payments as soon as he had finished
talking with the few Saulteaux; he expected the Chiefs and Councillors
to assist in every way possible; if any of the Chiefs had decided where
they would like to have their reserves, they could tell Mr. Christie
when they went to be paid. “Now, I have only to say farewell; we have
done a good work; we will never all of us meet again face to face, but
I go on to my other work, feeling that I have, in the Queen's hands,
been instrumental to your good. I pray God's blessing upon you to make
you happy and prosperous, and I bid you farewell.”
The
Indians intimated their pleasure by a general shout of approval, and
thus broke up the conference which resulted in the Treaty with the
Carlton Crees.
The
Lieutenant-Governor then met the few Chippewas who came forward, and
told them that they must be paid at the place where they belonged, that
they could not be paid at Fort Pitt, and said, “If what I have heard is
true I shall not be well pleased. I am told you are of a bad mind; you
proposed to prevent me from crossing the river; [Footnote: South
Saskatchewan.] if you did it was very foolish; you could no more stop
me than you could the river itself. Then I am told you tried to prevent
the other Indians from making the treaty. I tell you this to your faces
so if it is not true you can say so; but whether it is or not it makes
no difference in my duty. The Queen has made treaties with the whole
Chippewa nation except two or three little wandering bands such as you;
you have heard all that has been said and done these many days; I would
like to see you helped as well as the other Indians; I do not think you
are wiser than the Chippewas from Lake Superior to the North-West
Angle; I went there with Mr. McKay, and we made a treaty with twenty
Chiefs and four thousand Chippewas.”
NUS-WAS-OO-WAH-TUM—“When
we asked the Cree bands what they intended to do with regard to the
treaty they would not come to us; it is true we told them 'do not be in
a hurry in giving your assent;' you ought to be detained a little
while; all along the prices have been to one side, and we have had no
say. He that made us provided everything for our mode of living; I have
seen this all along, it has brought me up and I am not tired of it, and
for you, the white man, everything has been made for your maintenance,
and now that you come and stand on this our earth (ground) I do not
understand; I see dimly to-day what you are doing, and I find fault
with a portion of it; that is why I stand back; I would have been glad
if every white man of every denomination were now present to hear what
I say; through what you have done you have cheated my kinsmen.”
GOVERNOR—“I
will not sit here and hear such words from the Chippewas. Who are you?
You come from my country and you tell me the Queen has cheated you; it
is not so. You say we have the best of the bargains; you know it is not
so. If you have any requests to make in a respectful manner I am ready
to hear.”
CHIPPEWA—“The God that made us and who alone
is our master, I am afraid of Him to deviate from his commandment.”
The
Chippewas, about half a dozen in all, being from Quill Lake chiefly,
left, and Mr. Christie proceeded with the payments, which occupied the
remainder of the 24th and all the 25th. He paid in all, Chiefs, 13;
head men, 44; men, 262; women, 473; boys, 473; girls, 481; from Treaty
Number Four, 41; total, 1,787. A large number of the tribe absent at
the hunt will be paid next year.
Next
morning, the 26th, the whole Cree camp, headed by their Chiefs and head
men, wearing their uniforms and medals, came to Carlton House and
assembled in the square to pay their farewell visit to the Governor;
the Chiefs came forward in order and shook hands, each one making a few
remarks expressive of their gratitude for the benefits received and
promised, and of their good will to the white man.
The
Governor briefly replied, telling them that he was much gratified with
the manner in which they had behaved throughout the treaty; he had
never dealt with a quieter, more orderly and respectful body of
Indians; he was pleased with the manner in which they had met him and
taken his advice; he was glad to hear that they were determined to go
to work and help themselves: he hoped their Councils would always be
wisely conducted, and that they would do everything in their power to
maintain peace amongst themselves and with their neighbors; he hoped
the Almighty would give them wisdom and prosper them. They then gave
three cheers for the Queen, the Governor, the mounted police and Mr.
Lawrence Clarke, of Carlton House.
On
the 27th a message was received from Duck Lake from the Willow Indians,
the band which had hitherto held aloof, in reply to a message sent to
them by the Governor, that they would meet the Governor and
Commissioners at the place designated by the Governor, the camp of the
Hon. James McKay, about five miles from Carlton House. Accordingly, the
next morning the Commissioners met them, and after the usual ceremonial
hand-shaking,
SAY-SWAY-PUS—“God
has given us a beautiful day for which I feel very grateful. In
grasping your hand I am grasping that of our Mother, the Queen. If it
is your intention to honor me with a Chief's clothing, I wish you would
give me one that would correspond with the sky above. I hope we will be
able to understand each other.”
CHIN-UN-US-KUT
(The Stump)—“I feel very grateful that I am spared by the Great Spirit
to see this day of his, may we be blessed in whatever we do this day.”
GOVERNOR—“Crees,
my brother children of the Great Queen, I am glad to meet you here
to-day. I say as you said the first day I saw you, 'it is a bright day
and I hope God will bless us.' I have been sorry for you for many days.
I took you by the hand on the first day, but a wall rose up between us,
it seemed as if you were trying to draw away but I would not let your
hand go. I talked for many days with the great body of the Indians here
but you refused to meet me; the others and I understood each other. I
was going away to-day, but I thought pity of you who had not talked
with me. I was sent here to make you understand the Queen's will. I
received your letter last night and was glad to learn that you wanted
to accept the terms I had offered, and which had been accepted by the
other Indians. Before I received your letter I had sent you one asking
you to meet me here where we are now, and I am glad you have come, as I
could not otherwise have met you.
“One
of you made a request that if he were accepted as a Chief, he should
have a blue coat. I do not yet know who the Chiefs are. To be a Chief
he must have followers. One man came forward as a Chief and I had to
tell him unless you have twenty tents you cannot continue as a Chief.
“The
color of your Chief's coat is perhaps a little thing; red is the color
all the Queen's Chiefs wear. I wear this coat, but it is only worn by
those who stand as the Queen's Councillors; her soldiers and her
officers wear red, and all the other Chiefs of the Queen wear the coats
we have brought, and the good of this is that when the Chief is seen
with his uniform and medal every one knows he is an officer of hers. I
should be sorry to see you different from the others, and now that you
understand you would not wish it.”
KAH-MEE-YIS-TOO-WAYS
(The Beardy)—“I feel grateful for this day, and I hope we will be
blessed. I am glad that I see something that will be of use; I wish
that we all as a people may be benefitted by this. I want that all
these things should be preserved in a manner that they might be useful
to us all; it is in the power of man to help each other. We should not
act foolishly with the things that are given us to live by. I think
some things are too little, they will not be sufficient for our wants.
I do not want very much more than what has been promised, only a little
thing. I will be glad if you will help me by writing my request down;
on account of the buffalo I am getting anxious. I wish that each one
should have an equal share, if that could be managed; in this I think
we would be doing good. Perhaps this is not the only time that we shall
see each other. Now I suppose another can say what he wishes.”
SAY-SWAY-KUS—“What
my brother has said, I say the same, but I want to tell him and our
mother the Queen, that although we understand the help they offer us, I
am getting alarmed when I look at the buffalo, it appears to me as if
there was only one. I trust to the Queen and to the Governor, it is
only through their aid we can manage to preserve them. I want to hear
from the Governor himself an answer to what I have said, so I may
thoroughly understand.”
THE
BEARDY—“Those things which the Almighty has provided for the sustenance
of his children may be given us as well; where our Father has placed
the truth we wish the same to be carried out here, I do not set up a
barrier to any road that my children may live by: I want the payment to
exist as long as the sun shines and the river runs: if we exercise all
our good, this surely will happen: all of our words upon which we
agree, I wish to have a copy written on skin as promised; I want my
brother to tell me where I can get this. He has said, 'what I have done
with the others I will do with you:' I accept the terms, no doubt it
will run further according to our number. When I am utterly unable to
help myself I want to receive assistance. I will render all the
assistance I can to my brother in taking care of the country. I want
from my brother a suit of clothing in color resembling the sky so that
he may be able when he sees me to know me; I want these two (sitting by
him) to be Chiefs in our place with me and to have six Councillors (two
each) in all.”
GOVERNOR—“I
will speak to you in regard to food as I have spoken to the other
Indians; we cannot support or feed the Indians every day, further than
to help them to find the means of doing it for themselves by
cultivating the soil. If you were to be regularly fed some of you would
do nothing at all for your own support; in this matter we will do as we
have agreed with the other Indians, and no more. You will get your
share of the one thousand dollars' worth of provisions when you
commence to work on your reserves.
“In
a national famine or general sickness, not what happens in every day
life, but if a great blow comes on the Indians, they would not be
allowed to die like dogs.
“What
occurred in Red River last year from the destruction of crops by the
grasshoppers, affected our whole people, and without being bound to do
anything, the charity and humanity of the Government sent means to help
them.
“I cannot give the
Chief a blue coat: he must accept the red one and he must not suffer so
small a matter as the color of a coat to stand between us. I accept the
three Chiefs with two Councillors for each. With regard to the
preservation of the buffalo, it is a subject of great importance, it
will be considered by the Lieutenant-Governor and Council of the
North-West Territories to see if a wise law can be passed, one that
will be a living law that can be carried out and obeyed. If such a law
be passed it will be printed in Cree as well as in English and French;
but what the law will be I cannot tell—you held councils over the
treaty, you did not know before the councils closed what you would
decide as to the treat—no more can I tell what the North-West Council
will decide.”
A request was
then made that the treaty should include the Half-breeds, to which the
Governor replied: “I have explained to the other Indians that the
Commissioners did not come to the Half-breeds: there were however a
certain class of Indian Half-breeds who had always lived in the camp
with the Indians and were in fact Indians, would be recognized,
but no others.”
The
Chiefs and head men then signed the treaty in the presence of
witnesses, the medals and flags were distributed, payments and
distribution of clothing proceeded with and finished, and the
conference came to an end.
The
Lieutenant-Governor and party started from Carlton House on the 31st of
August at noon, for Fort Pitt, and when within about six miles of that
post came up with a detachment of Mounted Police under Inspectors
Jarvis and Walker, who escorted them to the fort, arriving on the day
appointed (5th September) at an early hour.
There
were already assembled near the fort and on the banks of the
Saskatchewan over one hundred lodges, and as more were immediately
expected they requested postponement of negotiations until the 7th
September.
On the morning
of the 6th, Sweet Grass, one of the oldest and most respected of the
Cree Chiefs, with about thirty of his chief men, who had left their
hunt and come in to Fort Pitt purposely to attend the treaty
negotiations, called on the Governor to express their satisfaction at
his coming and their pleasure in seeing him; the greeting which was
certainly affectionate, consisted in the embrace of both arms about the
neck and a fraternal kiss on either cheek; after a short conversation
the Governor told them he expected them to be ready to meet him at his
tent in the morning; time was rapidly passing and he had a long journey
yet before him; he trusted their Councils would be wise and the results
would be beneficial to them.
The
Hon. Jas. McKay arrived from Battle River in the evening, and reported
that he had met there a number of Indians, principally Saulteaux, who
had been in camp at that place for some time. They said there had been
about seventy lodges altogether, but as the buffalo were coming near,
the poorer ones had started out to hunt, leaving only about ten lodges
there. The remaining ones expressed good feeling and said they would
like to have waited until the time appointed (September 15th) to meet
the Governor and take the treaty, yet as the buffalo hunt was of so
much importance to them they could not afford to lose the time, knowing
that the Governor had to go to Fort Pitt and return before they could
see him, consequently the whole band went out to the plains. This band
was composed, it was afterwards ascertained, of the Saulteaux of Jack
Fish Lake and of some Crees under the Yellow Sky Chief, and were
favorably disposed though unable to remain. They numbered in all
sixty-seven tents.
September 7th.
At
ten in the morning the Governor and Commissioners, escorted by the
Mounted Police, proceeded to the treaty tent a short distance from the
fort. About eleven o'clock the Indians commenced to gather, as at
Carlton, in a large semi-circle. In front were the young men, galloping
about on their horses, then the Chiefs and head men, followed by the
main body of the band to the number of two or three hundred. As they
approached the manoeuvres of the horsemen became more and more excited
and daring, racing wildly about so rapidly as to be barely
distinguishable; unfortunately, from some mischance, two horses and
their riders came into collision with such tremendous force as to throw
both horses and men violently to the ground; both horses were severely
injured and one of the Indians had his hip put out of joint;
fortunately, Dr. Kittson of the police, was near by and speedily gave
relief to the poor sufferer. The ceremonies, however, still went on;
four pipe-stems were carried about and presented to be stroked in token
of good feeling and amity (during this performance the band of the
Mounted Police played “God save the Queen"), blessings invoked on the
whole gathering, the dances performed by the various bands, and finally
the pipes of peace smoked by the Governor and Commissioners in turn.
The stems, which were finely decorated, were placed with great
solemnity on the table in front of the Governor, to be covered for the
bearers with blue cloth.
The Chiefs and head men now seated themselves
in front of the tent, when the Governor addressed them:
“Indians
of the plains, Crees, Chippewayans, Assiniboines and Chippewas, my
message is to all. I am here to-day as your Governor under the Queen.
The Crees for many days have sent word that they wanted to see some one
face to face. The Crees are the principal tribe of the plain Indians,
and it is for me a pleasant duty to be here to-day and receive the
welcome I have from them. I am here because the Queen and her
Councillors have the good of the Indian at heart, because you are the
Queen's children and we must think of you for to-day and to-morrow; the
condition of the Indians and their future has given the Queen's
Councillors much anxiety. In the old provinces of Canada from which I
came we have many Indians, they are growing in numbers and are as a
rule happy and prosperous; for a hundred years red and white hands have
been clasped together in peace. The instructions of the Queen are to
treat the Indians as brothers, and so we ought to be. The Great Spirit
made this earth we are on. He planted the trees and made the rivers
flow for the good of all his people, white and red; the country is very
wide and there is room for all. It is six years since the Queen took
back into her own hands the government of her subjects, red and white,
in this country; it was thought her Indian children would be better
cared for in her own hand. This is the seventh time in the last five
years that her Indian children have been called together for this
purpose; this is the fourth time that I have met my Indian brothers,
and standing here on this bright day with the sun above us, I cast my
eyes to the East down to the great lakes and I see a broad road leading
from there to the Red River, I see it stretching on to Ellice, I see it
branching there, the one to Qu'Appelle and Cypress Hills, the other by
Pelly to Carlton; it is a wide and plain trail. Anyone can see it, and
on that road, taking for the Queen, the hand of the Governor and
Commissioners I see all the Indians. I see the Queen's Councillors
taking the Indian by the hand saying we are brothers, we will lift you
up, we will teach you, if you will learn, the cunning of the white man.
All along that road I see Indians gathering, I see gardens growing and
houses building; I see them receiving money from the Queen's
Commissioners to purchase clothing for their children; at the same time
I see them enjoying their hunting and fishing as before, I see them
retaining their old mode of living with the Queen's gift in addition.
“I
met the Crees at Carlton, they heard my words there, they read my face,
and through that my heart, and said my words were true, and they took
my hand on behalf of the Queen. What they did I wish you to do; I wish
you to travel on the road I have spoken of, a road I see stretching out
broad and plain to the Rocky Mountains. I know you have been told many
stories, some of them not true; do not listen to the bad voices of men
who have their own ends to serve, listen rather to those who have only
your good at heart. I have come a long way to meet you; last year I
sent you a message that you would be met this year, and I do not forget
my promises.
“I went to Ottawa, where the Queen's
Councillors have their council chamber, to talk, amongst other things,
about you.
“I
have come seven hundred miles to see you. Why should I take all this
trouble? For two reasons, first, the duty was put upon me as one of the
Queen's Councillors, to see you with my brother Commissioners, Hon. W.
J. Christie and Hon. Jas. McKay. The other reason is a personal one,
because since I was a young man my heart was warm to the Indians, and I
have taken a great interest in them; for more than twenty-five years I
have studied their condition in the present and in the future. I have
been many years in public life, but the first words I spoke in public
were for the Indians, and in that vision of the day I saw the Queen's
white men understanding their duty; I saw them understanding that they
had no right to wrap themselves up in a cold mantle of selfishness,
that they had no right to turn away and say, 'Am I my brother's
keeper?' On the contrary, I saw them saying, the Indians are our
brothers, we must try to help them to make a living for themselves and
their children. I tell you, you must think of those who will come after
you. As I came here I saw tracks leading to the lakes and
water-courses, once well beaten, now grown over with grass; I saw bones
bleaching by the wayside; I saw the places where the buffalo had been,
and I thought what will become of the Indian. I said to myself, we must
teach the children to prepare for the future; if we do not, but a few
suns will pass and they will melt away like snow before the sun in
spring-time. You know my words are true; you see for yourselves and
know that your numbers are lessening every year. Now the whole burden
of my message from the Queen is that we wish to help you in the days
that are to come, we do not want to take away the means of living that
you have now, we do not want to tie you down; we want you to have homes
of your own where your children can be taught to raise for themselves
food from the mother earth. You may not all be ready for that, but
some, I have no doubt, are, and in a short time others will follow. I
am here to talk plainly, I have nothing to hide; I am here to tell you
what we are ready to do. Your tribe is not all here at the present
time, some of the principal Chiefs are absent, this cannot be avoided,
the country is wide and when the buffalo come near you must follow
them; this does not matter, for what I have to give is for the absent
as well as for the present. Next year if the treaty is made, a
Commissioner will be sent to you, and you will be notified of the times
and places of meeting, so that you will not have long journeys; after
that, two or three servants of the Queen will be appointed to live in
the country to look after the Indians, and see that the terms of the
treaty are carried out.
“I
have not yet given you my message. I know you have heard what your
brothers did at Carlton, and I expect you to do the same here, for if
you do not you will be the first Indians who refused to take my hand.
At Carlton I had a slight difficulty; one of the Chiefs dreamt that
instead of making the treaty at the camp of the great body of the
Indians, I made it at his, and so his people stood aside. I was sorry
for him and his people. I did not wish to go and leave them out. I sent
him word after I had made the treaty, and brought him in with the
others. When I went to North-West Angle I met the Chippewa nation; they
were not all present, but the absent ones were seen the next year. I
told them the message from the Queen, and what she wished to do for
them; in all four thousand Indians accepted the Treaty, and now, I am
glad to say, many of them have homes and gardens of their own. The next
year I went to Qu'Appelle and saw the Crees and Chippewas, and there
five thousand understood us and took our hands. Last summer I went with
Mr. McKay to Lake Winnipeg, and there all the Swampy Crees accepted the
Queen's terms. Now I have stroked the pipe with your brothers at
Carlton as with you.
“Three
years ago a party of Assiniboines were shot by American traders; men,
women and children were killed; we reported the affair to Ottawa; we
said the time has come when you must send the red-coated servants of
the Queen to the North-West to protect the Indian from fire-water, from
being shot down by men who know no law, to preserve peace between the
Indians, to punish all who break the law, to prevent whites from doing
wrong to Indians, and they are here to-day to do honor to the office
which I hold. Our Indian Chiefs wear red coats, and wherever they meet
the police they will know they meet friends. I know that you have been
told that if war came you would be put in the front, this is not so.
Your brothers at Carlton asked me that they might not be forced to
fight, and I tell you, as I assured them, you will never be asked to
fight against your will; and I trust the time will never come of war
between the Queen and the great country near us.
“Again,
I say, all we seek is your good; I speak openly, as brother to brother,
as a father to his children, and I would give you a last advice, hear
my words, come and join the great band of Indians who are walking
hand-in-hand with us on the road I spoke of when I began—a road, I
believe in my heart, will lead the Indian on to a much more comfortable
state than he is in now. My words, when they are accepted, are written
down, and they last, as I have said to the others, as long as the sun
shines and the river runs. I expect you are prepared for the message I
have to deliver, and I will wait to see if any of the Chiefs wish to
speak before I go further.”
Sweet
Grass, the principal Cree Chief, rose, and taking the Governor by the
hand, said, “We have heard what the Governor has said, and now the
Indians want to hear the terms of the treaty, after which they will all
shake hands with the Governor and Commissioners, we then want to go to
our camp to meet in council.”
The
Governor then very carefully and distinctly explained the terms and
promises of the treaty as made at Carlton; this was received by the
Indians with loud assenting exclamations.
On
the 8th the Indians sent a message that they required further time for
deliberation, and the meeting was put off until the 9th.
On
the morning of the 9th the Indians were slow in gathering, as they
wished to settle all difficulties and misunderstandings amongst
themselves before coming to the treaty tent, this was apparently
accomplished about eleven a.m., when the whole body approached and
seated themselves in good order, when the Governor said:—
“Indian
children of the Great Queen, we meet again on a bright day; you heard
many words from me the other day; I delivered you my message from the
Queen; I held out my hand in the Queen's name, full of her bounty. You
asked time to consult together; I gave it to you very gladly, because I
did not come here to surprise you. I trust the Great Spirit has put
good thoughts into your hearts, and your wise men have found my words
good. I am now ready to hear whether you are prepared to do as the
great body of the Indian people have done; it is now for the Indians to
speak through those whom they may choose; my heart is warm to you, and
my ears are open.”
Ku-ye-win
(The Eagle) addressed the Indians, telling them not to be afraid, that
the Governor was to them as a brother; that what the Queen wished to
establish through him was for their good, and if any of them wished to
speak to do so.
After
waiting some time the Governor said, “I had hoped the Indians would
have taken me at my word, and taken me as a brother and a friend. True,
I am the Queen's Governor; that I am here to-day shows me to be your
friend. Why can you not open your hearts to me? I have met many Indians
before, but this is the first time I have had all the talking to do
myself. Now, cast everything behind your backs, and speak to me face to
face. I have offered as we have done to the other Indians. Tell me now
whether you will take my hand and accept it; there is nothing to be
ashamed of, nothing to be afraid of; think of the good of your children
and your children's children. Stand up now like wise men and tell me if
you will take what I offered. I cannot believe it to be possible that
you would throw my hand back. Speak and do not be afraid or ashamed.”
WEE-KAS-KOO-KEE-SAY-YIN
(Sweet Grass)—“I thank you for this day, and also I thank you for what
I have seen and heard, I also thank the Queen for sending you to act
for our good. I am glad to have a brother and friend in you, which
undoubtedly will raise us above our present condition. I am glad for
your offers, and thank you from my heart. I speak this in the presence
of the Divine Being. It is all for our good, I see nothing to be afraid
of, I therefore accept of it gladly and take your hand to my heart, may
this continue as long as this earth stands and the river flows. The
Great King, our Father, is now looking upon us this day, He regards all
the people equal with one another; He has mercy on the whole earth; He
has opened a new world to us. I have pity on all those who have to live
by the buffalo. If I am spared until this time next year I want this my
brother to commence to act for me, thinking thereby that the buffalo
may be protected. It is for that reason I give you my hand. If spared,
I shall commence at once to clear a small piece of land for myself, and
others of my kinsmen will do the same. We will commence hand in hand to
protect the buffalo. When I hold your hand I feel as if the Great
Father were looking on us both as brothers. I am thankful. May this
earth here never see the white man's blood spilt on it. I thank God
that we stand together, that you all see us; I am thankful that I can
raise up my head, and the white man and red man can stand together as
long as the sun shines. When I hold your hands and touch your heart, as
I do now (suiting his action to the words), let us be as one. Use your
utmost to help me and help my children, so that they may prosper.”
The Chief's remarks were assented to by the
Indians by loud ejaculations.
GOVERNOR—“I
rise with a glad heart; we have come together and understood each
other. I am glad that you have seen the right way. I am glad you have
accepted so unanimously the offer made. I will tell the Queen's
Councillors what good hearts their Indian children have; I will tell
them that they think of the good of their children's children.
“I
feel that we have done to-day a good work; the years will pass away and
we with them, but the work we have done to-day will stand as the hills.
What we have said and done has been written down; my promises at
Carlton have been written down and cannot be rubbed out, so there can
be no mistake about what is agreed upon. I will now have the terms of
the treaty fully read and explained to you, and before I go away I will
leave a copy with your principal Chief.
“After
I and the Commissioners, for the Queen, have signed the treaty, I will
call upon your Chief and Councillors to do the same; and before the
payments are made by Mr. Christie, I will give the Chiefs the medals of
the Queen and their flags.
“Some
of your Chiefs and people are away; next year we will send men near to
where their bands live, notice will be given, and those who are away
now will receive the present of money we are going to give you, the
same as if they had been here, and when you go back to the plains I ask
you to tell your brothers what we have done.”
The
Governor and Commissioners then signed the treaty on the part of the
Queen, and nine Chiefs and as many of their Councillors as were with
them signed on behalf of the Indians.
James
Seenum, Chief of White Fish Lake Crees, said that when he commenced to
cultivate the soil some years ago, Mr. Christie, then chief factor of
the Hudson Bay Company, gave him a plough that he had used but it was
now broken. When he commenced he and his brothers drew the plough
themselves, and they pulled up roots and used them for hoes. Mr.
Christie also gave me a pit-saw and a grindstone, and I am using them
yet. I feel my heart sore in the spring when my children want to
plough—when they have no implements to use, that is why I am asking
them now to have them sent as soon as possible. By following what I
have been taught I find it helps me a great deal.
THE
LITTLE HUNTER—“I am here alone just now; if I am spared to see next
spring, then I will select my Councillors, those that I think worthy I
will choose. I am glad from my very heart. I feel in taking the
Governor's hand as if I was taking the Queen's. When I hear her words
that she is going to put to rights this country, it is the help of God
that has put it in her heart to come to our assistance. In sending her
bounty to us I wish an everlasting grasp of her hand, as long as the
sun moves and the river flows. I am glad that the truth and all good
things have been opened to us. I am thankful for the children for they
will prosper. All the children who are sitting here hope that the Great
Spirit will look down upon us as one.”
SEE-KAHS-KOOTCH
(The Cut Arm)—“I am glad of the goodness of the great Queen. I
recognize now that this that I once dreaded most is coming to my aid
and doing for me what I could not do for myself.”
TUS-TUK-EE-SKUAIS—“I
am truly glad that the Queen has made a new country for me. I am glad
that all my friends and children will not be in want of food hereafter.
I am glad that we have everything which we had before still extended to
us.”
PEE-QUAY-SIS—“I need
not say anything; I have been well pleased with all that I have heard,
and I need not speak as we are all agreed.”
KIN-OO-SAY-OO
(The Fish), Chief of the Chippewayans—“I shake hands with the Queen,
and I am glad for what she is doing and what she is to do for us. If I
could have used my own language I would then be able to say more.”
The
Governor then called on Sweet Grass and placed the Queen's medal around
his neck, the band of the Police playing “God save the Queen.” The rest
of the Chiefs' medals, flags and uniforms were given as soon as
possible, and Mr. Christie proceeded to make the payments and
distribute the presents.
September 13th.
The Chiefs and head men came to pay their
respects to the Commissioners in the morning, at Fort Pitt.
SWEET GRASS—“We are all glad to see you here,
and we have come to say good-bye before you leave.”
THE
BIG BEAR—“I find it difficult to express myself, because some of the
bands are not represented. I have come off to speak for the different
bands that are out on the plains. It is no small matter we were to
consult about. I expected the Chiefs here would have waited until I
arrived. The different bands that are out on the plains told me that I
should speak in their stead; the Stony Indians as well. The people who
have not come, stand as a barrier before what I would have had to say;
my mode of living is hard.”
SWEET
GRASS, to Big Bear—“My friend, you see the representative of the Queen
here, who do you suppose is the maker of it. I think the Great Spirit
put it into their hearts to come to our help; I feel as if I saw life
when I see the representative of the Queen; let nothing be a barrier
between you and him; it is through great difficulty this has been
brought to us. Think of our children and those to come after, there is
life and succor for them, say yes and take his hand.”
The White Fish Lake Chief said, “We have all
taken it, and we think it is for our good.”
BIG
BEAR—“Stop, stop, my friends, I have never seen the Governor before; I
have seen Mr. Christie many times. I heard the Governor was to come and
I said I shall see him; when I see him I will make a request that he
will save me from what I most dread, that is: the rope to be about my
neck (hanging), it was not given to us by the Great Spirit that the red
man or white man should shed each other's blood.”
GOVERNOR—“It
was given us by the Great Spirit, man should not shed his brother's
blood, and it was spoken to us that he who shed his brother's blood,
should have his own spilt.
“No
good Indian has the rope about his neck. If a white man killed an
Indian, not in self defence, the rope would be put around his neck. He
saw red-coats, they were here to protect Indians and whites.
“If
a man tried to kill you, you have a right to defend; but no man has a
right to kill another in cold blood, and we will do all we can to
punish such. The good Indian need never be afraid; their lives will be
safer than ever before. Look at the condition of the Blackfeet. Before
the red-coats went, the Americans were taking their furs and robes and
giving them whiskey—we stopped it, they have been able to buy back two
thousand horses—before that, robes would have gone to Americans for
whiskey.”
BIG BEAR—“What we
want is that we should hear what will make our hearts glad, and all
good peoples' hearts glad. There were plenty things left undone, and it
does not look well to leave them so.”
GOVERNOR—“I do not know what has been left
undone!”
BIG BEAR said he would like to see his people
before he acted. “I have told you what I wish, that there be no
hanging.”
GOVERNOR—“What you ask will not be granted,
why are you so anxious about bad men?
“The Queen's law punishes murder with death,
and your request cannot be granted.”
BIG
BEAR—“Then these Chiefs will help us to protect the buffalo, that there
may be enough for all. I have heard what has been said, and I am glad
we are to be helped; but why do these men not speak?”
The Chief of the Chippewayans said, “We do
not speak, because Sweet Grass has spoken for us all. What he says, we
all say.”
GOVERNOR—“I
wish the Bear to tell Short Tail and See-yah-kee-maht, the other
Chiefs, what has been done, and that it is for them, as if they had
been here. Next year they and their people can join the treaty and they
will lose nothing. I wish you to understand fully about two questions,
and tell the others. The North-West Council is considering the framing
of a law to protect the buffaloes, and when they make it, they will
expect the Indians to obey it. The Government will not interfere with
the Indian's daily life, they will not bind him. They will only help
him to make a living on the reserves, by giving him the means of
growing from the soil, his food. The only occasion when help would be
given, would be if Providence should send a great famine or pestilence
upon the whole Indian people included in the treaty. We only looked at
something unforseen and not at hard winters or the hardships of single
bands, and this, both you and I, fully understood.
“And
now I have done, I am going away. The country is large, another
Governor will be sent in my place; I trust you will receive him as you
have done me, and give him your confidence. He will live amongst you.
Indians of the plains, I bid you farewell. I never expect to see you
again, face to face. I rejoice that you listened to me, and when I go
back to my home beyond the great lakes, I will often think of you and
will rejoice to hear of your prosperity. I ask God to bless you and
your children. Farewell.”
The
Indians responded by loud ejaculations of satisfaction, and the Chiefs
and Councillors, commencing with Sweet Grass, each shook hands with the
Governor, and addressed him in words of parting, elevating his hand, as
they grasped it, to heaven, and invoking the blessings of the Great
Spirit.
The Bear remained
sitting until all had said good-bye to the Governor, and then he rose
and taking his hand, said, “I am glad to meet you, I am alone; but if I
had known the time, I would have been here with all my people. I am not
an undutiful child, I do not throw back your hand; but as my people are
not here, I do not sign. I will tell them what I have heard, and next
year I will come.” About an hour afterwards the Big Bear came to the
Fort Pitt House to see the Governor, and again repeated that he
accepted the treaty as if he had signed it, and would come next year,
with all his people, to meet the Commissioners and accept it.
The
Governor and party left Fort Pitt for Battle River, on the 13th at one
o'clock, and arrived there on the 15th. There were no Indians there,
except the Red Pheasant's band, who had been treated with at Battle
River.
On the 16th the Red Pheasant and his
Councillors came to see the Governor and the Commissioners, with the
following result:
THE
RED PHEASANT—“I am a Battle River Indian, and I have chosen this place
before, and I am glad to see the Government here too, as I know there
is a chance of living. I want the Half-breed claims at Battle River to
be respected, and I do not wish to turn out any white man; but I wish
to return to my former mode of life.
“Ever
since my grandfather lived at Battle River, it has been my home. Our
houses were swept off by a flood two years ago, and after that we
repaired some old houses that were built by outsiders (other Indians),
and we had fenced in the buildings; but a short time ago some Canadians
arrived, knocked down the fences, and built inside the enclosure.”
WAH-TAH-NEE—“We
had chosen a point about a mile from the spot where we are now
speaking, and got out logs for fences and houses, and when we returned
from the plains we found they had all been taken away. There are now
twenty families, and ten more to come in from the plains.
“We
wish to be remembered to the Queen, and we are thankful to see the
Queen's soldiers coming to make their homes on the land that we have
been brought up on. I hope that the Queen will look upon our poverty
when she hears that we are poor Indians and have welcomed her people to
live amongst us. This is my country where I have lived. I want to make
way for the Queen's men, and I ask her in return to keep me from want.
Next spring I want to plant here, wherever I can get a piece of ground.
By that time I may have selected a spot for my reserve. The reason I
want to select my reserve is, that I do not want to be cramped up by
settlers. In the meantime I do not want any white men to settle on the
Eagle Hills.
“When I see
that we are numerous, it will be the Eagle Hills I will select as our
reserve, although I am very reluctant to leave the place I have been
brought up on. If I see that we are not likely to be numerous, I may
select some other place across the Saskatchewan River. This man, Peter
Ballendine, knows that it is not because settlers are coming here that
we speak of this place, Battle River, but because we were here from of
old. I wish that the Governor should give us some advice to think over
during the winter.”
GOVERNOR—“I
am glad to give you a word of advice. Next summer, Commissioners will
come to make payments here, so that you may not have so far to go, and
also that other Indians we have not seen, should come here also, to
whom it may be convenient, and I hope that then you will be able to
talk with them where you want your reserve. I will speak to you
frankly, as if I was talking to my own children; the sooner you select
a place for your reserve the better, so that you can have the animals
and agricultural implements promised to you, and so that you may have
the increase from the animals, and the tools to help you build houses,
&c. When you are away hunting and fishing, the heat of the sun and
the rain is making your crops to grow. I think you are showing wisdom
in taking a place away from here, although it has been your home. It is
better for the Indian to be away a little piece from the white man. You
will be near enough to bring your furs to a good market, and by and by
I hope you will have more potatoes than you require, and have some to
dispose of. I am very anxious that you should think over this, and be
able to tell the Commissioner next year where you want your reserve.
“I
have asked Mr. Fuller to let you have three acres of land to plant your
potatoes next spring, and he has replied that he will be very happy to
let you do so, and to plough it for you as well, in the field he has
enclosed.
“I am much
pleased with the conduct of the Battle River Crees, and will report it
to the Queen's Councillors. I hope you will be prosperous and happy.”
This closed the interview.
The
Commissioners left Battle River on the 19th of September. The
Lieutenant-Governor arrived at Fort Garry on the 6th of October.
The
making of this treaty, which completed the series of treaties,
extending from Lake Superior to the slopes of the Rocky Mountains, was
entrusted, by the Privy Council, to the Hon. David Laird (who, after
the effecting of the Carlton and Fort Pitt Treaties, had, in 1876, been
appointed Lieutenant-Governor of the North-West Territories,
subsequently to the erection of these territories into a distinct
Government) and Lieut.-Col. McLeod, of the Mounted Police Force. The
necessity which had arisen for making the treaty is thus stated by the
Hon. the Minister of the Interior, the Hon. David Mills, in his Annual
Report for 1877:
“The
conclusion, in 1876, of the treaty with the Crees, Assiniboine and
Saulteaux Indians (being the sixth of the series of treaties up to that
time negotiated with the Indians of the North-West) left but a small
portion of the territory lying between the boundary line and the 54th
parallel of latitude unsurrendered.
“The
unsurrendered portion of the territory, including about fifty thousand
square miles, lies at the south-west angle of the territories, north of
the boundary line, east of the Rocky Mountains, south of Red River
(Treaty Number Six) and west of the Cypress Hills, or Treaty Number
Four. This portion of the North-West is occupied by the Blackfeet,
Blood, and Sarcees or Piegan Indians, some of the most warlike and
intelligent but intractable bands of the North-West. These bands have
for years past been anxiously expecting to be treated with, and have
been much disappointed at the delay of negotiations.
“In
last year's report I stated that His Honor Lieut.-Gov. Morris, very
strongly recommended that no further delay should take place in
entering into negotiations with these Indians. His Honor reported, in
effect, “that there was a general consent of opinion amongst the
missionaries settled in that territory, and others who are acquainted
with these Indians, as to the desirableness of having such a treaty
made at the earliest possible date, with a view to preserving the
present friendly disposition of these tribes, which might easily give
place to feelings of an unfriendly or hostile nature, should the treaty
negotiations be much longer delayed.”
“In
view of these facts, and in order to satisfy these important tribes,
and to prevent the difficulties which might hereafter arise through the
settlement of whites, who are already flocking into Fort McLeod and
other portions of this territory, Your Excellency decided that these
Indians should be treated with this year, and the Indians were notified
accordingly.
“His Honor Mr.
Laird, the Lieutenant-Governor of the North-West Territories, and
Lieut.-Col. James F. McLeod, C.M.G., were selected by Your Excellency
to negotiate the treaty. The former of these gentlemen, had assisted in
1874 in negotiating Treaty Number Four, with the Cree and Saulteaux
Indians, and the latter, during his residence for some years past at
Fort McLeod, as Commandant of the Mounted Police Force, had acquired
the entire confidence and good will of the Indian tribes proposed to be
dealt with.”
Besides all
this, the Chiefs of the Blackfeet, in 1876, sent to the
Lieutenant-Governor of the North-West Territories, a letter, with
regard to a treaty, and also by a messenger, in whom they had
confidence, a message, to a similar effect. The Blackfeet Indians are a
bold and warlike race. When the Sioux war with the United States was
about being initiated, the Sioux invited them to join in the war, but
they promptly refused. They are unlikely to become farmers, but as the
country they inhabit presents unusual facilities for that industry,
they may be induced to adopt a pastoral life. They already possess
large herds of horses, and may be taught to raise cattle also.
I
requested the Rev. C. Scollen, who had for many years been a missionary
among the Plain Crees, and latterly, for several years, among the
Blackfeet, to make a report to me of the character, habits and
condition of this nation, with which request he willingly complied. I
now give place to this report, which gives a vivid view of the
character of this bold and warlike race, and shews the benefits they
had, so far back as 1876, derived from the presence of the Mounted
Police, the prohibition of liquor, and the establishment of law and
order in the North-West Territories, under Canadian rule. I may here
remark, that another great benefit has resulted from the judicious
steps taken by the Canadian Government, and that is the cessation of
warfare between the various tribes, which was before of constant
occurrence. An intelligent Ojibbeway Indian trader told me, that the
change was wonderful. “Before,” he said, “the Queen's Government came,
we were never safe, and now,” he said, “I can sleep in my tent
anywhere, and have no fear. I can go to the Blackfeet, and Cree camps,
and they treat me as a friend.” The report of Mr. Scollen is as follows:
FORT PITT, September
8th, 1876.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR OF MANITOBA.
EXCELLENT
GOVERNOR,—Having had some years of experience as a missionary amongst
the Cree and Blackfeet Indians of the North-West Territory, I humbly
undertake to submit to your consideration a few details regarding the
latter tribe of Her Majesty's Indian subjects. I do this with all the
more confidence as the successful way in which you conducted the treaty
with the Carlton Indians (a treaty including no small difficulties),
has convinced me of your thorough knowledge of the character of this
people. But, although the general character of all the tribes may be
nearly the same, yet in their social dispositions they sometimes
materially differ, and this, I think, will be found to be the case with
the Crees and Blackfeet when compared on that point. The Crees have
always looked upon the white man as a friend, or, to use their own
language, as a brother. They have never been afraid of him, nor have
they given him any cause to be afraid of them. The Blackfeet have acted
somewhat differently; they have regarded the white man as a demi-god,
far superior to themselves in intelligence, capable of doing them good
or evil, according as he might be well or ill disposed towards them,
unscrupulous in his dealings with others, and consequently a person to
be flattered, feared and shunned, and even injured, whenever this could
be done with impunity. I am not now describing the Blackfeet of the
present day, but those of fifteen years ago, when I first saw them.
They were then a proud, haughty, numerous people (perhaps ten thousand
on the British side of the line), having a regular politico-religious
organization by which their thirst for blood and their other barbarous
passions were constantly fired to the highest pitch of frenzy. Since
that time their number has decreased to less than one half, and their
systematic organizations have fallen into decay; in fact they have been
utterly demoralized as a people. This sudden decadence was brought on
by two causes: 1. About ten years ago the Americans crossed the line
and established themselves on Pelly River, where they carried on to an
extraordinary extent the illicit traffic in intoxicating liquor to the
Blackfeet. The fiery water flowed as freely, if I may use the metaphor,
as the streams running from the Rocky Mountains, and hundreds of the
poor Indians fell victims to the white man's craving for money, some
poisoned, some frozen to death whilst in a state of intoxication, and
many shot down by American bullets. 2. Then in 1870 came that disease
so fatal to Indians, the small-pox which told upon the Blackfeet with
terrible effect, destroying between six hundred and eight hundred of
them. Surviving relatives went more and more for the use of alcohol;
they endeavoured to drown their grief in the poisonous beverage. They
sold their robes and their horses by the hundred for it, and now they
began killing one another, so that in a short time they were divided
into several small parties, afraid to meet. Fortunately for them the
Government were aware of the state of affairs in the country and did
not remain indifferent to it; and, as I have heard yourself explain to
the Indians, Her Gracious Majesty has at heart the welfare of even the
most obscure of her subjects. In the summer of 1874, I was travelling
amongst the Blackfeet. It was painful to me to see the state of poverty
to which they had been reduced. Formerly they had been the most opulent
Indians in the country, and now they were clothed in rags, without
horses and without guns. But this was the year of their salvation; that
very summer the Mounted Police were struggling against the difficulties
of a long journey across the barren plains in order to bring them help.
This noble corps reached their destination that same fall, and with
magic effect put an entire stop to the abominable traffic of whiskey
with the Indians. Since that time the Blackfeet Indians are becoming
more and more prosperous. They are now well clothed and well furnished
with horses and guns. During the last two years I have calculated that
they have bought two thousand horses to replace those they had given
for whiskey. They are forced to acknowledge that the arrival of the Red
Coats has been to them the greatest boon. But, although they are
externally so friendly to the Police and other strangers who now
inhabit their country, yet underneath this friendship remains hidden
some of that dread which they have always had of the white man's
intention to cheat them; and here, excellent Governor, I will state my
reasons for believing that a treaty should be concluded with them also
at the earliest possible date.
1st.
The Blackfeet are extremely jealous of what they consider their
country, and never allowed any white men, Half-breeds, or Crees to
remain in it for any length of time; the only reason that they never
drove the Americans off, apart from their love for whiskey, was their
dread of the Henri rifle.
2nd.
They have an awful dread of the future. They think that the Police are
in the country not only to keep out whiskey traders, but also to
protect white people against them, and that this country will be
gradually taken from them without any ceremony. This I can certify, for
although they may not say so to others yet they do not hide it from me.
3rd.
Numbers of people are settling around Fort McLeod and Fort Calgary in
order to farm, raise stock, etc. This will probably drive the buffalo
away through time from the ordinary hunting grounds, and if so, the
Blackfeet, being the most helpless Indians in the country, and
unaccustomed to anything else but hunting buffalo, would suffer
extremely.
4th. The
settlers also are anxious that a treaty be made as soon as possible, so
that they may know what portions of land they can hold without fear of
being molested.
5th. The
Blackfeet themselves are expecting to have a mutual understanding with
the Government, because they have been told of it by several persons,
and namely by Gen. Smythe last year.
Such
are the principal reasons which occur to my mind for making a treaty
with the Blackfeet. It remains for you, excellent Governor, to weigh
their value. Of course you would find the same prejudices amongst the
Blackfeet that you have found amongst the Crees, but you would have no
greater difficulty in dispelling them. You would have four clans to
treat with, viz.: the Blackfeet, Bloods, and Piegans, all of the same
tribe, and the Sarcees, a branch of the Peace River Indians called
Beavers. As to the place of rendezvous there would be no difficulty
whatever; the Blackfeet live in large camps under their respective
Chiefs, and could go to any point after due notice.
It
remains for me now, excellent Governor, to beg you to excuse the many
defects of this communication, and to accept the assurance of sincere
esteem and profound respect of
Your most humble servant,
CONSTANTINE SCOLLEN,
Priest, O.U.I.
P.S.—I am also aware
that the Sioux Indians, now at war with the Americans, have sent a
message to the Blackfeet tribe, asking them to make an alliance
offensive and defensive against all white people in the country.
C. SCOLLEN.
In
order to effect a treaty, Lieut.-Gov. Laird, and Lieut.-Col. James F.
McLeod, met the Blackfeet, at the Blackfoot crossing, on the Bow River
on the 17th day of September, 1877, which day had been selected for the
time of meeting. Gov. Laird proceeded from the temporary seat of the
Government of the North-West Territories at Swan River, and Col. McLeod
from Fort McLeod, the head quarters of the Mounted Police, to the
appointed rendezvous.
The
Commissioners met the Indians on that day, and after five days of
tedious negotiations, the treaty was satisfactorily concluded, and
signed by the Chiefs and head men present.
The
total number of the Indians, represented at the making of the treaty,
and who were paid the gratuity under it, was four thousand three
hundred and ninety-two. The terms of the treaty, were substantially the
same as those contained in the North-West Angle and Qu'Appelle
treaties, except that as some of the bands were disposed to engage in
pastoral pursuits, it was arranged to give them cattle instead of
agricultural implements. The Minister of the Interior well observes in
his report “that the conclusion of this treaty with these warlike and
intractable tribes, at a time when the Indian tribes, immediately
across the border, were engaged in open hostilities with the United
States troops, is certainly a conclusive proof of the just policy of
the Government of Canada toward the aboriginal population,” and, I add,
of the confidence of the Indians in the promises and just dealing of
the servants of the British Crown, in Canada, a confidence that can
only be kept up by the strictest observance of the stipulations of the
treaties.
I now append the
interesting despatch of Lieut.-Gov. Laird, giving a detailed account of
the negotiation of the treaty, and a report of the speeches of the
Commissioners and Indians, extracted from a report in the Globe
newspaper, dated October 4th, 1877, which, though not authentic, I
believe, gives a general view of what passed during the negotiations.
GOVERNMENT HOUSE,
BATTLEFORD, NORTH-WEST TERRITORY.
Sir,—I have the honor to
inform you that on the 4th August I received at Swan River your
telegram dated on the first of that month.
It
notified me that a Commission appointing Lieut.-Col. James F. McLeod,
C.M.G., and myself, Commissioners to negotiate a treaty with the
Blackfeet and other Indians of the unsurrendered parts of the
North-West Territories adjoining the United States boundary, had been
forwarded to Fort McLeod.
I
immediately made preparations for the journey. These occupied me a
week, as arrangements had to be made for the removal of furniture and
other property to Battle River, where the Government House for the
territories, in course of construction, would probably be ready for
occupation on my return from the treaty negotiations. On the 11th
August I left Swan River for Fort McLeod, via Battleford,
proposing to go from the latter place by Cypress Hills to my
destination. I took the Quill Lake trail and came to the telegraph
line, about four miles from Big Stone Lake. Thence I followed that line
until I came to the trail at the elbow of the North Saskatchewan
leading to Battle River. Where the telegraph crosses the South
Saskatchewan I found an excellent ferry scow, and a ferryman placed
there by the Public Works Department. I arrived at the ferry about noon
on the 20th, and though a high wind rendered it difficult to manage the
scow, the horses, with the vehicles and their contents, were safely
ferried before sunset. On the following evening I reached the Elbow,
and the morning thereafter before leaving camp, Inspector Walker, of
Battleford, drove up, on his way to Carlton, to arrange for the
distribution of certain of the articles intended for the Indians of
Treaty Number Six, which had not arrived when he paid the annuities at
that post in the early part of the month. Some of the Indians had not
dispersed since they received their payments, and interested parties
were causing dissatisfaction among them by reporting that the
provisions intended for them, while assembled to receive their
annuities, having now arrived, should be distributed to them, as well
as the agricultural implements and other articles promised.
I
advised Inspector Walker to distribute to those Indians still around
Carlton their share of the presents, and to give them a small quantity
of provisions from the Government supplies, to enable them to proceed
without delay to their hunting grounds. I then continued my journey to
Battleford, which I reached on Monday, the 24th, at noon. Here I was
happy to meet Major Irvine, who had come straight from Fort McLeod,
across the Great Plains, to conduct me on my journey, and to inform me
that for satisfactory reasons adduced by Crowfoot, the leading chief of
the Blackfeet, Lieut.-Col. McLeod, my associate Commissioner, had
consented that the meeting of the treaty should be held at the
Blackfoot crossing of the Bow River, instead of at Fort McLeod. Major
Irvine had reached Battleford only a few hours before me, and having a
Blackfoot Indian as guide, I abandoned my intention of going to Fort
McLeod by Cypress Hills, and resolved to take the more direct and much
shorter course by which that officer came.
On
Friday I had interviews with several parties on business, among whom
were Red Pheasant, the Chief of the Battle River Crees, and a portion
of his band. He desired explanations about the articles promised in the
treaty of last year, and the reason they were so late in being
forwarded. I explained that the unusually heavy rains in Manitoba and
the eastern portion of the territories had made the travelling so bad
that the freighters had not been able to overtake the journey in the
time which they expected; that the Government were very sorry at the
disappointment, as it was their desire to faithfully carry out all
their promises. The officers here had done their best to meet the
difficulty and satisfy the Indians, though at no little expense to the
country.
The Chief appeared
to be quite satisfied with the explanation, and after some further
conversation about the reserve, which he desires to be located at Eagle
Hills, he and his companions retired to their lodges, situated for the
present close to the south side of Battle River, under the bank in
front of Government House.
Inspector
Walker having kindly given instructions to the non-commissioned officer
in charge of the Mounted Police in his absence, that every assistance
in his power was to be afforded to me for continuing my journey, I was
enabled to leave Battleford for Fort McLeod with Major Irvine, on the
25th August. Besides us two, the party consisted of four police
constables, my personal servant and the guide.
For
the first day we followed a trail leading southward, but afterwards our
course was across the trackless plains until we approached near our
destination. On the third day out we first sighted buffalo, and every
day subsequently that we travelled, except the last, we saw herds of
the animals. Most of the herds, however, were small, and we remarked
with regret that very few calves of this season were to be seen. We
observed portions of many buffalo carcasses on our route, from not a
few of which the peltries had not been removed. From this circumstance,
as well as from the fact that many of the skins are made into
parchments and coverings for lodges, and are used for other purposes, I
concluded that the export of buffalo robes from the territories does
not indicate even one-half the number of those valuable animals
slaughtered annually in our country.
Antelope,
though not very abundant, are widely scattered over the plains. The
numerous lakelets abound with water fowl. Some of the pools contain
alkali, but we experienced no inconvenience on the journey from
scarcity of fresh water. The grass in many places is short and thin,
but in the hollows feed for horses is easily obtained. Altogether,
though the plains are perfectly treeless, not even a shrub being
visible, a journey across them in fine weather, such as we experienced,
when the “buffalo chips” are sufficiently dry to make a good camp fire,
is not disagreeable.
On the
afternoon of the 29th we reached the lowest ford of the Red Deer River,
one hundred and sixty-eight miles, by our course, from Battleford. On
the north side of the river at this ford there is quicksand. The water
too, in mid-stream, was deep enough to flow over the side-boards of our
waggons, and at one place the current was dangerously rapid. After
repeated trials by some of the men on horseback to find the best
footing, we made the attempt, and the whole party got safely across by
night-fall. On Saturday evening, the 1st of September, we arrived at
the Blackfoot crossing of the Bow River, one hundred and eighteen miles
from where we forded the Red Deer River. The Bow River is a noble
stream. The current is pretty rapid, but at this “ridge under the
water” (which is the literal translation of the Blackfoot name for the
ford) the bed of the river is pebbly and the footing consequently good.
Though we found the water almost as deep as at the Red Deer River, yet
under the guidance of Mr. French, a small trader who lives near the
ford, we, without almost any delay, crossed bravely over and camped
until Monday morning on the south bank of the river.
At
this crossing, where the Indians had latterly been notified to assemble
for the treaty, there is a beautiful river bottom on the south side of
the river. It extended about one mile back from the river, and is some
three miles in length. The river, as far as the eye can reach, is
skirted close to the water by a narrow belt of cotton-wood and other
trees.
When I surveyed the
clear waters of the stream, the fuel and shelter which the wood
afforded, the excellent herbage on hill and dale, and the Indians
camped in the vicinity crossing and re-crossing the river on the
“ridge” with ease and safety, I was not surprised that the Blackfeet
were attached to the locality, and desired that such an important event
in their history as concluding a treaty with Her Majesty's
Commissioners should take place at this spot.
On
Saturday evening and Sunday several of the Indians called to shake
hands with me, among whom was the Rainy Chief of the North Bloods. Here
also I met Monsieur Jean L. Heureux, a French Canadian, who had spent
nearly twenty years of his life among the Blackfeet. From him I
obtained much valuable information respecting the numbers and wishes of
the Indians, together with an elaborate list of the different Chiefs
and minor Chiefs of the Blackfeet, Bloods, Piegans, and Sarcees, with
the principal families of their respective tribes and clans of
divisions. This list the Commissioners found very useful in enabling
them to understand the relative influence of the several Chiefs and the
strength of their bands.
On
our journey, while within the limits of Treaty Number Six, we met
scarcely any Indians, but after we crossed Red Deer River we met a few
Crees and Half-breeds, and several hunting parties of Blackfeet. The
former generally use carts in travelling, but the Blackfeet and their
associates are always on horseback.
The
Crees appeared friendly, but were not so demonstrative as the
Blackfeet, who always rode up at once with a smile on their
countenances and shook hands with us. They knew the uniform of the
Mounted Police at a distance, and at once recognized and approached
them as their friends.
We
resumed our journey on Monday and arrived at Fort McLeod on the Old
Man's River, on Tuesday the 4th September. The distance between the
Blackfoot crossing of the Bow River and the Fort is about seventy-nine
miles, thus making the length of our journey from Battleford three
hundred and sixty-five miles as measured by Major Irvine's odometer.
A
few miles from Fort McLeod I was met by the Commissioners of the
Mounted Police and a large party of the Force, who escorted me into the
Fort, while a salute was fired by the artillery company from one of the
hills overlooking the line of march. The men, whose horses were in
excellent condition, looked exceedingly well, and the officers
performed their duties in a most efficient manner. The villagers
presented me with an address of welcome, and altogether my reception at
Fort McLeod was such as to satisfy the most fastidious lover of
display, and more than enough to satisfy the writer.
At
Fort McLeod, on my arrival, I received your despatch of first August,
covering the Commission relating to the Treaty and a copy of the Order
in Council of 12th July, in terms of which the commission was issued.
Also your letter of 27th July informing me that it had been thought
desirable to place the services of the Rev. Father Lacombe at the
disposal of the Commissioners while negotiating the treaty. A few days
afterwards I was sorry to learn by telegraph that the reverend
gentleman had been taken by illness on the journey and would be unable
to be present at the meeting with the Indians. Here, however I was
happy to meet Rev. Father Scollen, a Roman Catholic missionary, who has
labored for some years among the Crees and Blackfeet in the western
portion of the territories. He kindly furnished me such information as
he possessed, and afterwards went to the treaty, where his assistance
was of some value, particularly in dealing with the Crees present.
While
at the fort I had interviews with several of the Blood Chiefs, who
called upon me to inquire if they could not be treated with there
instead of at Bow River. I explained that hereafter the Government
would endeavor to pay them their annuities at places most convenient
for them, but that on the occasion of making a treaty it was desirable
that the several Chiefs and their principal head men should meet
together to talk over the matter, so that all might feel that they had
been consulted as to the terms of the agreement. They went away
satisfied, said they would do as the Great Father advised, and go to
Bow River.
I cannot speak
too highly of the kind manner in which the officers and men of the
Mounted Police at Fort McLeod treat their Indian visitors. Though the
red man is somewhat intrusive, I never heard a harsh word employed in
asking him to retire. The beneficial effects of this treatment, of the
exclusion of intoxicants from the country, and of impartially
administering justice to whites and Indians alike, were apparent in all
my interviews with the Indians. They always spoke of the officers of
the Police in the highest terms, and of the Commander of the Force,
Lieut.-Col. McLeod, especially as their great benefactor. The leading
Chiefs of the Blackfeet and kindred tribes, declared publicly at the
treaty that had it not been for the Mounted Police they would have all
been dead ere this time.
Having
rested a week after my tedious journey of over seven hundred miles, I
then occupied myself for a few days in viewing the surrounding country.
In the village I found some excellent stores, supplied with almost
every article of dry goods, hardware and groceries, that any inland
community requires. Notably among these were the stores of J. G. Baker
& Co. and Messrs. T. C. Power & Bro. There is also a good
blacksmith's shop in the village in which coal is used from the Pelly
River, at a place some twenty miles distant from Fort McLeod. I was
told by the proprietor of the shop that the coal answers tolerably well
for blacksmithing purposes, and in the fort it is extensively used for
fuel. It burns nearly as well in a stove as some varieties of Pictou
coal.
The land around the
fort, and indeed for almost the whole distance between the Bow and Old
Man's Rivers, is well adapted for grazing; and where cultivation has
been fairly attempted this season, grain and vegetables have been a
success. In short, I have very little doubt that this portion of the
territories, before many years, will abound in herds of cattle, and be
dotted with not a few comfortable homesteads.
Lieut.-Col.
McLeod having attended to forwarding the supplies to Bow River, which
had been previously delivered at the fort, left for the Blackfoot
crossing with some eighty officers and men of the Police Force, on
Wednesday, the 12th September. I followed on Friday, and reached Bow
River on Sunday morning. The Police having arrived on Saturday, the
Commissioners were fully prepared for business on Monday, the 17th, the
day which I had from the first appointed for the opening of the treaty
negotiations.
The
Commissioners were visited by Crowfoot, the principal Chief of the
Blackfeet, shortly after their arrival. He desired to know when he and
his people might meet us. We ascertained that most of the Indians on
the ground were Blackfeet and Assiniboines or Stonies, from the upper
part of Bow River. But as the 17th was the day named, the Commissioners
determined to adhere to the appointment, and sent a messenger early in
the morning to invite the Indians camped around to meet them at the
council tent at two o'clock, p.m.
Half
an hour before the time appointed a gun was fired as a signal for the
Indians to assemble. The meeting was well attended. The Chiefs came
forward first and were introduced to the Commissioners, and their
followers, on being invited, sat up close to the tent.
I
addressed them, stating that the Queen's Government had last year
promised that they would this year be visited by Commissioners to
invite them to make a treaty. That months ago I had named this very day
to meet them, and that in accordance with the promises made, the
Commissioners were now here to discuss the terms of a treaty. Yet as we
had learned that very few of the Bloods, Sarcees or Piegans had
arrived, we would not unduly press forward the negotiations, but wait
until Wednesday to give the others time to arrive.
The
Indians listened attentively to what was said, and several of the
Chiefs expressed their satisfaction at not being asked to meet us on
the morrow. The Commissioners then told them there were rations
provided for them by the Government, and that those who were in need of
provisions might apply to certain of the Police officers detailed to
see to their proper distribution.
The
Stonies and one Blood Chief applied for flour, tea, sugar and tobacco,
but said they were not then in need of beef. Crowfoot and some other
Chiefs under his influence would not accept any rations until they
would hear what terms the Commissioners were prepared to offer them. He
appeared to be under the impression that if the Indians were fed by the
bounty of the Government they would be committed to the proposals of
the Commissioners, whatever might be their nature. Though I feared this
refusal did not augur well for the final success of the negotiations,
yet I could not help wishing that other Indians whom I have seen, had a
little of the spirit in regard to dependence upon the Government
exhibited on this occasion by the great Chief of the Blackfeet.
Among
the visitors at the treaty I was pleased to meet the Rev. John
McDougall, Wesleyan missionary at Morley Ville, and son of the late
lamented Rev. George McDougall, so well and favourably known in
connection with Indian affairs in the North-West. Mr. McDougall was
present at the first interview the Commissioners held with the Indians,
and acted as interpreter for the Stonies, who do not understand the
Blackfoot language. He, as well as the Rev. C. Scollen, rendered the
Commissioners all the assistance in their power. Traders, with large
supplies of goods, were arriving on the ground. They desired to erect
buildings of logs to protect their property, but as some of the Indian
Chiefs objected to the trees along the river being cut down for such a
purpose until after the treaty, the Commissioners deemed it prudent, to
prevent complications, to ask the traders to erect only temporary
stanchions sufficient to support canvas coverings. They complied with
our wishes, and the Indians gave us no further trouble on the subject.
On
the evening of Monday I also received a message from Bobtail, a Cree
Chief, who, with the larger portion of the band, had come to the treaty
grounds. He represented that he had not been received into any treaty.
He, however, had not attended the meeting that day, because he was
uncertain whether the Commissioners would be willing to receive him
along with the Blackfeet. I asked him and his band to meet the
Commissioners separate from the other Indians on the following day.
On
Tuesday, at two o'clock, the Cree Chief and his band assembled
according to appointment. The Commissioners ascertained from him that
he had frequented for some time the Upper Bow River country, and might
fairly be taken into the present treaty, but he expressed a wish to
have his reserve near Pigeon Lake, within the limits of Treaty Number
Six, and from what we could learn of the feelings of the Blackfeet
toward the Crees, we considered it advisable to keep them separate as
much as possible. We therefore informed the Chief that it would be most
expedient for him to give in his adhesion to the treaty of last year,
and be paid annually, on the north of Red Deer River, with the other
Cree Chiefs. He consented. We then told him that we could not pay him
until after the Blackfeet had been dealt with, as it might create
jealousy among them, but that in the meantime his band could receive
rations. He said it was right that he should wait until we had settled
with the Blackfeet, and agreed to come and sign his adhesion to Treaty
Number Six at any time I was prepared to receive him.
During
Tuesday, several parties of Indians came in, but the principal Blood
Chiefs had not yet arrived. According to appointment, however, the
Commissioners met the Indians at two o'clock on Wednesday. An outline
was given of the terms proposed for their acceptance. We also informed
them we did not expect an answer that day, but we hoped to hear from
them to-morrow.
That day we
again intimated to the Indians that rations would be delivered to such
as applied for them. We told them the provisions were a present, and
their acceptance would not be regarded as committing the Chiefs to the
terms proposed by the Commissioners. Most of the Chiefs at once applied
for flour, tea, sugar and tobacco, and in a day or two they also asked
for meat. Even Crowfoot, at last thankfully accepted his share of the
rations, and the beef cattle began to decrease rapidly.
On
Tuesday we met the Indians at the usual hour. We further explained the
terms outlined to them yesterday, dwelling especially upon the fact
that by the Canadian Law their reserves could not be taken from them,
occupied or sold, without their consent. They were also assured that
their liberty of hunting over the open prairie would not be interfered
with, so long as they did not molest settlers and others in the country.
We
then invited the Chiefs to express their opinions. One of the minor
Blood Chiefs made a long speech. He told us the Mounted Police had been
in the country for four years, and had been destroying a quantity of
wood. For this wood he asked the Commissioners should make the Indians
a present payment of fifty dollars a head to each Chief, and thirty
dollars a head to all others. He said the Blackfeet, Bloods, Sarcees
and Piegans were all one; but he asked that the Crees and Half-breeds
should be sent back to their own country. The Queen, he remarked, had
sent the police to protect them; they had made it safe for Indians to
sleep at night, and he hoped she would not soon take these men away.
Crowfoot
said he would not speak until to-morrow. Old Sun, another influential
Blackfoot Chief, said the same. Eagle Tail, the head Chief of the
Piegans, remarked that he had always followed the advice the officers
of the Mounted Police gave him. He hoped the promise which the
Commissioners made would be secured to them as long as the sun shone
and water ran. The Stony Chiefs unreservedly expressed their
willingness to accept the terms offered.
Fearing
that some of the Indians might regard the demands of the Blood Chief
who had spoken, if not promptly refused, as agreed to, I told them he
had asked too much. He had admitted the great benefit the Police had
been to the Indians, and yet he was so unreasonable as to ask that the
Government should pay a large gratuity to each Indian for the little
wood their benefactors had used. On the contrary, I said, if there
should be any pay in the matter it ought to come from the Indians to
the Queen for sending them the Police. Hereupon, Crowfoot and the other
Chiefs laughed heartily at the Blood orator of the day.
I
also said the Commissioners could not agree to exclude the Crees and
Half-breeds from the Blackfoot country; that they were the Great
Mother's children as much as the Blackfeet and Bloods, and she did not
wish to see any of them starve. Of course the Crees and Half-breeds
could be prosecuted for trespassing on their reserves. In this the
Indian Act secured them. The Local Government had passed a law to
protect the buffalo. It would have a tendency to prevent numbers from
visiting their country in the close season. But to altogether exclude
any class of the Queen's subjects, as long as they obeyed the laws,
from coming into any part of the country, was contrary to the freedom
which she allowed her people, and the Commissioners would make no
promise of the kind.
On the
following morning there was a rumor that the Indians in their own
Councils could not agree, that a small party was opposed to making a
treaty. The opposition, however, could not have been very formidable.
The principal Chiefs seemed fully to understand the importance of
accepting some terms. About noon, Crowfoot, with Mr. L'Heureux, as
interpreter, came to my tent and asked for explanations on some points,
which I cheerfully gave him. During the forenoon a large party of
Bloods came in, among whom was Bad Head, an aged minor Blood Chief, of
considerable influence, who attended the meeting in the afternoon.
When
the Commissioners intimated that they were ready to hear what the
Chiefs had to say, Crowfoot was the first to speak. His remarks were
few, but he expressed his gratitude for the Mounted Police being sent
to them, and signified his intention to accept the treaty. The Blood
Chief who made the large demands on the previous day said he would
agree with the other Chiefs. Old Sun, head Chief of the North
Blackfeet, said Crowfoot spoke well. We are not going to disappoint the
Commissioners. He was glad they were all agreed to the same terms. They
wanted cattle, guns, ammunition, tobacco, axes and money. Bull's Head,
the principal Chief of the Sarcees, said, we are all going to take your
advice. Eagle Head, the Piegan head Chief remarked, “I give you my
hand. We all agree to what Crowfoot says.” Rainy Chief, head of the
North Bloods, said he never went against the white man's advice. Some
of the minor Chiefs spoke to the same effect.
The
Commissioners expressed their satisfaction at the unanimity among the
Indians, and said they would prepare the treaty and bring it to-morrow
for signature. The only difficult matter then to be arranged was the
reserves. The Commissioners thought it would take unnecessary time to
discuss this question in open meeting, and resolved that one of them
should visit the head Chiefs at their camps, and consult them
separately as to the localities they might desire to select.
Lieut.-Col. McLeod undertook this duty, while I attended to the
preparation of the draft treaty. He succeeded so well in his mission
that we were able to name the places chosen in the treaty.
On
Saturday, 22nd September, we met the Indians to conclude the treaty.
Mekasto, or Red Crow the great Chief of the South Bloods, had arrived
the previous evening, or morning, on the ground, and being present,
came forward to be introduced to the Commissioners.
The
assemblage of Indians was large. All the head Chiefs of the several
tribes were now present; only two Blackfeet and two Blood minor Chiefs
were absent. The representation was all that could be expected.
The
Commissioners had previously informed the Indians that they would
accept the Chiefs whom they acknowledged, and now close in front of the
tent sat those who had been presented to the Commissioners as the
recognized Chiefs of the respective bands.
The
conditions of the treaty having been interpreted to the Indians, some
of the Blood Chiefs, who bad said very little on the previous day,
owing to Red Crow's absence, now spoke, he himself in a few kind words
agreeing to accept the treaty. Crowfoot then came forward and requested
his name to be written to the treaty. The Commissioners having first
signed it, Mr. L'Heureux, being familiar with the Blackfoot language,
attached the Chiefs' names to the document at their request and
witnessed to their marks.
While
the signing was being proceeded with, a salute was fired from the field
guns in honor of the successful conclusion of the negotiations.
I
may mention, in this connection, that on Saturday also I was waited
upon by a deputation of Half-breeds, who presented me with a petition,
expressing the hope that the buffalo law might not be stringently
enforced during the approaching winter, and praying that they might
receive some assistance to commence farming. With respect to the
buffalo ordinance, I told them that the notice having been short, the
law would not be very strictly enforced for the first winter, and in
regard to their prayer for assistance to farm, I said I would make it
known at Ottawa.
On Monday,
the 24th, the Commissioners met the Indians at ten a.m. Some minor
Chiefs who had not remained until the close of the proceedings on
Saturday signed the treaty this morning. The Chiefs were then asked to
stand up in a body, their names were read over and the Indians once
more asked to say whether they were their recognized Chiefs. Heavy
Shield, a brother of Old Sun, at the request of the latter, took the
place of head Chief of his band. It was, however, ascertained that this
arrangement caused dissatisfaction, and Old Sun was restored to his
position, and the band adhering to his brother, was called the “Middle
Blackfoot Band.”
After
their names were called over, I gave the head Chiefs of the Blackfeet,
Blood, Piegans, and Sarcees their flags and uniforms, and invested them
with their medals.
While I
was shaking hands with them, acknowledging their Chiefs in the name of
the Great Mother, the band played “God Save the Queen.” The payments
were then immediately begun by the officers of the Mounted Police, one
party taking the Blackfeet, and another the Bloods, while a third was
detailed to pay the Assiniboines, or Stonies, near their encampment
some two miles up the river.
The
Commissioners went in the afternoon with the latter party, and before
the payments were commenced, presented the Chiefs with their medals,
flags and uniforms. The Stonies received us with quite a demonstration.
They are a well-behaved body of Indians. The influence of the Christian
missionary in their midst is apparent, polygamy being now almost wholly
a thing of the past.
On
Tuesday I took the adhesion of Bobtail, the Cree Chief, and his band,
to Treaty Number Six, and they were paid out of the funds which I had
brought with me from Swan River.
On
the invitation of the Blackfeet, Blood, and kindred Chiefs, the
Commissioners went on Wednesday to the Council tent to receive an
address of thanks. A large number of Indians were present. Mr.
L'Heureux spoke on their behalf, and expressed their gratitude to the
Commissioners generally for the kind manner in which they conducted the
negotiations, to me personally for having come so far to meet them, and
to Lieut.-Col. McLeod for all that he and the Mounted Police had done
for them since their arrival in the country.
To
this address the Commissioners feelingly replied, and expressed their
confidence that the Indians before them would not regret having agreed
to the treaty.
The Cree
Chief and his band also waited upon us in the evening at my tent, and
through Father Scollen, as interpreter, thanked us for the manner in
which we had treated them. The presents sent for the Indians were
distributed to each band, after payment. On Wednesday also the
Commissioners drove to see the coal seam about five miles east of the
Blackfoot crossing. Under the guidance of Mr. French, they found an
outcrop of the seam at a coulee some three miles south of the river.
The seam there is from three to ten feet in thickness, and the coal,
some of which was burned every day in the officers' mess tent at the
treaty, is of a very fair quality.
About
noon on Friday the payments were completed, and the Commissioners
proceeded to close the accounts. They found that the number of Indians
paid, who had accepted the terms of the new treaty was as follows:—
Head Chiefs 10 at $25 $250
Minor Chiefs and Councillors 40 at 15 600
Men, women and children 4,342 at 12 52,104
——- ———
Total 4,392 $52,954
The Crees who gave in
their adhesion to Treaty Number Six were only paid the gratuity, this
year's annuity being still due them. These were paid from the funds of
Treaty Number Six as follows:—
Chief 1 at $25 $25
Councillors 2 at 15 30
Men, women and children 429 at 12 5,148
—- ——- Total 432 $5,203
The officers of the
Police Force who conducted the payments, discharged this duty in a most
efficient manner. Not in regard to the payments alone were the services
of the officers most valuable. With respect to the whole arrangements,
Lieut.-Col. McLeod, my associate Commissioner, both in that capacity
and as Commander of the Police, was indefatigable in his exertions to
bring the negotiations to a successful termination. The same laudable
efforts were put forth by Major Irvine and the other officers of the
Force, and their kindness to me, personally I shall never fail to
remember. The volunteer band of the Police at Fort McLeod deserve more
than a passing notice, as they did much to enliven the whole
proceedings.
The
Commissioners at first had not a good interpreter of the Blackfoot
language, but on Wednesday they secured the services of Mr. Bird, a
brother of the late Dr. Bird, of Winnipeg. He has been many years among
the Piegans and Blackfeet and is a very intelligent interpreter. Mr.
L'Heureux also rendered good service in this respect.
The
accounts being closed and certified to by the Commissioners, I
commenced my return journey on the evening of the 28th September. I
came by a crossing of the Red Deer River some fifteen miles east of the
Hand Hills, travelled across the prairies further west than my former
route, and arrived at Battleford on the evening of Saturday the 6th of
October.
I transmit
herewith the treaty as signed by the Commissioners and Chiefs, and also
the adhesion of the Cree Chief to Treaty Number Six.
In conclusion I beg to offer a few
observations on the treaty, and subjects connected therewith.
1.
With respect to the reserves, the Commissioners thought it expedient to
settle at once their location subject to the approval of the Privy
Council. By this course it is hoped that a great deal of subsequent
trouble in selecting reserves will be avoided. The object of the ten
years' reserve on the south side of Bow River is to keep hunters from
building winter shanties on the river bottom. This practice has a
tendency to alarm the buffalo, and keep them from their feeding grounds
on the lower part of the river. After ten years it is feared the
buffalo will have become nearly extinct, and that further protection
will be needless. At any rate by that time the Indians hope to have
herds of domestic cattle. The country on the upper part of the Bow
River is better adapted for settlement than most of that included in
the Blackfeet reserve, consequently the Commissioners deemed it
advisable to agree that a belt on the south side of the river should be
exempt from general occupation for ten years, particularly as the
Indians set great value on the concession.
2.
The articles promised in addition to the money payments may to some
appear excessive. The Stonies are the only Indians adhering to this
treaty who desired agricultural implements and seed. The promises,
therefore, respecting these things may be understood as merely
applicable to that tribe. The Blackfeet and Bloods asked for nothing of
this kind; they preferred cattle, and the Commissioners being fully of
opinion that such were likely to be much more serviceable to them than
seed and implements, encouraged them in their request. The number of
cattle promised may appear large; but when it is considered that cows
can be readily purchased at Fort McLeod for twenty or twenty-five
dollars per head, and their delivery to the Indians will cost an
inconsiderable sum, the total expense of supplying the articles
promised by this treaty will, I am convinced, cost less than those
under either Treaty number Four or Number Six.
3.
I would urge that the officers of the Mounted Police be entrusted to
make the annual payments to the Indians under this treaty. The Chiefs
themselves requested this, and I said I believed the Government would
gladly consent to the arrangement. The Indians have confidence in the
Police, and it might be some time before they would acquire the same
respect for strangers.
4.
The organization of the Blackfeet bands is somewhat different from that
of the Saulteaux and Crees. They have large bands with head and minor
Chiefs, and as they preferred that this arrangement should remain
unchanged, the Commissioners gladly acceded to their desire, as expense
would be saved to the Government in clothing, were councillors and head
men not named. The Stonies, however asked to be allowed councillors,
and their request was granted to the extent of two to each Chief.
5.
Copies of the treaty printed on parchment should be forwarded to Fort
McLeod in good time to be delivered to each head and minor Chief at
next year's payment of annuities.
I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
DAVID LAIRD,
Lieut.-Gov., and Special Indian Commissioner.
Report from
correspondence in The Globe newspaper, Toronto.
FORT McLEOD, October
4, 1877.
The
treaty with the Blackfeet nation has been concluded satisfactorily, and
was signed by the Chiefs of the Blackfeet, Blood, Piegan and Sarcee
tribes, in the presence of the Commissioners—Governor Laird and Col.
McLeod, C.M.G., and of Major Irvine, Assistant Commissioner, North-West
Mounted Police, and officers of the Police Force, at the Council House,
near “Ridge under the Water,” or “The Blackfoot Crossing” the Great Bow
River, on the 22nd September last.
On
the morning of the 4th of September, Col. McLeod received information
from the ubiquitous Indian that the Queen's father (Lieut.-Gov. Laird)
was at Little Bow River, thirty miles north from McLeod, and was
accompanied by the “Buffalo Bull” (Major Irvine), and that they would
arrive before the sun sank below the western horizon. At three p.m. the
Commissioner left Fort McLeod, accompanied by a guard of honor of one
hundred mounted men, to meet and escort the representative of
Vice-Royalty to the first white settlement in the Blackfeet country.
The Governor was met three miles north of Willow Creek, and expressed
his surprise and pleasure at the splendid appearance of the
well-mounted, well-equipped, well-drilled body of men who formed the
guard of honour. When the head of the column forming the escort wound
round the bend of Willow Creek, and the extensive wooded valley on
which McLeod is built appeared in view, the guns, which had been
unlimbered and placed in position on the highest of the bluffs which
girdle the north side of Old Man's River, fired a salute of thirteen
guns. On the arrival of the cortege at the upper or south end of
the village, the police band took the lead and welcomed the Governor
with its lively music. The whole white, Half-breed and Indian
population of McLeod turned out to obtain a view of the great man who
had arrived. At the request of the leading inhabitants of McLeod the
carriage of the Governor was halted in the centre of the village, and
the following neatly worded address was read and presented to His Honor
by Mr. John C. Bell:
TO THE HONORABLE DAVID LAIRD,
Lieutenant-Governor, N.-W. T.
We, the citizens of Fort
McLeod, beg to welcome you to this little village, one of the pioneer
settlements of this great North-West.
To
have so distinguished a visitor in our midst is an honor we all
appreciate, as in that visit we feel an assurance of your interest in
our welfare and prosperity, which had its dawn with the advent of the
Mounted Police in the North-West, and which, through their vigilance
and care, has continued to this time.
We trust that your visit here will be as
pleasant to you as it will be long remembered by us.
CHAS. E. CONRAD,
THOMAS J. BOGY,
DANIEL SAMPLE,
LIONEL E. MANNING,
JOHN C. BELL.
To which the Governor replied—
GENTLEMEN,—I
thank you for your kind address, and for the hearty welcome you have
extended to me on my first visit to this pioneer settlement of the
Canadian North-West. After roughing it for the last twenty-four days on
the broad unsettled prairies, you have surprised me by a reception
which betokens all the elements of civilization.
It
affords me unfeigned pleasure to learn that the advent of the Mounted
Police in this country has been fraught with such advantages to you as
a community.
Permit me to
express the conviction that in return for that diligence and care on
the part of the Police Force which you so highly and justly value, you
will always be found conducting yourselves as becomes worthy subjects
of that illustrious Sovereign whom I have the distinguished honour to
represent in these territories.
In
conclusion, I would remark that you have taken me so unexpectedly by
your address that I feel unequal to making an appropriate reply; but
the agreeableness of the surprise will tend to heighten the pleasure of
my visit, as well as to render abiding the interest which I undoubtedly
feel in your welfare and prosperity.
During
his stay at Fort McLeod, which extended to the 14th of the month, the
Lieutenant-Governor reviewed the garrison, which consisted of troops C
and D, and two divisions of artillery. They deployed past at a walk,
trot and gallop, and His Honor expressed his unqualified admiration of
the splendid form of the men. He was especially pleased with the
artillery, whose horses and equipments were in beautiful condition, and
requested Col. McLeod to convey to the officers and men his surprise
and pleasure at finding the force at this post so perfectly drilled and
acquainted with their duties.
On the 12th the two troops and the artillery,
accompanied by a baggage train of six light waggons, left Fort McLeod
en route
for the scene of the treaty. The Commissioner took command of the
detachment, and the Assistant Commissioner remained behind to accompany
the Governor on the 14th.
The
force accomplished the march in three days, and pitched the tents on
ground previously laid out for the encampment by Inspector Crozier, at
the head of a magnificently wooded valley, of about a mile in width and
extending for several miles along the Big Bow. It is a lovely spot,
this “Ridge under the Water,” and has always been a favorite camping
ground of the Blackfeet nation.
Monday, 17th October.
This
was the day appointed for the opening of the Treaty, but as a number of
the Indian Chiefs, who had a long distance to come, were absent, it was
deferred until the following Wednesday. The Governor, however,
addressed a number of the Chiefs who were assembled at the Council
House. He said, “Last year a message was sent to you by the Councillors
of the Great Mother that they would meet you at an early date, and as
her Councillors always keep their promises, they have appointed Col.
McLeod and myself to meet you here now. We appointed this day, and I
have come a very long distance to keep my promise, and have called you
together to discover if you all have responded to my summons, and if
any Chiefs are now absent, to learn when they shall arrive. You say
that some of the Blood Chiefs are absent, and as it is our wish to
speak to them as well as to you, and as they have a very long way to
come to reach this place, we shall give them until next Wednesday to
come in. On that day, I will deliver to you the Queen's message, but if
any of the Chiefs would desire to speak now, we will be glad to listen
to them. I would tell you now, that while you remain, provisions will
be issued for the use of those who wish to accept them.”
CROWFOOT—“I
am glad to see the Queen's Chief and Stamixotokon (Col McLeod), who is
a great Chief and our friend. I will wait and hold a council with my
own children (the Blackfeet), and be ready on Wednesday to hear the
Great Mother's message.”
PIEGAN
CHIEF—“My children (the North Piegans) have looked long for the arrival
of the Great Mother's Chief; one day, we did not look for him, and he
passed us; we have travelled after him for fourteen nights, and now are
glad to see and shake hands with the Great Chief.”
BEAR'S
PAW (Stony Chief)—“We have been watching for you for many moons now,
and a long time has gone by since I and my children first heard of your
coming. Our hearts are now glad to see the Chief of the Great Mother,
and to receive flour and meat and anything you may give us. We are all
of one mind, and will say what we think on Wednesday.”
On
Wednesday the Commissioners met the Chiefs at the great Council House.
A guard of honor of fifty mounted men accompanied them, commanded by
Major Irvine. The Police band received them, and at one o'clock the
guns fired a salute as the Governor and Col. McLeod took their seats.
There were present at the opening of the treaty, a number of ladies and
gentlemen who had come long distances to witness this novel spectacle.
Mrs. McLeod, Mrs. Winder, Mrs. Shurtleff, and a number of other ladies
from Morleyville and Edmonton, also the Rev. Messrs. Scollen and
McDougall, Mr. De L'Hereux, Mr. Conrad, Mr. Bogy, and the whole white
population of Fort McLeod. Nearly all of the Chiefs and minor Chiefs of
the Blackfeet, Blood, Piegan, Stony, and Sarcee tribes were seated
directly in front of the Council House; and forming a semicircle of
about one-third of a mile beyond the Chiefs, about four thousand men,
women, and children were squatted on the grass, watching with keen
interest the commencement of the proceedings. Lieut.-Gov. Laird
delivered the following speech:
“The
Great Spirit has made all things—the sun, the moon, and the stars, the
earth, the forests, and the swift running rivers. It is by the Great
Spirit that the Queen rules over this great country and other great
countries. The Great Spirit has made the white man and the red man
brothers, and we should take each other by the hand. The Great Mother
loves all her children, white man and red man alike; she wishes to do
them all good. The bad white man and the bad Indian she alone does not
love, and them she punishes for their wickedness. The good Indian has
nothing to fear from the Queen or her officers. You Indians know this
to be true. When bad white men brought you whiskey, robbed you, and
made you poor, and, through whiskey, quarrel amongst yourselves, she
sent the Police to put an end to it. You know how they stopped this and
punished the offenders, and how much good this has done. I have to tell
you how much pleased the Queen is that you have taken the Police by the
hands and helped them, and obeyed her laws since the arrival of the
Police. She hopes that you will continue to do so, and you will always
find the Police on your side if you keep the Queen's laws. The Great
Mother heard that the buffalo were being killed very fast, and to
prevent them from being destroyed her Councillors have made a law to
protect them. This law is for your good. It says that the calves are
not to be killed, so that they may grow up and increase; that the cows
are not to be killed in winter or spring, excepting by the Indians when
they are in need of them as food. This will save the buffalo, and
provide you with food for many years yet, and it shews you that the
Queen and her Councillors wish you well.
“Many
years ago our Great Mother made a treaty with the Indians far away by
the great waters in the east. A few years ago she made a treaty with
those beyond the Touchwood Hills and the Woody Mountains. Last year a
treaty was made with the Crees along the Saskatchewan, and now the
Queen has sent Col. McLeod and myself to ask you to make a treaty. But
in a very few years the buffalo will probably be all destroyed, and for
this reason the Queen wishes to help you to live in the future in some
other way. She wishes you to allow her white children to come and live
on your land and raise cattle, and should you agree to this she will
assist you to raise cattle and grain, and thus give you the means of
living when the buffalo are no more. She will also pay you and your
children money every year, which you can spend as you please. By being
paid in money you cannot be cheated, as with it you can buy what you
may think proper.
“The
Queen wishes us to offer you the same as was accepted by the Crees. I
do not mean exactly the same terms, but equivalent terms, that will
cost the Queen the same amount of money. Some of the other Indians
wanted farming implements, but these you do not require, as your lands
are more adapted to raising cattle, and cattle, perhaps, would be
better for you. The Commissioners will give you your choice, whether
cattle or farming implements. I have already said we will give you
money, I will now tell you how much. If you sign the treaty every man,
woman and child will get twelve dollars each; the money will be paid to
the head of each family for himself, women and children; every year,
for ever, you, your women and your children will get five dollars each.
This year Chiefs and Councillors will be paid a larger sum than this;
Chiefs will get a suit of clothes, a silver medal, and flag, and every
third year will get another suit. A reserve of land will be set apart
for yourselves and your cattle, upon which none others will be
permitted to encroach; for every five persons one square mile will be
allotted on this reserve, on which they can cut the trees and brush for
firewood and other purposes. The Queen's officers will permit no white
man or Half-breed to build or cut the timber on your reserves. If
required roads will be cut through them. Cattle will be given to you,
and potatoes, the same as are grown at Fort McLeod. The Commissioners
would strongly advise the Indians to take cattle, as you understand
cattle better than you will farming for some time, at least as long as
you continue to move about in lodges.
“Ammunition
will be issued to you each year, and as soon as you sign the treaty one
thousand five hundred dollars' worth will be distributed amongst the
tribes, and as soon as you settle, teachers will be sent to you to
instruct your children to read books like this one (the Governor
referred to a Bible), which is impossible so long as you continue to
move from place to place. I have now spoken. I have made you acquainted
with the principal terms contained in the treaty which you are asked to
sign.
“You may wish time to
talk it over in your council lodges; you may not know what to do before
you speak your thoughts in council. Go, therefore, to your councils,
and I hope that you may be able to give me an answer to-morrow. Before
you leave I will hear your questions and explain any matter that may
not appear clear to you.”
A few questions by the Chiefs were answered,
and the council was closed for the day.
Thursday, October 19th.
The
Governor, on arriving at the Council House, where all the Chiefs were
awaiting him, said that he was glad to see them all there, and that he
had only a few words to say to them. He said, “I expect to listen to
what you have to say to-day, but, first, I would explain that it is
your privilege to hunt all over the prairies, and that should you
desire to sell any portion of your land, or any coal or timber from off
your reserves, the Government will see that you receive just and fair
prices, and that you can rely on all the Queen's promises being
fulfilled. Your payments will be punctually made. You all know the
Police; you know that no promise of theirs to you has ever been broken;
they speak and act straight. You have perfect confidence in them, and
by the past conduct of the Police towards you, you can judge of the
future. I think I have now said all, and will listen to you and explain
anything you wish to know; we wish to keep nothing back.”
BUTTON
CHIEF—“The Great Spirit sent the white man across the great waters to
carry out His (the Great Spirit's) ends. The Great Spirit, and not the
Great Mother, gave us this land, The Great Mother sent Stamixotokon
(Col. McLeod) and the Police to put an end to the traffic in
fire-water. I can sleep now safely. Before the arrival of the Police,
when I laid my head down at night, every sound frightened me; my sleep
was broken; now I can sleep sound and am not afraid. The Great Mother
sent you to this country, and we hope she will be good to us for many
years. I hope and expect to get plenty; we think we will not get so
much as the Indians receive from the Americans on the other side; they
get large presents of flour, sugar, tea, and blankets. The Americans
gave at first large bags of flour, sugar, and many blankets; the next
year it was only half the quantity, and the following years it grew
less and less, and now they give only a handful of flour. We want to
get fifty dollars for the Chiefs and thirty dollars each for all the
others, men, women, and children, and we want the same every year for
the future. We want to be paid for all the timber that the Police and
whites have used since they first came to our country. If it continues
to be used as it is, there will soon be no firewood left for the
Indians. I hope, Great Father, that you will give us all this that we
ask.”
CROWFOOT—“Great
Father, what do you think now, what do you say to that? What I have to
say will be spoken to-morrow. My brother Chiefs will speak now.”
EAGLE
TAIL—“Great Father, from our Great Mother, Stamixotokon and officers of
the Police, the advice and help I received from the Police I shall
never forget as long as the moon brightens the night, as long as water
runs and the grass grows in spring, and I expect to get the same from
our Great Mother. I hope she will supply us with flour, tea, tobacco
and cattle, seed and farming implements. I have done at present.”
OLD SUN—“Father and sons, I shall speak
to-morrow.”
GOVERNOR—“I
fear Button Chief is asking too much. He has told us of the great good
the Police have done for him and his tribe and throughout the country
by driving away the whiskey traders, and now he wants us to pay the
Chiefs fifty dollars and others thirty dollars per head, and to pay him
for the timber that has been used. Why, you Indians ought to pay us
rather, for sending these traders in fire-water away and giving you
security and peace, rather than we pay you for the timber used. (Here
the Indians indulged in a general hearty laugh at this proposition.) We
cannot do you good and pay you too for our protection. Button Chief
wants us to prevent the Crees and Half-breeds from coming in and
killing the buffalo. They too are the Queen's children, as well as the
Blackfeet and Crees. We have done all we can do in preventing the
slaying of the young buffalo, and this law will preserve the buffalo
for many years. Button Chief wishes to get the same every year as this
year; this we cannot promise. We cannot make a treaty with you every
year. We will give you something to eat each year, but not so much as
you will receive now. He says the Americans at first gave the Indians
many large sacks of flour, and now they only receive a handful. From us
you receive money to purchase what you may see fit; and as your
children increase yearly, you will get the more money in the future, as
you are paid so much per head.
“(To
the Stony Chiefs)—When your reserves will be allotted to you no wood
can be cut or be permitted to be taken away from them without your own
consent. The reserve will be given to you without depriving you of the
privilege to hunt over the plains until the land be taken up.”
Bear's
Paw said that he was pleased with the treaty, the Police, and the
prospect of getting provisions and money, and hoped that the
Commissioners would give his tribe (the Stonies) as much as possible,
and that as speedily as possible. This Chief appeared by his speech to
be of a mercenary bent of mind.
Friday, October 20th.
On
this day the Indians accepted the terms of the treaty, and several of
the Chiefs made speeches. The first speaker was Crowfoot.
CROWFOOT—“While
I speak, be kind and patient. I have to speak for my people, who are
numerous, and who rely upon me to follow that course which in the
future will tend to their good. The plains are large and wide. We are
the children of the plains, it is our home, and the buffalo has been
our food always. I hope you look upon the Blackfeet, Blood, and Sarcees
as your children now, and that you will be indulgent and charitable to
them. They all expect me to speak now for them, and I trust the Great
Spirit will put into their breasts to be a good people—into the minds
of the men, women and children, and their future generations. The
advice given me and my people has proved to be very good. If the Police
had not come to the, country, where would we be all now? Bad men and
whiskey were killing us so fast that very few, indeed, of us would have
been left to-day. The Police have protected us as the feathers of the
bird protect it from the frosts of winter. I wish them all good, and
trust that all our hearts will increase in goodness from this time
forward. I am satisfied. I will sign the treaty.”
BUTTON CHIEF—“I must say what all the people
say, and I agree with what they say. I cannot make new laws. I will
sign.”
RED
CROW—“Three years ago, when the Police first came to the country, I met
and shook hands with Stamixotokon (Col. McLeod) at Pelly River. Since
that time he made me many promises. He kept them all—not one of them
was ever broken. Everything that the police have done has been good. I
entirely trust Stamixotokon, and will leave everything to him. I will
sign with Crowfoot.”
FATHER OF MANY CHILDREN—“I have come a long
way, and far behind the rest of the bands. I have travelled with these
traveaux that you now see outside there with my women and children.
I cannot speak much now, but I agree with Crowfoot, and will sign.”
OLD
SUN—“Crowfoot speaks well. We were summoned to meet the Great Mother's
Chiefs here, and we would not disappoint them; we have come, and will
sign the treaty. During the past Crowfoot has been called by us our
Great Father. The Great Mother's Chief (Governor Laird) will now be our
Great Father. Everything you say appears to me to be very good, and I
hope that you will give us all we ask—cattle, money, tobacco, guns, and
axes, and that you will not let the white man use poison on the
prairies. It kills horses and buffalo as well as wolves, and it may
kill men. We can ourselves kill the wolves, and set traps for them. We
all agree with Crowfoot.”
The
remainder of the day was consumed by about a dozen other chiefs
speaking in favour of the treaty. On the following day all the chiefs
and counsellors signed their names under the signatures of the
Commissioners, and a salute of thirteen guns announced the final
conclusion of the last treaty with the Indians of the North-West.
On
Sunday afternoon the Indians fought a sham battle on horseback. They
only wore the breech-cloths. They fired off their rifles in all
directions, and sent the bullets whistling past the spectators in such
close proximity as to create most unpleasant feelings. I was heartily
glad when they defiled past singly on the way back to their lodges, and
the last of their unearthly yells had died away in the distance.
Monday,
Tuesday and Wednesday were occupied in paying off the different tribes.
They were paid by Inspector Winder, Sub-Inspector Denny, and
Sub-Inspector Antrobus, each assisted by a constable of the Force. It
was hard work to find out the correct number of each family. Many after
receiving their money would return to say that they had made a wrong
count; one would discover that he had another wife, another two more
children, and others that they had blind mothers and lame sisters. In
some cases they wanted to be paid for the babies that were expected to
come soon.
On Wednesday the
Chiefs presented an address to the Commissioners, expressing the entire
satisfaction of the whole nation with the treaty, and to the way in
which the terms had been carried out. They tendered their well wishes
to the Queen, the Governor, Col. McLeod, and the Police Force. They
spoke in the most flattering and enthusiastic manner of the
Commissioner, Assistant-Commissioner, officers, and the Force in
general, and said that it was their firm determination to adhere to the
terms of the treaty, and abide by the laws of the Great Mother. Potts,
the interpreter at Fort McLeod, said he never heard Indians speak out
their minds so freely in his life before.
In
reply, the Lieutenant-Governor said he was much pleased to receive this
address from the Chiefs of the great Blackfeet nation, which in fact
was to the Great Mother, as the Commissioners were merely acting for
her, and carrying out her wishes. He was certain she would be gratified
to learn of the approval of the Chiefs and their acceptance of her
offers. In return the Great Mother only required of them to abide by
her laws.
Lieut.-Col.
McLeod said in reply:—“The Chiefs all here know what I said to them
three years ago, when the Police first came to the country—that nothing
would be taken away from them without their own consent. You all see
to-day that what I told you then was true. I also told you that the
Mounted Police were your friends, and would not wrong you or see you
wronged in any way. This also you see is true. The Police will continue
to be your friends, and be always glad to see you. On your part you
must keep the Queen's laws, and give every information to them in order
that they may see the laws obeyed and offenders punished. You may still
look to me as your friend, and at any time when I can do anything for
your welfare, I shall only be too happy to do so. You say that I have
always kept my promises. As surely as my past promises have been kept,
so surely shall those made by the Commissioners be carried out in the
future. If they were broken I would be ashamed to meet you or look you
in the face; but every promise will be solemnly fulfilled as certainly
as the sun now shines down upon us from the heavens. I shall always
remember the kind manner in which you have to-day spoken of me.”
After this there was a great shaking of
hands, and the Great Council ended.
On
Thursday afternoon the Lieutenant-Governor departed for Battleford. On
leaving the grounds the usual honors were paid to him. The Commissioner
left the following day for Fort Walsh to attend the Commission that was
to meet the Sitting Bull.
The
traders were notified that they were to cease trading and move off the
reservation not later than the following Tuesday, at ten p.m. By this
hour they had all departed, and at noon on the same day the Force
commenced its return journey to McLeod, which was accomplished in two
days and a half. All were glad to get back to headquarters, as the
weather had been for some days intensely cold and the prairies covered
with snow.
Much
interest has been awakened with regard to this warlike race, owing to
recent events; namely, the war between them and the United States, the
destruction by them of Captain Custer's command, and their subsequent
flight into British territory, and now prolonged sojourn therein.
Prior,
however, to this irruption, a portion of the Sioux tribe of American
Indians, took refuge in the Red River settlement, after the massacre of
the whites by the Indians in Minnesota, in the year 1862. Their arrival
caused great consternation in the settlement. The main body took up a
position at Sturgeon Creek, about six miles from Fort Garry, now the
City of Winnipeg, and others, at Poplar Point, and the Turtle Mountain.
The Governor and Council of Assiniboia then governed the Province of
Assiniboia, under the Hudson's Bay Company, and was composed of
representative men. Their deliberations were grave and anxious. In
December, 1863, the Governor-in-Chief, Mr. Dallas, reported to the
Council, that he had visited the principal camp of the Sioux at
Sturgeon Creek, and found there about five hundred men, women and
children, and more had since arrived; that he had found them in great
destitution and suffering, from want of food and clothing, and that
after consultation with Governor Mactavish, of the Province of
Assiniboia, he had offered sufficient provisions to enable them to
remove to such a distance from the settlement as would place it beyond
all danger and apprehension, and also offered to have the provisions
conveyed for them, and ammunition supplied them to procure game, but
they had positively refused to go away—giving as a reason the inability
of the old men, women and children, to travel in the winter. The
Governor was in consequence authorized by the Council, to offer them
the means of transport, for those who were unable to walk. The Indians
then removed to White Horse Plains, a distance of twenty miles only
from Fort Garry, and camped there. A supply of food was given them, but
no ammunition. The United States military authorities in December,
1863, sent an envoy to see the Governor-in-Chief of Rupert's Land, and
the North-West Territories, with a view to ordering the Sioux to return
to United States territory. The Governor was assured, that, though the
American authorities would punish such of the Sioux as had actually
been engaged in the massacre, they would furnish the innocent with all
needful supplies of food and clothing for the winter, in the event of
giving themselves up peaceably. The Council, on hearing this statement,
authorized the granting permission to the American authorities to enter
into negotiations with the Sioux in the territories, on condition that
they adopted no aggressive measures against them, and that in the event
of the Americans accepting the proposed permission, they should protect
themselves by a sufficient guard to preclude the danger of attack from
the Indians, and to ensure the preservation of peace.
In
January, 1864, the Council considered a despatch from Major Hatch, in
command of the American forces, representing that on the approach of
spring, he apprehended a renewal of the barbarous scenes of 1862 and
1863, and asked authority to cross the national boundaries and pursue
and capture the murderers, wherever they might be found. The Council
accorded the permission asked, but it was never acted on. It is not
likely that a permission to cross our borders in pursuit of a flying
enemy would ever again be granted. It was conceded in exceptional
circumstances by an irresponsible Government, but the growth of the
Dominion of Canada has been such, and its relations to the empire have
become so intimate, that it would not in my judgment be granted, if at
all, except in concert with the Imperal Government. The Governor also
reported to the Council, that the main body of the Sioux on the
Missouri in the United States had sent him a message asking his advice
as to making peace with the Americans, and expressing a desire to visit
Red River in spring, and that he had advised the Sioux to make peace
with the Americans, as otherwise, the war would be renewed with
increased vigor next summer. He had also counselled them not to visit
the Red River country. The Council warned the Sioux not to visit the
settlement, but in the summer of 1866, the advice was disregarded. A
band of Sioux came to Fort Garry and were leaving quietly, with a
number of Saulteaux, but when about a mile from the Fort they were
attacked by a band of Red Lake Saulteaux Indians, who had just come
into the settlement from the United States and five of them were shot.
The remainder fled for their lives.
The
Council apprehended that the Sioux might congregate in force, and a
collision take place between the Sioux and the Saulteaux, and therefore
authorized the formation of a body of from fifty to one hundred mounted
armed men from among the settlers, to prevent the Sioux from coming
into the settlement. Fortunately they did not return and a collision
was avoided.
In 1866, the
American authorities again opened up communications with the Governor
and Council of Assiniboia, through Colonel Adams, who intimated that he
had been authorized by Brevet Major-General Corse, commanding the
District of Minnesota, “to use every possible means to induce the
hostile Sioux to surrender themselves at Fort Abercrombie, and to grant
them protection and entire absolution for all past offences in the
event of giving themselves up,” and asking the aid of the Council, to
endeavor to influence the Sioux to accede to the proposals he made. The
Council accordingly authorized Judge Black and Mr. McClure to
communicate to the Chiefs of the Sioux, the letter of Colonel Adams,
and endeavor to induce them to accept of it, and to supply them with
what provisions might be necessary to carry the Sioux to Fort
Abercrombie.
All efforts
having that end in view failed, and the Sioux remained, some in the
Province of Assiniboia, and others in the territories beyond. As time
went on, in 1870, the country passed under the rule of Canada, and when
the Government of Canada was established in the Province of Manitoba,
which included the district of Assiniboia, the Sioux were found living
quietly in tents, in the parishes of Poplar Point, High Bluff, and
Portage la Prairie, in what became the new Province of Manitoba.
Immigrants from Ontario, had begun to settle in that section of the
Province, and the settlement rapidly increased.
The
Sioux were found very useful, and were employed as labourers, cutting
grain, making fence-rails, and ploughing for the settlers. They also
endeavored to gain a subsistence, by killing game and fur-bearing
animals, and by fishing. They frequently applied to Lieut.-Gov.
Archibald, to be allowed to settle on a reserve, where they might
support themselves by farming, a step which that officer favored. In
1873, they renewed the application to his successor, Lieut.-Gov.
Morris, who having obtained authority to do so, promised to give them a
reserve; upwards of one hundred of these Sioux, resident within
Manitoba, having waited upon him, and represented “that they had no
homes or means of living,” and asked for land and agricultural
implements.
They were
informed, that the case was exceptional, and that what would be done,
would be as a matter of grace and not of right, which they admitted.
They were also told that the reserve would be for themselves alone, and
that the Sioux now in the States must remain there. A reserve was
proposed to them on Lake Manitoba, but they were unwilling to go there,
being afraid of the Saulteaux, and especially the Red Lake Saulteaux.
It
is satisfactory to state, that after the treaty at the North-West
Angle, the Saulteaux having become bound to live at peace with all
people under Canadian authority, sent the aged Chief Kou-croche to see
the Lieutenant-Governor at Fort Garry, to acquaint him of their desire
to make peace with the Sioux. The Chief said the words he had heard at
the Angle were good, he had promised to live at peace with all men, and
he now wished to make friends with the Sioux. The distrust between the
two tribes had been great, owing to past events. At the Angle, but for
the presence of the troops, the Chippewas would have fled, it having
been circulated among them, that the Sioux were coming to attack them.
Permission was given to the Chief to pay his visit to the Sioux, and
messengers were sent to them, in advance, to explain the object of his
visit.
The result of the
interview was satisfactory, and the ancient feud was buried. In 1874,
two reserves were allotted the Sioux, one on the Assiniboine River, at
Oak River, and another still further west, at Bird Tail Creek. These
reserves were surveyed, the former containing eight thousand and the
latter seven thousand acres.
Settlements,
were commenced, on both reserves, and cattle, seed and agricultural
implements were supplied to them. In 1875, the Lieutenant-Governor
finding that a large number still continued their nomadic life, in the
vicinity of Poplar Point and Portage la Prairie, visited them, and
obtained their promise to remove to the reserves—which the majority
eventually did. Kenneth Mackenzie, Esq., M.P.P., a very successful
farmer from Ontario, who had largely employed Sioux laborers, kindly
agreed to visit the Assiniboine reserve and direct them from time to
time as to the agricultural operations. The Church of England undertook
the establishment of a mission and erected buildings there, while the
Presbyterians opened a mission at Bird Tail Creek, and obtained the
services of a native ordained Sioux minister, from the Presbytery of
Dakotah. The number of these Sioux is estimated at about fifteen
hundred. Both settlements give promise of becoming self-sustaining, and
in view of the rapid settlement of the country, some disposition of
them had become necessary.
During
their sojourn of thirteen years on British territory, these Indians
have on the whole, been orderly, and there was only one grave crime
committed among them, under peculiar circumstances—the putting to death
of one of their number, which was done under their tribal laws. An
indictment was laid before the Grand Jury of Manitoba, and a true bill
found against those concerned in this affair, but the chief actors in
the tragedy fled. Had they been tried, their defence would probably
have been that the act was committed in self-defence. The slain man
having, as the Chief represented, killed one of the tribe, cruelly
assaulted another, and threatened the lives of others. When the war
broke out between the Sioux and the American Government, the American
Sioux, endeavored to induce those in Canadian territory to join them,
but they refused. Precautionary measures were however taken, and
messengers sent to them, by the Lieutenant-Governor, to warn them
against taking any part. They disclaimed all intention to do so, and
said they meant to live peacefully, being grateful for the kindness
with which they had been treated. Besides these Manitoban Sioux, there
were two other bands in the North-West Territories—one at Turtle
Mountains, and another large party in the bounds of the Qu'Appelle
Treaty. In 1876 the latter sent their Chiefs to see Lieut.-Gov. Morris
and the Hon. Mr. Laird, at Qu'Appelle, and asked to be assigned a home.
They were told that their case would be represented to the Canadian
authorities. In 1877, the Sioux at the Turtle Mountains, sent two
deputations to the Lieutenant-Governor, to ask for a reserve in that
region. They said they had lived for fifteen years in British
territory, they wanted land to be given them and implements to
cultivate the soil, and seed to sow, and scythes and sickles to reap
their grain, and some cattle.
They
were told that they had no claim on the Queen, as they were not British
Indians, unless she chose to help them out of her benevolence. This
they cheerfully admitted, but hoped that they would be helped. They
were further informed, that if a reserve was granted them, it could not
be near the boundary line as they wished, and that they must avoid all
interference with the American trouble with their nation. This they
willingly promised and said “they had already taken care to have
nothing to do with the matter.” These Sioux were very intelligent and
superior Indians, and were well dressed. A reserve was subsequently
allotted to them in the year 1876, in the vicinity of Oak Lake, about
fifty miles due north of Turtle Mountains, allowing them the same
quantity of land, which had been given the Manitoba Sioux, viz., 80
acres to each band of five persons, and they will doubtless follow the
example of their brethren on the other two reserves. With regard to the
Sioux to whom reserves have been assigned, the then Minister of the
Interior, the Hon. David Mills, thus reported in 1877: “The report of
the Deputy Superintendent-General in 1877 gives some details respecting
the operations of the Manitoba Sioux on their reserves, during the past
year. He says: 'Upon the whole, they appear to have made fair progress
in cultivating the land, and their prospects for the future, had they
the advice and assistance of some good farmers, for a few years, would
be encouraging. Indeed, the Sioux generally, who are resident in
Canada, appear to be more intelligent, industrious, and self-reliant,
than the other Indian bands in the North West.'“
While
the authorities were thus successfully dealing with the problem of how
to provide a future for these wandering Sioux, a grave difficulty
presented itself by the incursion into the North-West Territories of a
large body of American Sioux (supposed to be under the lead of what is
now an historic name, the Sitting Bull), who had fled from the American
troops. The Minister of the Interior, the Hon. David Mills, in 1877,
thus alluded to this difficult subject:
“The
presence of Sitting Bull and his warriors in Canada is a source of
anxiety both to the Government of Canada and the United States. These
Indians harbor feelings of fierce hostility towards, and thorough
distrust of, the United States people and Government. These feelings
may be traced to two principal causes, the dishonesty of Indian agents
and the failure of the Federal authorities to protect the Indian
reservations from being taken possession of by an adventurous and
somewhat lawless white population. The officers of the North-West
Mounted Police have been instructed to impress upon Sitting Bull and
his warriors the necessity of keeping the peace towards the people of
the United States, and there is no reason for supposing they will not
heed the warnings which have been given them. It is not, however,
desirable to encourage them to remain on Canadian territory, and Col.
McLeod has been accordingly instructed to impress them with their
probable future hardships after the failure of the buffalo, should they
elect to remain in Canada; that the President of the United States and
his Cabinet are upright men, willing and anxious to do justice to the
Indians; and should they return peacefully they will be properly cared
for, and any treaty made with them will be honestly fulfilled. It is
desirable that as wards of the United States they should return to that
country, upon the Government of which morally devolves the burden and
the responsibility of their civilization.”
The
Sioux have since continued within the borders of Canada, and the
Minister of the Interior, Sir John Macdonald, reported in 1878, “That
it is only just to them to say, that they have behaved remarkably well
ever since they crossed into Canada.” Their presence in the North-West
Territories has, however, been attended and will be followed, in any
event, by serious consequences. The natural food supply of our Canadian
Indians, the Crees, Chippewas, Assiniboines and Blackfeet, of the Plain
Country, viz., the buffalo, was rapidly diminishing, and the advent of
so large a body of foreign Indians has precipitated its diminution, so
that the final extinction of the buffalo is fast drawing near. Already
the Government of Canada, in the discharge of a national obligation,
which has ever been recognized by all civilized authorities, has been
obliged to come to the aid of the Blackfeet and other Indians to avert
the danger and suffering from famine. The Sioux are already feeling the
hardships of their position, and it will tax the skill and energies of
the Government of Canada to provide a remedy. Already, at the instance
of the Hon. David Mills, then Minister of the Interior (who visited
Washington for the purpose), an effort was made by the American
Government to induce the Sioux to return to their homes. Envoys were
sent to them from the United States, but they declined to accept the
overtures made to them. On the previous occasion of the flight into our
territories of the Sioux, the American Government, as has been before
recited, after an interval of nearly four years, offered them
protection on their return journey from British territory to their
homes in the United States and “entire absolution for all past
offences”. This forms a precedent which should be invoked and would
doubtless be accepted by the Sioux if they can be induced to believe in
the good faith of the American Government towards them. Every effort
should be made to bring about so desirable a result, and the subject
will doubtless engage in the future, as it has done in the past, the
anxious consideration and wise action of the Canadian Government, who
have a right to appeal to the President of the United States and his
advisers, to relieve them from the incubus of the presence in our
territories of so many of the wards of that Government, and who are
without the means or opportunities of obtaining a livelihood for
themselves.
Having
placed before my readers, a history of the treaties of Canada with the
Indian tribes, of Manitoba, the North-West Territories and Kee-wa-tin,
I now proceed, in conclusion, to deal with the administration of these
treaties and to consider the future of these interesting aboriginal
races. I remark in the first place that the provisions of these
treaties must be carried out with the utmost good faith and the nicest
exactness. The Indians of Canada have, owing to the manner in which
they were dealt with for generations by the Hudson's Bay Company, the
former rulers of these vast territories, an abiding confidence in the
Government of the Queen, or the Great Mother, as they style her. This
must not, at all hazards, be shaken. It can be easily and fully
maintained. The treaties are all based upon the models of that made at
the Stone Fort in 1871 and the one made in 1873 at the north-west angle
of the Lake of the Woods with the Chippewa tribes, and these again are
based, in many material features, on those made by the Hon. W. B.
Robinson with the Chippewas dwelling on the shores of Lakes Huron and
Superior in 1860.
These may be summarized thus:
1.
A relinquishment, in all the great region from Lake Superior to the
foot of the Rocky Mountains, of all their right and title to the lands
covered by the treaties, saving certain reservations for their own use,
and
2. In return for such
relinquishment, permission to the Indians to hunt over the ceded
territory and to fish in the waters thereof, excepting such portions of
the territory as pass from the Crown into the occupation of individuals
or otherwise.
3. The
perpetual payment of annuities of five dollars per head to each
Indian—man, woman and child. The payment of an annual salary of
twenty-five dollars to each Chief, and of fifteen dollars to each
Councillor, or head man, of a Chief (thus making them in a sense
officers of the Crown), and in addition, suits of official clothing for
the Chiefs and head men, British flags for the Chiefs, and silver
medals. These last are given both in the United States and in Canada,
in conformity with an ancient custom, and are much prized and cherished
by the Chiefs and their families. Frequently the Indians have exhibited
to me with pride, old medals issued, with the likeness of the King
before the American war of Independence, and which have passed down as
heirlooms of their families. On one occasion a young Chief, who had
come of age and aspired to be recognized as a Chief, was decorated in
my presence with the old King George silver medal, by one of the band,
to whom it had been entrusted for safe keeping by the young man's
father, who was a Chief, with the charge that on the boy's coming of
age, it would be delivered over to him. The Chieftainships were at
first partly hereditary, partly won by deeds of daring and of
leadership against the foe. They are now generally elected, though the
tendency to hereditary succession still largely exists. The power of
the Chiefs has been much broken of late, and I am of opinion that it is
of importance to strengthen the hands of the Chiefs and Councillors by
a due recognition of their offices and respect being shewn them. They
should be strongly impressed with the belief that they are officers of
the Crown, and that it is their duty to see that the Indians of their
tribes obey the provisions of the treaties. The importance of upholding
the Chiefs, may be illustrated by an incident which occurred near Fort
Ellice, after the making of the treaty. A party composed of three men
and the wife of one of them, were travelling as freighters; two of the
men were Half-breeds, the other a Canadian. One night, one of the
Half-breeds shot the Canadian, and attempted to kill the other
Half-breed, who fled to an Indian camp in the vicinity. The Chief of
the band was there, and he at once took his young men with him,
proceeded to the scene of the murder, and after making the offender a
prisoner, took him to the nearest police station and delivered him to
the authorities. The culprit was subsequently tried in Manitoba,
convicted of murder and hanged. For this action the Chief received the
thanks of His Excellency the Earl of Dufferin, then Governor-General of
Canada. This case affords an illustration of the value of the
recognition of the Chiefs of the various bands, and shews of how much
advantage, it is to the Crown to possess so large a number of Indian
officials, duly recognized as such, and who can be inspired with a
proper sense of their responsibility to the Government and to their
bands, as well as to others. In all the negotiations for treaties, the
Chiefs took a controlling part, and generally exhibited great common
sense and excellent judgment. It is therefore of the utmost importance
to retain their confidence and cause their office to be recognized and
respected by both whites and Indians.
4.
The allotment of lands to the Indians, to be set aside as reserves for
them for homes and agricultural purposes, and which cannot be sold or
alienated without their consent, and then only for their benefit; the
extent of lands thus set apart being generally one section for each
family of five. I regard this system as of great value. It at once
secures to the Indian tribes tracts of land, which cannot be interfered
with, by the rush of immigration, and affords the means of inducing
them to establish homes and learn the arts of agriculture. I regard the
Canadian system of allotting reserves to one or more bands together, in
the localities in which they have had the habit of living, as far
preferable to the American system of placing whole tribes, in large
reserves, which eventually become the object of cupidity to the whites,
and the breaking up of which, has so often led to Indian wars and great
discontent even if warfare did not result. The Indians, have a strong
attachment to the localities, in which they and their fathers have been
accustomed to dwell, and it is desirable to cultivate this home feeling
of attachment to the soil. Moreover, the Canadian system of band
reserves has a tendency to diminish the offensive strength of the
Indian tribes, should they ever become restless, a remote contingency,
if the treaties are carefully observed. Besides, the fact of the
reserves being scattered throughout the territories, will enable the
Indians to obtain markets among the white settlers, for any surplus
produce they may eventually have to dispose of. It will be found
desirable, to assign to each family parts of the reserve for their own
use, so as to give them a sense of property in it, but all power of
sale or alienation of such lands should be rigidly prohibited. Any
premature enfranchisement of the Indians, or power given them to part
with their lands, would inevitably lead to the speedy breaking up of
the reserves, and the return of the Indians to their wandering mode of
life, and thereby to the re-creation of a difficulty which the
assignment of reserves was calculated to obviate. There is no parallel
between the condition of the North-Western Indians, and that of the
Indians who have so long been under the fostering care of the
Government in the older Provinces of Ontario and Quebec.
5.
A very important feature of all the treaties, is the giving to the
Indian bands, agricultural implements, oxen, cattle (to form the nuclei
of herds), and seed grain.
The
Indians are fully aware that their old mode of life is passing away.
They are not “unconscious of their destiny;” on the contrary, they are
harassed with fears as to the future of their children and the hard
present of their own lives. They are tractable, docile, and willing to
learn. They recognize the fact that they must seek part of their living
from “the mother earth,” to use their own phraseology. A Chief at Fort
Pitt said to me,—“I got a plough from Mr. Christie of the Company
twelve years ago. I have no cattle; I put myself and my young men in
front of it in the spring, and drag it through the ground. I have no
hoes; I make them out of the roots of trees. Surely, when the Great
Mother hears of our needs, she will come to our help.” [Footnote: This
band a year ago raised sufficient farm produce to support themselves
without hunting.] Such a disposition as this should be encouraged.
Induce the Indians to erect houses on their farms, and plant their
“gardens” as they call them, and then while away on their hunts, their
wives and children will have houses to dwell in, and will care for
their patches of corn and grain and potatoes. Then, too, the cattle
given them will expand into herds. It is true that the number assigned
to each band is comparatively limited, and the Government are not bound
to extend the number. This was done advisedly, by the successive
Governments of Canada, and the Commissioners, acting under their
instructions; for it was felt, that it was an experiment to entrust
them with cattle, owing to their inexperience with regard to housing
them and providing fodder for them in winter, and owing, moreover, to
the danger of their using them for food, if short of buffalo meat or
game. Besides, it was felt, that as the Indian is, and naturally so,
always asking, it was better, that if the Government saw their way
safely to increase the number of cattle given to any band, it should
be, not as a matter of right, but of grace and favor, and as a reward
for exertion in the care of them, and as an incentive to industry.
Already, the prospect of many of the bands turning their attention to
raising food from the soil is very hopeful. In the reserve of St.
Peter's, in Manitoba, the Church of England has for many years had a
church and mission, and long before the advent of Canada as ruler of
the lands, the Indians of the Indian settlement had their houses and
gardens, the produce of which, went to supplement the results of
fishing and hunting. And so on the shores and islands of the Lake of
the Woods and on Rainy Lake, the Indians had their gardens. Since the
treaties, the Indians are turning their attention much more to
cultivating the soil. The Indian district agent in the Qu'Appelle
region, reported in November, 1878, that of the twenty-four bands in
this treaty, eleven are gradually turning their attention to farming,
and of these Chief Cote, of Swan River, is the most advanced, having
harvested that year two hundred and eighty bushels of barley, over
three thousand bushels of potatoes, and a large quantity of other
vegetables. The increase from the four cows he received two years since
is eleven head. This may appear large, but such is the fact.
Lieut.-Gov.
Laird reported in 1877, “That some of the bands within the limits of
Treaties Numbers Four and Six sowed grain and potatoes with good
results that year, one band having about one hundred acres under
cultivation.” He also states that the Indians are very desirous of
farming, and that he has hopes that a much larger quantity of seed will
be sown next year (1879). He also states that the band at White Fish
Lake, raised enough that year to maintain themselves without going to
hunt. The Superintendent also reported that in the Manitoba
superintendency “a general desire to be taught farming, building and
other civilized arts exists, and some of the Indians in Treaty Number
Three, living in the vicinity of Fort Francis, are said to evince
enterprise and progress in their farming operations.” At Lac Seule,
also in this treaty, the progress of the Indians is quite marked. They
have established two villages in order to have the benefit of schools.
The
Indian agent in the Lake Manitoba district makes a similar statement.
One band has eighteen small farms of one hundred acres in all, on which
they raise potatoes, Indian corn and garden vegetables. They have
twenty-nine houses, twenty-four horses, and thirty-six head of cattle,
of their own. Another built during the year a good school-house,
nineteen new houses, and had one hundred and twenty-five acres under
cultivation. Another had just begun farming, built six houses, two
stables and a barn, and possess seven head of cattle. Still another had
twenty-three houses and one hundred and fifty acres under tillage,
raising barley, wheat, potatoes and vegetables, and having thirty-six
head of cattle. It is unnecessary to multiply instances, of the
aptitude, the Indians are exhibiting, within so recent a period after
the completion of the treaties, to avail themselves of obtaining their
subsistence from the soil. Their desire to do so, should be cultivated
to the fullest extent. They are, of course, generally ignorant of the
proper mode of farming. In the year 1876, I reported to the Minister of
the Interior, the Hon. David Mills, after my return from the
negotiation of the treaties at Forts Carlton and Pitt, “that measures
ought to be taken to instruct the Indians in farming and building.”
I
said “that their present mode of living is passing away; the Indians
are tractable, docile and willing to learn. I think that advantage
should be taken of this disposition to teach them to become
self-supporting, which can best be accomplished by the aid of a few
practical farmers and carpenters to instruct them in farming and
house-building.”
This view
was corroborated by my successor, Lieutenant-Governor Laird, who in
1878 reported from Battleford “that if it were possible to employ a few
good, practical men to aid and instruct the Indians at seed time, I am
of opinion that most of the bands on the Saskatchewan would soon be
able to raise sufficient crops to meet their most pressing wants.”
It
is satisfactory to know, that the Government of Canada, decided to act
on these suggestions, at least in part, and have during the past summer
sent farm instructors into the Plain country. It is to be hoped, that
this step may prove as fruitful of good results, as the earnest desire
of the Indians to farm would lead us to believe it may be.
SCHOOLS
6.
The treaties provide for the establishment of schools, on the reserves,
for the instruction of the Indian children. This is a very important
feature, and is deserving of being pressed with the utmost energy. The
new generation can be trained in the habits and ways of civilized
life—prepared to encounter the difficulties with which they will be
surrounded, by the influx of settlers, and fitted for maintaining
themselves as tillers of the soil. The erection of a school-house on a
reserve will be attended with slight expense, and the Indians would
often give their labour towards its construction.
7.
The treaties all provide for the exclusion of the sale of spirits, or
“fire-water,” on the reserves. The Indians themselves know their
weakness. Their wise men say, “If it is there we will use it, give us a
strong law against it.” A general prohibitory liquor law, originally
enacted by the North-West Council and re-enacted by the Parliament of
Canada, is in force in the North-West Territories and has been
productive of much benefit, but will, in the near future, be difficult
of enforcement owing to the vast extent of the territory.
Such
are the main features of the treaties between Canada and the Indians,
and, few as they are, they comprehend the whole future of the Indians
and of their relations to the Dominion.
MACHINERY OF GOVERNMENT
To
carry them out, the treaty area has been divided into two
Superintendencies, that of Manitoba, including Treaties Numbers One,
Two, Three and Four, and that of the North-West Territories, including
Treaties Numbers Five, Six and Seven. Mr. Dewdney, late a Member of the
House of Commons from British Columbia, has recently been appointed to
the latter Superintendency as Chief Superintendent, and has spent the
summer among the Indian tribes. He has had large experience among
Indians, and will prove, I have no doubt, an efficient and able
officer. His residence will be in his Superintendency, and he will be
able to meet the Indians and supervise his deputies. Under the
Superintendents are agents having charge of particular districts and
the bands within them, who reside among them. The Chief Superintendents
and agents are officers of the Department of the Interior, and are
directed by and report to the Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs
at Ottawa, Lawrence Vankoughnet, Esq., who has had long experience of
Indian management in the older Provinces, and his superior, Col.
Dennis, Deputy Minister of the Interior, who had a large practical
acquaintance with the North-West, and the head of the Department, now
the Premier of the Dominion, the Right Hon. Sir John Macdonald. The
system of management is thus a complete one, and doubtless, day by day,
its mode of management, will be perfected and adapted to the growing
exigencies and wants of the native population.
THE HALF-BREEDS
Ere
passing from the subject, I cannot refrain from alluding to the
Half-breed population of the North-West Territories. Those people are
mainly of French Canadian descent, though there are a few of Scotch
blood in the territories. Their influence with the Indian population is
extensive. In Manitoba there is a large population of French Metis and
Scotch Half-breeds, and they are proud of their mixed blood. This race
is an important factor with regard to all North-West questions. His
Excellency the Earl of Dufferin, with his keen appreciation of men and
facts, astutely seized the position and thus referred to them in his
speech at a banquet in his honor, given by the citizens of the whilome
hamlet, and now city of Winnipeg, on the occasion of his visit to the
Province of Manitoba in the year 1877.
“There
is no doubt that a great deal of the good feeling thus subsisting
between the red men and ourselves is due to the influence and
interposition of that invaluable class of men the Half-breed settlers
and pioneers of Manitoba, who, combining as they do the hardihood, the
endurance and love of enterprise generated by the strain of Indian
blood within their veins, with the civilization, the instruction, and
the intellectual power derived from their fathers, have preached the
Gospel of peace and good will, and mutual respect, with equally
beneficent results to the Indian chieftain in his lodge and to the
British settler in the shanty. They have been the ambassadors between
the east and the west; the interpreters of civilization and its
exigencies to the dwellers on the prairie as well as the exponents to
the white men of the consideration justly due to the susceptibilities,
the sensitive self-respect, the prejudices, the innate craving for
justice, of the Indian race. In fact they have done for the colony what
otherwise would have been left unaccomplished and have introduced
between the white population and the red man a traditional feeling of
amity and friendship which but for them it might have been impossible
to establish.”
For my own
part, I can frankly say, that I always had the confidence, support and
active co-operation of the Half-breeds of all origins, in my
negotiations with the Indian tribes, and I owe them this full
acknowledgment thereof. The Half-breeds in the territories are of three
classes—1st, those who as at St. Laurent, near Prince Albert, the
Qu'Appelle Lakes and Edmonton, have their farms and homes; 2nd, those
who are entirely identified with the Indians, living with them, and
speaking their language; 3rd, those who do not farm, but live after the
habits of the Indians, by the pursuit of the buffalo and the chase.
As
to the first class, the question is an easy one. They will, of course,
be recognized as possessors of the soil, and confirmed by the
Government in their holdings, and will continue to make their living by
farming and trading.
The second class have been recognized as
Indians, and have passed into the bands among whom they reside.
The
position of the third class is more difficult. The loss of the means of
livelihood by the destruction of the buffalo, presses upon them, as
upon our Indian tribes; and with regard to them I reported in 1876, and
I have seen no reason to change my views, as follows:
“There
is another class of the population in the North-West whose position I
desire to bring under the notice of the Privy Council. I refer to the
wandering Half-breeds of the plains, who are chiefly of French descent
and live the life of the Indians. There are a few who are identified
with the Indians, but there is a large class of Metis who live by the
hunt of the buffalo, and have no settled homes. I think that a census
of the numbers of these should be procured, and while I would not be
disposed to recommend their being brought under the treaties, I would
suggest that land should be assigned to them, and that on their
settling down, if after an examination into their circumstances, it
should be found necessary and expedient, some assistance should be
given them to enable them to enter upon agricultural operations.”
FUTURE OF THE INDIANS
And
now I come, to a very important question, What is to be the future of
the Indian population of the North-West? I believe it to be a hopeful
one. I have every confidence in the desire and ability of the present
administration, as of any succeeding one, to carry out the provisions
of the treaties, and to extend a helping hand to this helpless
population. That, conceded, with the machinery at their disposal, with
a judicious selection of agents and farm instructors, and the
additional aid of well-selected carpenters, and efficient school
teachers, I look forward to seeing the Indians, faithful allies of the
Crown, while they can gradually be made an increasing and
self-supporting population.
They
are wards of Canada, let us do our duty by them, and repeat in the
North-west, the success which has attended our dealings with them in
old Canada, for the last hundred years.
But
the Churches too have their duties to fulfil. There is a common ground
between the Christian Churches and the Indians, as they all believe as
we do, in a Great Spirit. The transition thence to the Christian's God
is an easy one.
Many of
them appeal for missionaries, and utter the Macedonian cry, “come over
and help us.” The Churches have already done and are doing much. The
Church of Rome has its bishops and clergy, who have long been laboring
assiduously and actively. The Church of England has its bishops and
clergy on the shores of the Hudson's Bay, in the cold region of the
Mackenzie and the dioceses of Rupert's Land and Saskatchewan. The
Methodist Church has its missions on Lake Winnipeg, in the Saskatchewan
Valley, and on the slopes of the Rocky Mountains. The Presbyterians
have lately commenced a work among the Chippewas and Sioux. There is
room enough and to spare, for all, and the Churches should expand and
maintain their work. Already many of the missionaries have made records
which will live in history: among those of recent times, Archbishop
Taché, Bishop Grandin, Père Lacombe, and many others of
the Catholic
Church; Bishops Machray, Bompas, Archdeacons Cochran and Cowley of the
Church of England; Revs. Messrs. Macdougall of the Wesleyan and Nisbet
of the Presbyterian Churches, have lived and labored, and though some
of them have gone to their rest, they have left and will leave behind
them a record of self-denial, untiring zeal, and many good results. Let
the Churches persevere and prosper.
And
now I close. Let us have Christianity and civilization to leaven the
mass of heathenism and paganism among the Indian tribes; let us have a
wise and paternal Government faithfully carrying out the provisions of
our treaties, and doing its utmost to help and elevate the Indian
population, who have been cast upon our care, and we will have peace,
progress, and concord among them in the North-West; and instead of the
Indian melting away, as one of them in older Canada, tersely put it,
“as snow before the sun,” we will see our Indian population, loyal
subjects of the Crown, happy, prosperous and self-sustaining, and
Canada will be enabled to feel, that in a truly patriotic spirit, our
country has done its duty by the red men of the North-West, and thereby
to herself. So may it be.
[Illustration:
NOTE.—The foregoing represents a copy of the signatures of the
contracting parties to the Selkirk Treaty, the Indians signing by their
own distinctive marks, and also affixing their signs opposite the
tracts of country claimed by them.]
THE
SELKIRK TREATY
This
indenture, made on the eighteenth day of July, in the fifty-seventh
year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord King George the Third, and in
the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and seventeen, between the
undersigned Chiefs and warriors of the Chippeway or Saulteaux Nation
and of the Killistine or Cree Nation, on the one part, and the Right
Honorable Thomas Earl of Selkirk, on the other part:
Witnesseth,
that for and in consideration of the annual present or quit rent
hereinafter mentioned, the said Chiefs have given, granted and
confirmed, and do, by these presents, give, grant and confirm unto our
Sovereign Lord the King all that tract of land adjacent to Red River
and Ossiniboyne River, beginning at the mouth of Red River and
extending along same as far as Great Forks at the mouth of Red Lake
River, and along Ossiniboyne River, otherwise called Rivière des
Champignons, and extending to the distance of six miles from Fort
Douglas on every side, and likewise from Fort Doer, and also from the
Great Forks and in other parts extending in breadth to the distance of
two English statute miles back from the banks of the said rivers, on
each side, together with all the appurtenances whatsoever of the said
tract of land, to have and to hold forever the said tract of land and
appurtenances to the use of the said Earl of Selkirk, and of the
settlers being established thereon, with the consent and permission of
our Sovereign Lord the King, or of the said Earl of Selkirk. Provided
always, and these presents are under the express condition that the
said Earl, his heirs and successors, or their agents, shall annually
pay to the Chiefs and warriors of the Chippeway or Saulteaux Nation,
the present or quit rent consisting of one hundred pounds weight of
good and merchantable tobacco, to be delivered on or before the tenth
day of October at the forks of Ossiniboyne River—and to the Chiefs and
warriors of the Killistine or Cree Nation, a like present or quit rent
of one hundred pounds of tobacco, to be delivered to them on or before
the said tenth day of October, at Portage de la Prairie, on the banks
of Ossiniboyne River. Provided always that the traders hitherto
established upon any part of the above-mentioned tract of land shall
not be molested in the possession of the lands which they have already
cultivated and improved, till His Majesty's pleasure shall be known.
In witness whereof the Chiefs aforesaid have
set their marks, at the Forks of Red River on the day aforesaid.
(Signed) SELKIRK.
MACHE WHESEAB, His x mark.
Le Sonnant.
MECHKADDEWIKONAIE, ” x “
La robe noire.
KAYAJIESKEBINOA, ” x “
L'Homme Noir.
PEGOWIS. ” x “
OUCKIDOAT, ” x “
Le Premier.
Signed in presence of
THOMAS THOMAS.
JAMES BIRD.
F. MATTHEY,
Captain.
P. D. ORSONNENS,
Captain.
MILES MACDONELL.
J. BTE. CHARLES DE LORIMIER.
LOUIS NOLIN,
Interpreter.
INDENTURE OF SALE FROM
THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY TO THE EARL OF SELKIRK
This
indenture, made the twelfth day of June, in the fifty-first year of the
reign of Our Sovereign Lord George the Third, by the grace of God, of
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, King, Defender of the
Faith, and in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and
eleven, between the Governor and Company of Adventurers of England,
trading into Hudson's Bay, of the one part, and the Right Honorable
Thomas Earl of Selkirk, of the other part:
Whereas
the said Governor and Company are seized to them and their successors
in fee simple, as absolute lords and proprietors of all the lands and
territories situate upon the coasts and confines of the seas,
streights, bays, lakes, rivers, creeks, and sounds, within the entrance
of the streights commonly called Hudson's Streights, in the north-west
part of America, and which lands and territories are reputed as one of
the plantations or colonies belonging or annexed to the United Kingdom
of Great Britain and Ireland, and are called Rupert's Land.
And
whereas the said Governor and Company have, for divers good and
valuable causes and considerations them thereunto moving, agreed to
convey and assure a certain tract or parcel of the said lands and
territories hereinafter described, unto and to the use of the said Earl
of Selkirk, his heirs and assigns, under and subject to certain
conditions hereinafter expressed and contained. Now, therefore, this
indenture witnesseth, that in pursuance of such agreement, and in
consideration of the sum of ten shillings of lawful money of Great
Britain to the said Governor and Company, well and truly paid by the
said Earl of Selkirk, at or before the execution of these presents (the
receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged), and for divers good and other
valuable causes and considerations, them, the said Governor and Company
hereunto moving, the said Governor and Company have given, granted,
aliened, enfeoffed and confirmed, and by these presents do give, grant,
alien, enfeoff, and confirm unto the said Earl of Selkirk, his heirs
and assigns, all that tract of land or territory, being within and
forming part of the aforesaid lands and territories of the said
Governor and Company, bounded by an imaginary line running as follows,
that is to say: beginning on the western shore of the Lake Winnipie,
otherwise Winnipey, at a point in fifty-two degrees, and thirty north
latitude, and thence running due west to the Lake Winnipegoos,
otherwise called Little Winnipey, then in a southerly direction through
the said lake so as to strike its western shore in latitude fifty-two
degrees, then due west to the place where the parallel of fifty-two
degrees north latitude intersects the western branch of Red River,
otherwise called Assiniboyne River, then due south from that point of
intersection to the height of land which separates the waters running
into Hudson's Bay, from those of the Missouri and Mississippi, then in
an easterly direction along the said height of land to the source of
the River Winnipie, or Winnipey (meaning by such last named river, the
principal branch of the waters which unite in Lake Saginagus), thence
along the main stream of these waters and the middle of the several
lakes through which they flow to the mouth of the Winnipie River, and
thence in a northerly direction through the middle of Lake Winnipie to
the place of beginning.
In
witness whereof the said parties to these presents have hereunto set
their hands and seals the day and year first above written.
(Signed) SELKIRK. [L. S.]
ALEXANDER LEAN, [L. S.]
Secretary of the Hudson's Bay Company.
Indorsed.—Sealed
under the common seal of the within mentioned Governor and Company, and
signed and delivered by Alexander Lean, their Secretary, pursuant to
their order and appointment, and signed, sealed and delivered by the
within mentioned Thomas, Earl of Selkirk (being first duly stamped), in
the presence of
ALEXANDER MUNDELL,
Parliament Street, Westminster.
EDWARD ROBERTS,
Hudson's Bay House.
Suit l'attestation écrite et
assermentie du premier de ces deux temoins, Alex. Mundell, en presence
du Maire de Londres.
Sworn at the Mansion House,
London, this twenty-third day (Signed) ALEXANDER MUNDELL.
of April, 1819, before me,
JOHN AIKINS, [L. S.]
Mayor.
Puis, Attestation notariée, in
testimonium veritatis.
(Signed) WILLIAM DUFF,
Notary Public.
Be it remembered that on
the fourth day of September, in the year 1812, at the Forks of Red
River, peaceable possession of the land and hereditaments by the within
written indenture, granted and enfeoffed, or otherwise assured or
expressed, and intended so to be, was taken, had and delivered, by the
within named William Hillier, one of the attorneys for that purpose
appointed, unto the within named Miles Macdonell, Esquire, who was duly
authorized to receive the same, to and for the use of the within named
Earl of Selkirk, his heirs and assigns according to the form and effect
of the within written indenture in the presence of
(Signed) JOHN McLEOD,
RODERICK McKENZIE.
THE ROBINSON SUPERIOR
TREATY
This
agreement, made and entered into on the seventh day of September, in
the year of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty, at Sault
Ste. Marie, in the Province of Canada, between the Honorable William
Benjamin Robinson, of the one part, on behalf of Her Majesty the Queen,
and Joseph Peandechat, John Iuinway, Mishe-Muckqua, Totomencie, Chiefs,
and Jacob Warpela, Ahmutchiwagabou, Michel Shelageshick, Manitoshainse,
and Chiginans, principal men of the Ojibewa Indians inhabiting the
Northern Shore of Lake Superior, in the said Province of Canada, from
Batchewananng Bay to Pigeon River, at the western extremity of said
lake, and inland throughout the extent to the height of land which
separates the territory covered by the charter of the Honorable the
Hudson's Bay Company from the said tract, and also the islands in the
said lake within the boundaries of the British possessions therein, of
the other part, witnesseth:
That
for and in consideration of the sum of two thousand pounds of good and
lawful money of Upper Canada, to them in hand paid, and for the further
perpetual annuity of five hundred pounds, the same to be paid and
delivered to the said Chiefs and their tribes at a convenient season of
each summer, not later than the first day of August at the Honorable
the Hudson's Bay Company's Posts of Michipicoton and Fort William, they
the said Chiefs and principal men do freely, fully and voluntarily
surrender, cede, grant and convey unto Her Majesty, Her heirs and
successors forever, all their right, title and interest in the whole of
the territory above described, save and except the reservations set
forth in the schedule hereunto annexed, which reservations shall be
held and occupied by the said Chiefs and their tribes in common, for
the purposes of residence and cultivation,—and should the said Chiefs
and their respective tribes at any time desire to dispose of any
mineral or other valuable productions upon the said reservations, the
same will be at their request sold by order of the
Superintendent-General of the Indian Department for the time being, for
their sole use and benefit, and to the best advantage.
And
the said William Benjamin Robinson of the first part, on behalf of Her
Majesty and the Government of this Province, hereby promises and agrees
to make the payments as before mentioned; and further to allow the said
Chiefs and their tribes the full and free privilege to hunt over the
territory now ceded by them, and to fish in the waters thereof as they
have heretofore been in the habit of doing, saving and excepting only
such portions of the said territory as may from time to time be sold or
leased to individuals, or companies of individuals, and occupied by
them with the consent of the Provincial Government. The parties of the
second part further promise and agree that they will not sell, lease,
or otherwise dispose of any portion of their reservations without the
consent of the Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs being first had
and obtained; nor will they at any time hinder or prevent persons from
exploring or searching for minerals or other valuable productions in
any part of the territory hereby ceded to Her Majesty as before
mentioned. The parties of the second part also agree that in case the
Government of this Province should before the date of this agreement
have sold, or bargained to sell, any mining locations or other property
on the portions of the territory hereby reserved for their use and
benefit, then and in that case such sale, or promise of sale, shall be
perfected, if the parties interested desire it, by the Government, and
the amount accruing therefrom shall be paid to the tribe to whom the
reservation belongs. The said William Benjamin Robinson on behalf of
Her Majesty, who desires to deal liberally and justly with all her
subjects, further promises and agrees that in case the territory hereby
ceded by the parties of the second part shall at any future period
produce an amount which will enable the Government of this Province
without incurring loss to increase the annuity hereby secured to them,
then, and in that case, the same shall be augmented from time to time,
provided that the amount paid to each individual shall not exceed the
sum of one pound provincial currency in any one year, or such further
sum as Her Majesty may be graciously pleased to order; and provided
further that the number of Indians entitled to the benefit of this
treaty shall amount to two-thirds of their present numbers (which is
twelve hundred and forty) to entitle them to claim the full benefit
thereof, and should their numbers at any future period not amount to
two-thirds of twelve hundred and forty, the annuity shall be diminished
in proportion to their actual numbers.
Schedule of Reservations made by the above
named and subscribing Chiefs and principal men.
First—Joseph
Pean-de-chat and his tribe, the reserve to commence about two miles
from Fort William (inland), on the right bank of the River
Kiministiquia; thence westerly six miles, parallel to the shores of the
lake; thence northerly five miles, thence easterly to the right bank of
the said river, so as not to interfere with any acquired rights of the
Honorable Hudson's Bay Company.
Second—Four
miles square at Gros Cap, being a valley near the Honorable Hudson's
Bay Company's post of Michipicoton, for Totominai and tribe.
Third—Four miles square on Gull River,
near Lake Nipigon, on both sides of said river, for the Chief
Mishimuckqua and tribe.
(Signed) W. B. ROBINSON.
JOSEPH PEAN-DE-CHAT. His x mark. [L. S.]
JOHN MINWAY. ” x ” [L. S.]
MISHE-MUCKQUA. ” x ” [L. S.]
TOTOMINAI. ” x ” [L. S.]
JACOB WAPELA. ” x ” [L. S.]
AH-MUTCHINAGALON. ” x ” [L. S.]
MICHEL SHELAGESHICK. ” x ” [L. S.]
MANITOU SHAINSE. ” x ” [L. S.]
CHIGINANS. ” x ” [L. S.]
Signed, sealed and delivered at Sault Ste.
Marie, the day and year first above written, in presence of—
(Signed) GEORGE IRONSIDE,
S. I. Affairs.
ASTLEY P. COOPER,
Capt. Com. Rifle Brig.
H. M. BALFOUR,
2nd Lieut. Rifle Brig.
JOHN SWANSTON,
C. F. Hon. Hud. Bay Co.
GEORGE JOHNSTON,
Interpreter.
F. W. KEATING.
THE ROBINSON HURON TREATY
This
agreement, made and entered into this ninth day of September, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty, at Sault Ste.
Marie, in the Province of Canada, between the Honorable William
Benjamin Robinson, of the one part, on behalf of Her Majesty the Queen,
and Shinguacouse Nebenaigoching, Keokouse, Mishequonga, Tagawinini,
Shabokishick, Dokis, Ponekeosh, Windawtegowinini, Shawenakeshick,
Namassin, Naoquagabo, Wabakekik, Kitchepossigun, by Papasainse,
Wagemaki, Pamequonaisheung, Chiefs; and John Bell, Paqwatchinini,
Mashekyash, Idowekesis, Waquacomick, Ocheek, Metigomin, Watachewana,
Minwawapenasse, Shenaoquom, Oningegun, Panaissy, Papasainse,
Ashewasega, Kageshewawetung, Shawonebin; and also Chief Maisquaso (also
Chiefs Muckata, Mishoquet, and Mekis), and Mishoquetto and Asa Waswanay
and Pawiss, principal men of the Ojibewa Indians, inhabiting and
claiming the eastern and northern shores of Lake Huron, from
Penetanguishene to Sault Ste. Marie, and thence to Batchewanaung Bay,
on the northern shore of Lake Superior, together with the Islands in
the said Lakes, opposite to the shores thereof, and inland to the
height of land which separates the territory covered by the charter of
the Honorable Hudson's Bay Company from Canada; as well as all
unconceded lands within the limits of Canada West to which they have
any just claim, of the other part, witnesseth:
That
for and in consideration of the sum of two thousand pounds of good and
lawful money of Upper Canada, to them in hand paid, and for the further
perpetual annuity of six hundred pounds of like money, the same to be
paid and delivered to the said Chiefs and their tribes at a convenient
season of each year, of which due notice will be given, at such places
as may be appointed for that purpose, they the said Chiefs and
principal men, on behalf of their respective tribes or bands, do hereby
fully, freely and voluntarily surrender, cede, grant, and convey unto
Her Majesty, her heirs and successors forever, all their right, title,
and interest to, and in the whole of, the territory above described,
save and except the reservations set forth in the schedule hereunto
annexed; which reservations shall be held and occupied by the said
Chiefs and their tribes in common, for their own use and benefit.
And
should the said Chiefs and their respective tribes at any time desire
to dispose of any such reservations, or of any mineral or other
valuable productions thereon, the same will be sold or leased at their
request by the Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs for the time
being, or other officer having authority so to do, for their sole
benefit, and to the best advantage.
And
the said William Benjamin Robinson of the first part, on behalf of Her
Majesty and the Government of this Province, hereby promises and agrees
to make, or cause to be made, the payments as before mentioned; and
further to allow the said Chiefs and their tribes the full and free
privilege to hunt over the territory now ceded by them, and to fish in
the waters thereof, as they have heretofore been in the habit of doing;
saving and excepting such portions of the said territory as may from
time to time be sold or leased to individuals or companies of
individuals, and occupied by them with the consent of the Provincial
Government.
The parties of
the second part further promise and agree that they will not sell,
lease or otherwise dispose of any portion of their Reservations without
the consent of the Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs, or other
officer of like authority, being first had and obtained. Nor will they
at any time hinder or prevent persons from exploring or searching for
minerals, or other valuable productions, in any part of the territory
hereby ceded to Her Majesty, as before mentioned. The parties of the
second part also agree, that in case the Government of this Province
should before the date of this agreement have sold, or bargained to
sell, any mining locations, or other property, on the portions of the
territory hereby reserved for their use; then and in that case such
sale, or promise of sale, shall be perfected by the Government, if the
parties claiming it shall have fulfilled all the conditions upon which
such locations were made, and the amount accruing therefrom shall be
paid to the tribe to whom the Reservation belongs.
The
said William Benjamin Robinson, on behalf of Her Majesty, who desires
to deal liberally and justly with all her subjects, further promises
and agrees, that should the territory hereby ceded by the parties of
the second part at any future period produce such an amount as will
enable the Government of this Province, without incurring loss, to
increase the annuity hereby secured to them, then and in that case the
same shall be augmented from time to time, provided that the amount
paid to each individual shall not exceed the sum of one pound
Provincial currency in any one year, or such further sum as Her Majesty
may be graciously pleased to order; and provided further that the
number of Indians entitled to the benefit of this treaty shall amount
to two-thirds of their present number, which is fourteen hundred and
twenty-two, to entitle them to claim the full benefit thereof. And
should they not at any future period amount to two-thirds of fourteen
hundred and twenty-two, then the said annuity shall be diminished in
proportion to their actual numbers.
The
said William Benjamin Robinson of the first part further agrees, on the
part of Her Majesty and the Government of this Province, that in
consequence of the Indians inhabiting French River and Lake Nipissing
having become parties to this treaty, the further sum of one hundred
and sixty pounds Provincial currency shall be paid in addition to the
two thousand pounds above mentioned.
Schedule of Reservations made by the
above-named subscribing Chiefs and Principal Men.
First—Pamequonaishcung
and his band, a tract of land to commence seven miles, from the mouth
of the River Maganetawang, and extending six miles east and west by
three miles north.
Second—Wagemake
and his band, a tract of land to commence at a place called
Nekickshegeshing, six miles from east to west, by three miles in depth.
Third—Kitcheposkissegan
(by Papasainse), from Point Grondine westward, six miles inland, by two
miles in front, so as to include the small Lake Nessinassung—a tract
for themselves and their bands.
Fourth—Wabakekik, three miles front,
near Shebawenaning, by five miles inland, for himself and band.
Fifth—Namassin
and Naoquagabo and their bands, a tract of land commencing near
Quacloche, at the Hudson Bay Company's boundary; thence westerly to the
mouth of the Spanish River; then four miles up the south bank of said
river, and across to the place of beginning.
Sixth—Shawenakishick
and his band, a tract of land now occupied by them, and contained
between two rivers, called Whitefish River, and Wanabitaseke, seven
miles inland.
Seventh—Windawtegawinini and his band,
the Peninsula east of Serpent River, and formed by it, now occupied by
them.
Eighth—Ponekeosh and his band, the
land contained between the River Mississaga and the River
Penebewabecong, up to the first rapids.
Ninth—Dokis and his band, three miles
square at Wanabeyakokaun, near Lake Nipissing and the Island near the
Fall of Okickandawt.
Tenth—Shabokishick
and his band, from their present planting grounds on Lake Nipissing to
the Hudson Bay Company's post, six miles in depth.
Eleventh—Tagawinini and his band, two
miles square at Wanabitibing, a place about forty miles inland, near
Lake Nipissing.
Twelfth—Keokouse and his band, four
miles front from Thessalon River eastward, by four miles inland.
Thirteenth—Mishequanga and his band,
two miles on the lake shore east and west of Ogawaminang, by one mile
inland.
Fourteenth—For
Shinguacouse and his band, a tract of land extending from
Maskinongé
Bay, inclusive, to Partridge Point, above Garden River on the front,
and inland ten miles, throughout the whole distance; and also Squirrel
Island.
Fifteenth—For
Nebenaigoching and his band, a tract of land extending from
Wanabekineyunnung west of Gros Cap to the boundary of the lands ceded
by the Chiefs of Lake Superior, and inland ten miles throughout the
whole distance, including Batchewanaunng Bay; and also the small island
at Sault Ste. Marie used by them as a fishing station.
Sixteenth—For
Chief Mekis and his band, residing at Wasaquesing (Sandy Island), a
tract of land at a place on the main shore opposite the Island; being
the place now occupied by them for residence and cultivation, four
miles square.
Seventeenth—For
Chief Muckatamishaquet and his band, a tract of land on the east side
of the River Naishconteong, near Pointe aux Barils, three miles square;
and also a small tract in Washauwenega Bay—now occupied by a part of
the band—three miles square.
(Signed) W. B. ROBINSON.
SHINGUACOUSE. His x mark. [L. S.]
NEBENAIGOCHING. ” x ” [L. S.]
KEOKOUSE. ” x ” [L. S.]
MISHEQUONGA. ” x ” [L. S.]
TAGAWININI. ” x ” [L. S.]
SHABOKESHICK. ” x ” [L. S.]
DOKIS. ” x ” [L. S.]
PONEKEOSH. ” x ” [L. S.]
WINDAWTEGOWININI. ” x ” [L. S.]
SHAWENAKESHICK. ” x ” [L. S.]
NAMASSIN. ” x ” [L. S.]
MUCKATA MISHAQUET. ” x ” [L. S.]
MEKIS. ” x ” [L. S.]
MAISQUASO. ” x ” [L. S.]
NAOQUAGABO. ” x ” [L. S.]
WABOKEKICK. ” x ” [L. S.]
KITCHEPOSSEGUN ” x ” [L. S.]
(by Papasainse).
WAGEMAKE. ” x ” [L. S.]
PAMEQUONAISHCUNG. ” x ” [L. S.]
JOHN BELL. ” x ” [L. S.]
PAQWATCHININI. ” x ” [L. S.]
MASHEKYASH. ” x ” [L. S.]
IDOWEKESIS. ” x ” [L. S.]
WAQUACOMICK. ” x ” [L. S.]
MISHOQUETTO. ” x ” [L. S.]
ASA WASWANAY. ” x ” [L. S.]
PAWISS. ” x ” [L. S.]
OCHEEK. ” x ” [L. S.]
METIGOMIN. ” x ” [L. S.]
WATACHEWANA. ” x ” [L. S.]
MIMEWAWAPENASSE. ” x ” [L. S.]
SHENAOQUM. ” x ” [L. S.]
ONINGEGUN. ” x ” [L. S.]
PANAISSY. ” x ” [L. S.]
PAPASAINSE. ” x ” [L. S.]
ASHEWASEGA. ” x ” [L. S.]
KAGISHEWAWETUNG ” x ” [L. S.]
(by Baboncung).
SHAWONEBIN. ” x ” [L. S.]
Signed, sealed and delivered at Sault Ste.
Marie, the day and year first above written, in presence of
(Signed) ASTLEY P. COOPER,
Capt. Rifle Brig.
GEORGE IRONSIDE,
S. I. Affairs.
F. W. BALFOUR,
Lieut. Rifle Brig.
ALLAN MACDONELL.
GEO. JOHNSON,
Interpreter.
LOUIS CADOTT.
J. B. ASSIKINACK.
T. W. KEATING.
JOS. WILSON.
Witnesses to signatures of Muckata Mishaquet,
Mekis, Mishoquetto, Asa Waswanay, and Pawiss—
T. G. ANDERSON, S. I. A.
W. B. HAMILTON.
W. SIMPSON.
ALFRED A. THOMPSON.
THE MANITOULIN ISLAND
TREATY
Articles
of agreement and convention made and concluded at Manitowaning, on the
Great Manitoulin Island, in the Province of Canada, the sixth day of
October, Anno Domini 1862, between the Hon. William McDougall,
Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs, and William Spragge, Esquire,
Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs, on the part of the Crown and
Government of said Province, of the first part, and Mai-she-quong-gai,
Oke-mah-be-ness, J. B. Assiginock, Benjamin Assiginock,
Mai-be-nesse-ma, She-no-tah-gun, George Ah-be-tos-o-wai,
Paim-o-quo-waish-gung, Abence, Tai-bose-gai, Ato-wish-cosh,
Nai-wan-dai-ge-zhik, Wan-kan-o-say, Keesh-kewan-bik, Chiefs and
principal men of the Ottawa, Chippewa, and other Indians occupying the
said Island, on behalf of the said Indians, of the second part:
Whereas,
the Indian title to said Island was surrendered to the Crown on the
ninth August, Anno Domini 1836, under and by virtue of a treaty made
between Sir Francis Bond Head, then Governor of Upper Canada, and the
Chiefs and principal men of the Ottawas and Chippewas then occupying
and claiming title thereto, in order that the same might “be made the
property (under their Great Father's control) of all Indians whom he
should allow to reside thereon;”
And whereas, but few Indians from the
mainland whom it was intended to transfer to the Island, have ever come
to reside thereon;
And
whereas, it has been deemed expedient (with a view to the improvement
of the condition of the Indians, as well as the settlement and
improvement of the country), to assign to the Indians now upon the
Island certain specified portions thereof, to be held by patent from
the Crown, and to sell the other portions thereof fit for cultivation
to settlers, and to invest the proceeds thereof, after deducting the
expenses of survey and management, for the benefit of the Indians;
And
whereas, a majority of the Chiefs of certain bands residing on that
portion of the Island easterly of Heywood Sound and the Manitoulin Gulf
have expressed their unwillingness to accede to this proposal as
respects that portion of the Island, but have assented to the same as
respects all other portions thereof; and whereas the Chiefs and
principal men of the bands residing on the Island westerly of the said
Sound and Gulf have agreed to accede to the said proposal:
Now
this agreement witnesseth that in consideration of the sum of seven
hundred dollars now in hand paid (which sum is to be hereafter deducted
from the proceeds of lands sold to settlers), the receipt whereof is
hereby acknowledged, and in further consideration of such sums as may
be realized from time to time as interest upon the purchase money of
the lands to be sold for their benefit as aforesaid, the parties hereto
of the second part have and hereby do release, surrender and give up to
Her Majesty the Queen, all the right, title, interest and claim of the
parties of the second part, and of the Ottawa, Chippewa and other
Indians in whose behalf they act, of, in and to the Great Manitoulin
Island, and also of, in and to the Islands adjacent, which have been
deemed or claimed to be appertinent or belonging thereto, to have and
to hold the same and every part thereof to Her Majesty, her heirs and
successors forever.
And it is hereby agreed by and between the
parties hereto as follows:
Firstly—A
survey of the said Manitoulin Island shall be made as soon as
conveniently may be, under the authority of the Department of Crown
Lands.
Secondly—The Crown
will, as soon as conveniently may be, grant by deed for the benefit of
each Indian being the head of a family and residing on the said Island,
one hundred acres of land; to each single person over twenty-one years
of age, residing as aforesaid, fifty acres of land; to each family of
orphan children under twenty-one years of age, containing two or more
persons, one hundred acres of land; and to each single orphan child
under twenty-one years of age, fifty acres of land; to be selected and
located under the following rules and conditions: Each Indian entitled
to land under this agreement may make his own selection of any land on
the Great Manitoulin Island:
Provided,
1st. That the lots selected shall be contiguous or adjacent to each
other, so that Indian settlements on the Island may be as compact as
possible. 2nd. That if two or more Indians claim the same lot of land,
the matter shall be referred to the Resident Superintendent, who shall
examine the case and decide between them. 3rd. That selections for
orphan children may be made by their friends, subject to the approval
of the Resident Superintendent. 4th. Should any lot or lots, selected
as aforesaid, be contiguous to any bay or harbor, or any stream of
water, upon which a mill site shall be found, and should the Government
be of opinion that such lot or lots ought to be reserved for the use of
the public, or for village or park lots, or such mill site be sold with
a view to the erection of a mill thereon, and shall signify such its
opinion through its proper agent, then the Indian who has selected, or
who wishes to select such lot, shall make another selection; but if he
has made any improvements thereon, he shall be allowed a fair
compensation therefor. 5th. The selections shall all be made within one
year after the completion of the survey, and for that purpose plans of
the survey shall be deposited with the Resident Superintendent as soon
as they are approved by the Department of Crown Lands, and shall be
open to the inspection of all Indians entitled to make selections as
aforesaid.
Thirdly—The
interests which may accrue from the investment of the proceeds of sales
of lands as aforesaid, shall be payable annually, and shall be
apportioned among the Indians now residing westerly of the said Sound
and Gulf, and their descendants per capita, but every Chief
lawfully appointed shall be entitled to two portions.
Fourthly—So
soon as one hundred thousand acres of the said land is sold, such
portion of the salary of the Resident Superintendent, and of the
expenses of his office as the Government may deem equitable, shall
become a charge upon the said fund.
Fifthly—The
deeds or patents for the lands to be selected as aforesaid, shall
contain such conditions for the protection of the grantees as the
Governor in Council may, under the law, deem requisite.
Sixthly—All
the rights and privileges in respect to the taking of fish in the
lakes, bays, creeks and waters within and adjacent to the said Island,
which may be lawfully exercised and enjoyed by the white settlers
thereon, may be exercised and enjoyed by the Indians.
Seventhly—That
portion of the Island easterly of Heywood Sound and Manitoulin Gulf,
and the Indians now residing there, are exempted from the operation of
this agreement as respects survey, sale of lots, granting deeds to
Indians, and payment in respect of moneys derived from sales in other
parts of the Island. But the said Indians will remain under the
protection of the Government as formerly, and the said easterly part or
division of the Island will remain open for the occupation of any
Indians entitled to reside upon the Island as formerly, subject, in
case of dispute, to the approval of the Government.
Eighthly—Whenever
a majority of the Chiefs and principal men at a council of the Indians
residing easterly of the said Sound and Gulf, to be called and held for
the purpose, shall declare their willingness to accede to the present
agreement in all respects and portions thereof, and the Indians there
shall be entitled to the same privileges in every respect from and
after the date of such approval by the Government, as those residing in
other parts of the Island.
Ninthly—This
agreement shall be obligatory and binding on the contracting parties as
soon as the same shall be approved by the Governor in Council.
In
witness whereof the said Superintendent-General of Indian affairs, and
Deputy Superintendent, and the undersigned Chiefs and principal men of
the Ottawa, Chippewa and other Indians have hereto set their hands and
seals at Manitowaning, the sixth day of October, in the year first
above written.
(Signed) WM. McDOUGALL. [L. S.]
WM. SPRAGGE [L. S.]
J. B. ASSIGINACK. [L. S.]
MAISHEGUONG-PAI. [L. S.]
OKEMAHBENESS. [L. S.]
BENJAMIN ASSIGINACK. [L. S.]
WAIBENESSIENNE. [L. S.]
SHEWETOGUN. [L. S.]
GEORGE WEBETOOSOWN. [L. S.]
PAIMOQUONAISHKING. [L. S.]
ABENCE. [L. S.]
TAIBOSEGAI. [L. S.]
ATOWISHCOSTE. [L. S.]
WETCOWSAI. [L. S.]
KUSHKEWABIE. [L. S.]
BAIBONISAI. [L. S.]
KEGHIKGODONESS. [L. S.]
PALTAHDOGINSHKING. [L. S.]
Executed in the presence of (having been
first read, translated and explained):
(Signed) GEORGE IRONSIDE,
S. I. Affairs.
S. PHILLIPS DAY.
WM. GIBBARD.
DAVID S. LAYTON.
JOSEPH WILSON. [L. S.]
JOHN H. McDOUGALL.
F. ASSICKINACK.
PETER JACOBS,
Church of England Mission.
McGREGOR IRONSIDE.
The undersigned is one
of the Chiefs of the Wequainorekong band, and appends his signature in
testimony of his general approval and his assent as an individual to
all the terms of the above agreement.
(Signed) SIHKUMMEH. [L. S.]
RUNIC SAHLENG. [L. S.]
MANITOWANING, October
6th, 1862.
Memorandum from Captain Ironside of Indian
settlements on the Manitoulin Island:
Man-a-to-wan-ning. She-she-gwan-a-sing.
She-qui-ain-dand. Min-de-moo-ya-se-be.
Y-a-be-je-wong. Che-to-wai-e-gun-ning (West).
Me-che-co-wed-e-nong. Weg-wai-me-kong.
Mai-mon-a-ke-kong. Weg-wai-me-kos-ing.
She-she-gwan-ning. Ohe-to-wai-e-gun-ning (East).
TREATIES IN MANITOBA,
THE NORTH-WEST TERRITORIES, AND KEE-WA-TIN
TREATY NUMBER ONE
Articles
of a treaty, made and concluded this third day of August, in the year
of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and seventy-one, between Her
Most Gracious Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, by Her
Commissioner Wemyss M. Simpson, Esquire, of the one part, and the
Chippewa and Swampy Cree Tribes of Indians, inhabitants of the country
within the limits hereinafter defined and described by their Chiefs,
chosen and named as hereinafter mentioned, of the other part:
Whereas,
all the Indians inhabiting the said country have, pursuant to an
appointment made by the said Commissioner, been convened at the Stone
Fort, otherwise called Lower Fort Garry, to deliberate upon certain
matters of interest to Her Most Gracious Majesty of the one part, and
to the said Indians of the other; and whereas the said Indians have
been notified and informed by Her Majesty's said Commissioner, that it
is the desire of Her Majesty to open up to settlement and immigration a
tract of country bounded and described as hereinafter mentioned, and to
obtain the consent thereto of her Indian subjects inhabiting the said
tract and to make a treaty and arrangements with them, so that there
may be peace and good will between them and Her Majesty, and that they
may know and be assured of what allowance they are to count upon and
receive, year by year, from Her Majesty's bounty and benevolence.
And
whereas the Indians of the said tract, duly convened in Council as
aforesaid, and being requested by Her Majesty's said Commissioner to
name certain Chiefs and head men, who should be authorized on their
behalf to conduct such negotiations, and sign any treaty to be founded
thereon, and to become responsible to Her Majesty for the faithful
performance, by their respective bands, of such obligations as should
be assumed by them the said Indians, have thereupon named the following
persons for that purpose, that is to say: Mis-koo-kenew, or Red Eagle,
(Henry Prince); Ka-ke-ka-penais, or Bird for ever; Na-sha-ke-penais, or
Flying down Bird; Na-na-wa-nana, or Centre of Bird's Tail;
Ke-we-tayash, or Flying round; Wa-ko-wash, or Whip-poor-Will;
Oo-za-we-kwun, or Yellow Quill; and thereupon, in open Council, the
different bands have presented their respective Chiefs to His
Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Manitoba, and of
the North-West Territory, being present at such Council, and to the
said Commissioner, as the Chiefs and head men for the purposes
aforesaid, of the respective bands of Indians inhabiting the said
District, hereinafter described; and whereas the said
Lieutenant-Governor and the said Commissioner, then and there received
and acknowledged the persons so presented as Chiefs and head men, for
the purpose aforesaid; and whereas the said Commissioner has proceeded
to negotiate a treaty with the said Indians, and the same has finally
been agreed upon and concluded as follows, that is to say:
The
Chippewa and Swampy Cree Tribes of Indians, and all other the Indians
inhabiting the district hereinafter described and defined, do hereby
cede, release, surrender, and yield up to Her Majesty the Queen, and
her successors for ever, all the lands included within the following
limits, that is to say: Beginning at the International boundary line
near its junction with the Lake of the Woods, at a point due north from
the centre of Roseau Lake, thence to run due north to the centre of
Roseau Lake; thence northward to the centre of White Mouth Lake,
otherwise called White Mud Lake; thence by the middle of the lake and
the middle of the river issuing therefrom, to the mouth thereof in
Winnipeg River; thence by the Winnipeg River to its mouth; thence
westwardly, including all the islands near the south end of the lake,
across the lake to the mouth of the Drunken River; thence westwardly,
to a point on Lake Manitoba, half way between Oak Point and the mouth
of Swan Creek; thence across Lake Manitoba, on a line due west to its
western shore; thence in a straight line to the crossing of the Rapids
on the Assiniboine; thence due south to the International boundary
line, and thence easterly by the said line to the place of beginning;
to have and to hold the same to Her said Majesty the Queen, and her
successors for ever; and Her Majesty the Queen, hereby agrees and
undertakes to lay aside and reserve for the sole and exclusive use of
the Indians, the following tracts of land, that is to say: For the use
of the Indians belonging to the band of which Henry Prince, otherwise
called Mis-koo-ke-new, is the Chief, so much of land on both sides of
the Red River, beginning at the south line of St. Peter's Parish, as
will furnish one hundred and sixty acres for each family of five, or in
that proportion for larger or smaller families; and for the use of the
Indians of whom Na-sha-ke-penais, Na-na-wa-nanan, Ke-we-tayash, and
Wa-ko-wush, are the Chiefs, so much land on the Roseau River, as will
furnish one hundred and sixty acres for each family of five, or in that
proportion for larger or smaller families, beginning from the mouth of
the river; and for the use of the Indians, of which Ka-ke-ka-penais is
the Chief, so much land on the Winnipeg River, above Fort Alexander, as
will furnish one hundred and sixty acres for each family of five, or in
that proportion for larger or smaller families, beginning at a distance
of a mile or thereabout above the Fort; and for the use of the Indians,
of whom Oo-za-we-Kwun is Chief, so much land on the south and east side
of the Assiniboine, about twenty miles above the Portage, as will
furnish one hundred and sixty acres for each family of five, or in that
proportion for larger or smaller families, reserving also a further
tract enclosing said reserve, to comprise an equivalent to twenty-five
square miles of equal breadth, to be laid out round the reserve; it
being understood, however, that if at the date of the execution of this
treaty, there are any settlers within the bounds of any lands reserved
by any band, Her Majesty reserves the right to deal with such settlers
as she shall deem just, so as not to diminish the extent of land
allotted to the Indians.
And
with a view to show the satisfaction of Her Majesty with the behaviour
and good conduct of her Indians, parties to this treaty, she hereby,
through her Commissioner, makes them a present of three dollars for
each Indian man, woman and child belonging to the bands here
represented.
And further,
Her Majesty agrees to maintain a school on each reserve hereby made,
whenever the Indians of the reserve should desire it.
Within
the boundary of Indian Reserves, until otherwise enacted by the proper
legislative authority, no intoxicating liquor shall be allowed to be
introduced or sold, and all laws now in force or hereafter to be
enacted to preserve Her Majesty's Indian subjects, inhabiting the
reserves or living elsewhere, from the evil influence of the use of
intoxicating liquors, shall be strictly enforced.
Her
Majesty's Commissioner shall, as soon as possible after the execution
of this treaty, cause to be taken an accurate census of all the Indians
inhabiting the district above described, distributing them in families,
and shall in every year ensuing the date hereof, at some period during
the month of July in each year, to be duly notified to the Indians, and
at or near the respective reserves, pay to each Indian family of five
persons the sum of fifteen dollars Canadian currency, or in like
proportion for a larger or smaller family, such payment to be made in
such articles as the Indians shall require of blankets, clothing,
prints (assorted colors), twine or traps, at the current cost price in
Montreal, or otherwise, if Her Majesty shall deem the same desirable in
the interests of Her Indian people, in cash.
And
the undersigned Chiefs do hereby bind and pledge themselves and their
people strictly to observe this treaty, and to maintain perpetual peace
between themselves and Her Majesty's white subjects, and not to
interfere with the property or in any way molest the persons of Her
Majesty's white or other subjects.
In
witness whereof Her Majesty's said Commissioner and the said Indian
Chiefs have hereunto subscribed and set their hand and seal, at the
Lower Fort Garry, this day and year herein first above mentioned.
(Signed) WEMYSS M. SIMPSON, [L. S.]
Indian Commissioner.
MIS-KOO-KE-NEW (or Red Eagle) His x mark.
(Henry Prince).
KA-KE-KA-PENAIS (or Bird Forever) ” x “
(William Pennefather).
NA-SHA-KE-PENAIS (or Flying down Bird). ” x “
NA-NA-WA-NANAN (or Centre of Bird's Tail). ” x “
KE-WE-TAY-ASH (or Flying Round). ” x “
WA-KO-WUSH (or Whip-poor-will). ” x “
OO-ZA-WE-KWUN (or Yellow Quill). ” x “
Signed, sealed and delivered in the presence
of (the same having been first read and explained)—
(Signed) ADAMS G. ARCHIBALD,
Lieut.-Gov. of Manitoba, and the N.-W. Territories.
JAMES McKAY, P.L.C.
A. G. IRVINE,
Major.
ABRAHAM COWLEY.
DONALD GUNN, M.L.C.
THOMAS HOWARD.
HENRY COCHRANE.
JAMES McARRISTER.
HUGH McARRISTER.
E. ALICE ARCHIBALD.
HENRY BOUTHILLIER.
TREATY NUMBER TWO
Articles
of a treaty made and concluded this twenty-first day of August, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and seventy-one, between
Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, by
Her Commissioner, Wemyss M. Simpson, Esquire, of the one part, and the
Chippewa tribe of Indians, inhabitants of the country within the limits
hereinafter defined and described by their Chiefs, chosen and named as
hereinafter mentioned, of the other part:
Whereas,
all the Indians inhabiting the said country have, pursuant to an
appointment made by the said Commissioner, been convened at a meeting
at Manitoba Post, to deliberate upon certain matters of interest to Her
Most Gracious Majesty of the one part, and to the said Indians of the
other; and whereas the said Indians have been notified and informed by
Her Majesty's said Commissioner, that it is the desire of Her Majesty
to open up to settlement and immigration a tract of country bounded and
described as hereinafter mentioned, and to obtain the consent thereto
of her Indian subjects inhabiting the said tract, and to make a treaty
and arrangement with them, so that there may be peace and good will
between them and Her Majesty, and that they may know and be assured of
what allowance they are to count upon and receive from Her Majesty's
bounty and benevolence.
And
whereas the Indians of the said tract, duly convened in Council as
aforesaid, and being requested by Her Majesty's said Commissioner to
name certain Chiefs and head men who should be authorized on their
behalf to conduct such negotiations and sign any treaty to be founded
thereon, and to become responsible to Her Majesty for the faithful
performance by their respective bands of such obligations as shall be
assumed by them, the said Indians have thereupon named the following
persons for that purpose, that is to say:
For
the Swan Creek and Lake Manitoba Indians, Sou-sonse, or Little Long
Ears; for the Indians of Fairford and the neighboring localities,
Ma-sah-kee-yash, or, He who flies to the bottom, and Richard Woodhouse,
whose Indian name is Ke-wee-tah-quun-na-yash, or, He who flies round
the feathers; for the Indians of Waterhen River and Crane River and the
neighboring localities, François, or, Broken Fingers; and for
the
Indians of Riding Mountains and Dauphin Lake, and the remainder of the
territory hereby ceded, Mekis (the Eagle), or, Giroux. And thereupon,
in open Council, the different bands have presented their respective
Chiefs to His Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba and of the
North-West Territory, being present at such Council, and to the said
Commissioner, as the Chiefs and head men for the purposes aforesaid of
the respective bands of Indians inhabiting the said district
hereinafter described; and whereas the said Lieutenant-Governor and the
said Commissioner then and there received and acknowledged the persons
so presented as Chiefs and head men, for the purpose aforesaid, of the
respective bands of Indians inhabiting the said district hereinafter
described; and whereas the said Commissioner has proceeded to negotiate
a treaty with the said Indians, and the same has finally been agreed
upon and concluded as follows, that is to say:—
The
Chippewa tribe of Indians, and all other the Indians inhabiting the
district hereinafter described and defined, do hereby cede, release,
surrender and yield up to Her Majesty the Queen, and her successors
forever, all the lands included within the following limits, that is to
say:—All that tract of country lying partly to the north and partly to
the west of a tract of land ceded to Her Majesty the Queen by the
Indians inhabiting the Province of Manitoba, and certain adjoining
localities, under the terms of a treaty made at Lower Fort Garry, on
the third day of August last past, the land now intended to be ceded
and surrendered, being particularly described as follows, that is to
say:—Beginning at the mouth of Winnipeg River, on the north line of the
lands ceded by said treaty, thence running along the eastern shore of
Lake Winnipeg, northwardly as far as the mouth of Berens River; thence
across said lake to its western shore at the north bank of the mouth of
the Little Saskatchewan or Dauphin River; thence up said stream and
along the northern and western shores thereof, and of St. Martin's Lake
and along the north bank of the stream flowing into St. Martin's Lake
from Lake Manitoba by the general course of such stream to such last
mentioned lake; thence by the eastern and northern shores of Lake
Manitoba to the mouth of the Waterhen River; thence by the eastern and
northern shores of said river up stream to the northernmost extremity
of a small lake known as Waterhen Lake; thence in a line due west to
and across Lake Winnepegosis; thence in a straight line to the most
northerly waters forming the source of the Shell River; thence to a
point west of the same, two miles distant from the river, measuring at
right angles thereto; thence by a line parallel with the Shell River to
its mouth and then crossing the Assiniboine River and running parallel
thereto and two miles distant therefrom and to the westward thereof to
a point opposite Fort Ellice; thence in a southwesterly course to the
northwestern point of the Moose Mountains; thence by a line due south
to the United States frontier; thence by the frontier eastwardly to the
westward line of said tract ceded by treaty as aforesaid; thence
bounded thereby, by the west, north-west and north lines of said tract
to the place of beginning at the mouth of Winnipeg River; to have and
to hold the same to Her Majesty the Queen and her successors for ever,
and Her Majesty the Queen hereby agrees and undertakes to lay aside and
reserve, for the sole and exclusive use of the Indians inhabiting the
said tract, the following lots of land, that is to say:
For
the use of the Indians belonging to the band of which Mekis is Chief,
so much land between Turtle River and Valley River on the south side of
Lake Dauphin as will make one hundred and sixty acres for each family
of five persons, or in the same proportion for a greater or smaller
number of persons. And for the use of the Indians belonging to the band
of which François, or Broken Fingers, is Chief, so much land on
Crane
River running into Lake Manitoba as will make one hundred and sixty
acres for each family of five persons, or in the same proportion for a
greater or smaller number of persons. And for the use of the band of
Indians belonging to the bands of which Ma-sah-kee-yash and Richard
Woodhouse are Chiefs, so much land on the river between Lake Manitoba
and St. Martin's Lake,—known as “Fairford River,” and including the
present Indian Mission grounds,—as will make one hundred and sixty
acres for each family of five persons, or in the same proportion for a
greater or smaller number of persons. And for the use of the Indians of
whom Son-sense is Chief, so much land on the east side of Lake Manitoba
to be laid off north of the creek near which a fallen elm tree now
lies, and about half-way between Oak Point and Manitoba Post, so much
land as will make one hundred and sixty acres for each family of five
persons, or in the same proportion for a greater or smaller number of
persons. Saving, nevertheless, the rights of any white or other settler
now in occupation of any land within the lines of any such reserve.
And
with a view to show the satisfaction of Her Majesty with the behaviour
and good conduct of her Indians, parties to this treaty, she hereby,
through her Commissioner makes them a present of three dollars for each
Indian—man, woman, and child belonging to the bands here represented.
And
further, Her Majesty agrees to maintain a school in each reserve hereby
made, whenever the Indians of the reserve shall desire it.
Her
Majesty further agrees with her said Indians, that within the boundary
of Indian reserves, until otherwise enacted by the proper legislative
authority, no intoxicating liquors shall be allowed to be introduced or
sold; and all laws now in force or hereafter to be enacted to preserve
her Indian subjects inhabiting the reserves or living elsewhere within
her North-West Territories, from the evil influence of the use of
intoxicating liquors, shall be strictly enforced.
And
further, that Her Majesty's Commissioner shall, as soon as possible
after the execution of this treaty, cause to be taken an accurate
census of all the Indians inhabiting the tract above described,
distributing them in families, and shall in every year ensuing the date
hereof, at some period during the month of August in each year, to be
duly notified to the Indians, and at or near the respective reserves,
pay to each Indian family of five persons, the sum of fifteen dollars,
Canadian currency; or in like proportion for a larger or smaller
family; such payment to be made in such articles as the Indians shall
require of blankets, clothing, prints (assorted colors), twine or
traps, at the current cash price in Montreal, or otherwise, if Her
Majesty shall deem the same desirable in the interest of her Indian
people, in cash.
And the
undersigned Chiefs, on their own behalf, and on behalf of all other
Indians inhabiting the tract within ceded, do hereby solemnly promise
and engage, to strictly observe this treaty, and also to conduct and
behave themselves as good and loyal subjects of Her Majesty the Queen.
They promise and engage that they will, in all respects, obey and abide
by the law; that they will maintain peace and good order between each
other and also between themselves and other tribes of Indians, and
between themselves and others of Her Majesty's subjects, whether
Indians or whites, now inhabiting, or hereafter to inhabit, any part of
the said ceded tract; and that they will not molest the person or
property of any inhabitants of such ceded tract; or the property of Her
Majesty the Queen, or interfere with or trouble any person passing or
travelling through the said tract or any part thereof; and that they
will aid and assist the officers of Her Majesty in bringing to justice
and punishment any Indian offending against the stipulations of this
treaty, or infringing the laws in force in the country so ceded.
In
witness whereof, Her Majesty's said Commissioner and the said Indian
Chiefs have hereunto subscribed and set their hands at Manitoba Post,
this day and year first above named.
(Signed) WEMYSS M. SIMPSON,
Indian Commissioner.
MEKIS. His x Mark.
SON-SENSE. ” x “
MA-SAH-KEE-YASH. ” x “
FRANÇOIS. ” x “
RICHARD WOODHOUSE.
Signed by the Chiefs within named in presence
of the following witnesses (the same having been first read and
explained)—
(Signed)
ADAMS G. ARCHIBALD,
Lieut.-Gov. of Manitoba and the N.-W. Territories.
JAMES McKAY, P.C.C.
MOLYNEUX ST. JOHN.
E. A. ARCHIBALD.
LILY ARCHIBALD.
HENRI BOUTHILLIER.
PAUL DE LARONDE.
DONALD McDONALD.
ELIZA McDONALD.
ALEXANDER MUIR, SR.
THE NORTH-WEST ANGLE
TREATY, NUMBER THREE
Articles
of a Treaty made and concluded this third day of October, in the year
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and seventy-three, between Her
Most Gracious Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, by her
Commissioners, the Hon. Alexander Morris, Lieutenant-Governor of the
Province of Manitoba and the North West Territories, Joseph Albert
Norbert Provencher and Simon James Dawson, of the one part, and the
Saulteaux tribe of the Ojibbeway Indians, inhabitants of the country
within the limits hereinafter defined and described, by their Chiefs,
chosen and named as hereinafter mentioned, of the other part:
Whereas
the Indians inhabiting the said country have, pursuant to an
appointment made by the said Commissioners, been convened at a meeting
at the North-West angle of the Lake of the Woods, to deliberate upon
certain matters of interest to Her Most Gracious Majesty, of the one
part, and the said Indians of the other;
And
whereas the said Indians have been notified and informed by Her
Majesty's said Commissioners, that it is the desire of Her Majesty to
open up for settlement, immigration, and such other purposes as to Her
Majesty may seem meet, a tract of country bounded and described as
hereinafter mentioned, and to obtain the consent thereto of her Indian
subjects inhabiting the said tract, and to make a treaty and arrange
with them, so that there may be peace and good will between them and
Her Majesty, and that they may know and be assured of what allowance
they are to count upon and receive from Her Majesty's bounty and
benevolence:
And whereas,
the Indians of the said tract, duly convened in Council, as aforesaid,
and being requested by Her Majesty's said Commissioners to name certain
Chiefs and head men, who should be authorized on their behalf to
conduct such negotiations, and sign any treaty to be founded thereon,
and to become responsible to Her Majesty for the faithful performance
by their respective bands of such obligations as shall be assumed by
them, the said Indians have thereupon named the following persons for
that purpose, that is to say:—Kee-tak-pay-pi-nais (Rainy River),
Kitihi-gay-lake (Rainy River), Note-na-qua-hung (North-West Angle),
Mawe-do-pe-nais (Rainy River), Pow-wa-sang (North-West Angle),
Canda-com-igo-wi-ninie (North-West Angle), Pa-pa-ska-gin (Rainy River),
May-no-wah-tau-ways-kung (North-West Angle), Kitchi-ne-ka-be-han (Rainy
River), Sah-katch-eway (Lake Seul), Muka-day-wah-sin (Kettle Falls),
Me-kie-sies (Rainy Lake, Fort Francis), Oos-con-na-geist (Rainy Lake),
Wah-shis-kince (Eagle Lake), Rab-kie-y-ash (Flower Lake), Go-bay (Rainy
Lake), Ka-me-ti-ash (White Fish Lake), Nee-sho-tal (Rainy River),
Kee-gee-go-kay (Rainy River), Sha-sha-gance (Shoal Lake),
Shah-win-na-bi-nais (Shoal Lake), Ay-ash-a-wash (Buffalo Point),
Pay-ah-be-wash (White Fish Bay), Rah-tay-tay-pa-o-cutch (Lake of the
Woods).
And thereupon in
open council the different bands having presented their Chiefs to the
said Commissioners as the Chiefs and head men for the purposes
aforesaid of the respective bands of Indians inhabiting the said
district hereinafter described.
And
whereas the said Commissioners then and there received and acknowledged
the persons so presented as Chiefs and head men for the purposes
aforesaid of the respective bands of Indians inhabiting the said
district hereinafter described;
And
whereas the said Commissioners have proceeded to negotiate a treaty
with the said Indians, and the same has been finally agreed upon and
concluded as follows, that is to say:
The
Saulteaux tribe of the Ojibbeway Indians, and all other the Indians
inhabiting the district hereinafter described and defined, do hereby
cede, release, surrender, and yield up to the Government of the
Dominion of Canada, for Her Majesty the Queen and her successors
forever, all their rights, titles and privileges whatsoever to the
lands included within the following limits, that is to say:
Commencing
at a point on the Pigeon River route where the international boundary
line between the territories of Great Britain and the United States
intersects the height of land separating the waters running to Lake
Superior from those flowing to Lake Winnipeg thence northerly, westerly
and easterly, along the height of land aforesaid, following its
sinuosities, whatever their course may be, to the point at which the
said height of land meets the summit of the water-shed from which the
streams flow to Lake Nepigon, thence northerly and westerly, or
whatever may be its course along the ridge separating the waters of the
Nepigon and the Winnipeg to the height of land dividing the waters of
the Albany and the Winnipeg, thence westerly and north-westerly along
the height of land dividing the waters flowing to Hudson's Bay by the
Albany or other rivers from those running to English River and the
Winnipeg to a point on the said height of land bearing north forty-five
degrees east from Fort Alexander at the mouth of the Winnipeg; thence
south forty-five degrees west to Fort Alexander at the mouth of the
Winnipeg; thence southerly along the eastern bank of the Winnipeg to
the mouth of White Mouth River, thence southerly by the line described
as in that part forming the eastern boundary of the tract surrendered
by the Chippewa and Swampy Cree tribes of Indians to Her Majesty on the
third of August, one thousand eight hundred and seventy-one, namely, by
White Mouth River to White Mouth Lake and thence on a line having the
general bearing of White Mouth River to the forty-ninth parallel of
north latitude; thence by the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude to
the Lake of the Woods, and from thence by the international boundary
line to the place of beginning.
The
tract comprised within the lines above described embracing an area of
fifty-five thousand square miles, be the same more or less.
To have and to hold the same to Her Majesty
the Queen and her successors forever.
And
Her Majesty the Queen hereby agrees and undertakes to lay aside
reserves for farming lands, due respect being had to lands at present
cultivated by the said Indians, and also to lay aside and reserve for
the benefit of the said Indians, to be administered and dealt with for
them by Her Majesty's Government of the Dominion of Canada, in such a
manner as shall seem best, other reserves of land in the said territory
hereby ceded, which said reserves shall be selected and set aside where
it shall be deemed most convenient and advantageous for each band or
bands of Indians, by the officers of the said Government appointed for
that purpose, and such selection shall be so made after conference with
the Indians: Provided, however, that such reserve whether for farming
or other purposes shall in nowise exceed in all one square mile for
each family of five, or in that proportion for larger or smaller
families, and such selection shall be made if possible during the
course of next summer or as soon thereafter as may be found
practicable, it being understood, however, that if at the time of any
such selection of any reserves as aforesaid, there are any settlers
within the bounds of the lands reserved by any band, Her Majesty
reserves the right to deal with such settlers as she shall deem just,
so as not to diminish the extent of land allotted to Indians; and
provided also that the aforesaid reserves of lands or any interest or
right therein or appurtenant thereto, may be sold, leased or otherwise
disposed of by the said Government for the use and benefit of the said
Indians, with the consent of the Indians entitled thereto first had and
obtained.
And with a view
to show the satisfaction of Her Majesty with the behavior and good
conduct of her Indians, she hereby, through her Commissioners, makes
them a present of twelve dollars for each man, woman and child
belonging to the bands here represented, in extinguishment of all
claims heretofore preferred.
And
further, Her Majesty agrees to maintain schools for instruction in such
reserves hereby made as to her Government of her Dominion of Canada may
seem advisable, whenever the Indians of the reserve shall desire it.
Her
Majesty further agrees with her said Indians, that within the boundary
of Indian reserves, until otherwise determined by the Government of the
Dominion of Canada, no intoxicating liquor shall be allowed to be
introduced or sold, and all laws now in force, or hereafter to be
enacted to preserve her Indian subjects inhabiting the reserves, or
living elsewhere within her North-West Territories, from the evil
influence of the use of intoxicating liquors shall be strictly enforced.
Her
Majesty further agrees with her said Indians, that they, the said
Indians, shall have right to pursue their avocations of hunting and
fishing throughout the tract surrendered as hereinbefore described,
subject to such regulations as may from time to time be made by her
Government of her Dominion of Canada, and saving and excepting such
tracts as may from time to time be required or taken up for settlement,
mining, lumbering or other purposes, by her said Government of the
Dominion of Canada, or by any of the subjects thereof duly authorized
therefor by the said Government.
It
is further agreed between Her Majesty and her said Indians that such
sections of the reserves above indicated as may at any time be required
for public works or buildings, of what nature soever, may be
appropriated for that purpose by Her Majesty's Government of the
Dominion of Canada, due compensation being made for the value of any
improvements thereon.
And
further, that Her Majesty's Commissioners shall, as soon as possible,
after the execution of this treaty, cause to be taken an accurate
census of all the Indians inhabiting the tract above described,
distributing them in families, and shall in every year ensuing the date
hereof at some period in each year, to be duly notified to the Indians,
and at a place or places to be appointed for that purpose within the
territory ceded, pay to each Indian person the sum of five dollars per
head yearly.
It is further
agreed between Her Majesty and the said Indians, that the sum of
fifteen hundred dollars per annum shall be yearly and every year
expended by Her Majesty in the purchase of ammunition, and twine for
nets for the use of the said Indians.
It
is further agreed between Her Majesty and the said Indians, that the
following articles shall be supplied to any band of the said Indians
who are now actually cultivating the soil, or who shall hereafter
commence to cultivate the land, that is to say—two hoes for every
family actually cultivating; also one spade per family as aforesaid;
one plough for every ten families as aforesaid; five harrows for every
twenty families as aforesaid; one scythe for every family as aforesaid;
and also one axe and one cross-cut saw, one hand saw, one pit saw, the
necessary files, one grindstone, one auger for each band, and also for
each Chief for the use of his band, one chest of ordinary carpenter's
tools; also for each band, enough of wheat, barley, potatoes and oats
to plant the land actually broken up for cultivation by such band; also
for each band, one yoke of oxen, one bull and four cows; all the
aforesaid articles to be given once for all for the encouragement of
the practice of agriculture among the Indians.
It
is further agreed between Her Majesty and the said Indians, that each
Chief, duly recognized as such, shall receive an annual salary of
twenty-five dollars per annum, and each subordinate officer, not
exceeding three for each band, shall receive fifteen dollars per annum;
and each such Chief and subordinate officer as aforesaid shall also
receive, once in every three years, a suitable suit of clothing; and
each Chief shall receive, in recognition of the closing of the treaty,
a suitable flag and medal.
And
the undersigned Chiefs, on their own behalf and on behalf of all other
Indians inhabiting the tract within ceded, do hereby solemnly promise
and engage to strictly observe this treaty, and also to conduct and
behave themselves as good and loyal subjects of Her Majesty the Queen.
They promise and engage that they will, in all respects obey and abide
by the law; that they will maintain peace and good order between each
other, and also between themselves and other tribes of Indians, and
between themselves and others of Her Majesty's subjects, whether
Indians or whites, now inhabiting or hereafter to inhabit any part of
the said ceded tract; and that they will not molest the person or
property of any inhabitant of such ceded tract, or the property of Her
Majesty the Queen, or interfere with or trouble any person passing or
travelling through the said tract or any part thereof; and that they
will aid and assist the officers of Her Majesty in bringing to justice
and punishment any Indian offending against the stipulations of this
treaty, or infringing the laws in force in the country so ceded.
In
witness whereof, Her Majesty's said Commissioners and the said Indian
Chiefs have hereunto subscribed and set their hands, at the north-west
angle of the Lake of the Woods, this day and year herein first
above-named.
(Signed) ALEXANDER MORRIS, [L. S.]
Lieutenant-Governor.
J. A. N. PROVENCHER,
Indian Commissioner.
S. J. DAWSON,
Indian Commissioner.
KEE-TA-KAY-PI-NAIS. His x mark.
KITIHI-GAY-KAKE. ” x “
NO-TE-NA-QUA-HUNG. ” x “
MAWE-DO-PE-NAIS. ” x “
POW-WA-SANG. ” x “
CANDA-COM-IGO-WI-NINIE. ” x “
PA-PA-SKA-GIN. ” x “
MAY-NO-WAH-TAU-WAYS-KUNG. “ x “
KITCHI-NE-KA-BE-HAN. ” x “
SAH-KATCH-EWAY. ” x “
MUKA-DAY-WAH-SIN. ” x “
ME-KIE-SIES. ” x “
OOS-CON-NA-GEIST. ” x “
WAH-SHIS-KINCE. ” x “
RAH-KIE-Y-ASH. ” x “
GO-BAY. ” x “
KA-ME-TI-ASH. ” x “
NEE-SHO-TAL. ” x “
KEE-JEE-GO-KAY. ” x “
SHA-SHA-GANCE. ” x “
SHAH-WIN-NA-BI-NAIS. ” x “
AY-ASH-A-WASH. ” x “
PAY-AH-BEE-WASH. ” x “
RAH-TAY-TAY-PA-O-CUTCH. ” x “
Signed by the Chiefs
within named in presence of the following witnesses, the same having
been first read and explained by the Honorable James McKay:—
(Signed) JAMES McKAY.
MOLYNEUX ST. JOHN.
ROBERT PITHER.
CHRISTINE V. K. MORRIS.
CHARLES NOLIN.
A. McDONALD,
Captain commanding escort to
Lieutenant-Governor.
JAMES F. GRAHAM.
JOSEPH NOLIN.
A. McLEOD.
GEORGE McPHERSON, SEN.
SEDLEY BLANCHARD.
W. FRED. BUCHANAN.
FRANK G. BECHER.
ALFRED CODD, M.D.
GORDON S. CORBAULT.
PIERRE LEVIELLER.
NICHOLAS CHATELAINE.
We hereby certify that the foregoing is a
true copy of the original articles of treaty of which it purports to be
a copy.
(Signed) ALEXANDER MORRIS,
Lieutenant-Governor.
J. A. N. PROVENCHER,
Indian Commissioner.
S. J. DAWSON,
Indian Commissioner.
We having had
communication of the treaty, certified copy whereof is hereto annexed,
but not having been at the Councils held at the north-west angle of the
Lake of the Woods, between Her Majesty's Commissioners, and the several
Indian Chiefs and others therein named, at which the articles of the
said treaty were agreed upon, hereby, for ourselves and the several
bands of Indians which we represent, in consideration of the provisions
of the said treaty being extended to us and the said bands which we
represent, transfer, surrender and relinquish to Her Majesty the Queen,
her heirs and successors, to and for the use of her Dominion of Canada,
all our right, title and privilege whatsoever, which we, the said
Chiefs, and the said bands which we represent, have held, or enjoy, of,
in and to the territory, described and fully set out in the said
articles of treaty and every part thereof, to have and to hold the same
unto the use of Her said Majesty the Queen, her heirs and successors
for ever.
And we hereby
agree to accept the several provisions, payments and reserves of the
said treaty as therein stated, and solemnly promise and engage to abide
by, carry out and fulfil all the stipulations, obligations and
conditions therein contained, on the part of the said Chiefs and
Indians therein named to be observed and performed, and in all things
to conform to the articles of the said treaty, as if we our selves, and
the bands which we represent had been originally contracting parties
thereto, and had been present and attached our signatures to the said
treaty.
In witness whereof,
Her Majesty's said Commissioners and the said Indian Chiefs have
hereunto subscribed and set their hands, this thirteenth day of
October, in the year of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and
seventy-three.
For and on
behalf of the Commissioners, the Honorable Alexander Morris,
Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba and the North-West Territories, Joseph
Albert Norbert Provencher, Esq., and the undersigned:
(Signed) S. J. DAWSON,
Commissioner.
PAY-BA-MA-CHAS. His x mark.
RE-BA-QUIN. ” x “
ME-TAS-SO-QUE-NE-SKANK. “ x “
Signed by S. J. Dawson,
Esq., one of Her Majesty's said Commissioners, for and on behalf, and
with the authority and consent of the Honorable Alexander Morris,
Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba and the North-West Territories, and J.
A. N. Provencher, Esq., the remaining two Commissioners, and himself,
and by the Chiefs within named on behalf of themselves and the several
bands which they represent, the same and the annexed certified copy of
articles of treaty having been first read and explained in presence of
the following witnesses:
(Signed) THOS. A. P. TOWERS.
JOHN AITKEN.
A. J. McDONALD.
UNZZAKI.
JAS. LOGANOSH, His x mark,
PINLLSISE.
REPORT OF COMMISSIONER
DAWSON
OTTAWA, 26th December,
1873.
Sir,—I
beg leave to inform you that, after the treaty had been concluded with
certain bands of the Saulteaux tribe of the Ojibbeway Indians, at the
north-west angle of the Lake of the Woods, by arrangements made with my
associate Commissioners, His Honor the Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba
and the North-West Territories, and Mr. Provencher, I came eastward and
convened the leading people of the remaining bands at Shebandowan where
they also, through their Chiefs, accepted and signed the treaty.
I
have much satisfaction in saying that these Indians were most friendly
in their bearing, and desired me to convey to the Government their
cordial expressions of loyalty to their Great Mother, Her Majesty the
Queen.
They took some time
to deliberate over the provisions of the treaty and asked me
occasionally to explain certain passages, more especially those in
relation to the reserves.
Before
signing it they comprehended perfectly the nature of the obligations
into which they were about to enter, that the surrender of their
territorial rights would be irrevocable, and that they were to stand
forever afterwards in new relations to the white man.
This,
the Chiefs themselves stated with great solemnity to their people, in
short but impressive speeches, as they each in turn advanced to touch
the pen.
One cause of delay
at the Lake of the Woods arose from the circumstance of there being a
number of aspirants to the office of Chief; but at Shebandowan I had no
such difficulty, for the whole of the bands east of the narrows of
Rainy Lake, are under three principal Chiefs, whose authority is
unquestioned.
The names of these Chiefs and their
respective districts are as follows:
Pay-ba-ma-chas,
Chief of the country intervening between the narrows of Rainy Lake and
Sturgeon Falls, and of the region drained by the River Seine and its
tributary streams, between the latter place (Sturgeon Falls) and Lac
des Mille Lacs. This is a very extensive district, and in it are many
valuable groves of pine.
Ke-ba-quin,
Chief of the region intervening between the present line of the Red
River route and the United States boundary line, east of Rainy Lake and
west of the height of land. The gold bearing country is in this Chief's
district.
Metas-so-que-nes-hauk,
Chief of Lac des Mille Lacs and the district to the north, lying along
the height of land between that lake and the waters of the Nipegon and
Lac Seul. This Chief is a very intelligent man, and has already begun,
to make his people clear land and grow crops.
Each
of these three principal Chiefs will have a staff of Lieutenants or
subordinate Chiefs, not exceeding three to their respective bands, as
provided for in the treaty but they preferred not to name them at once,
saying that the selection was a matter of some delicacy to them, and
requiring a little time.
In
regard to the reserves provided for in the treaty, I shall as soon as
possible submit a scheme which I think will meet the circumstances, and
at the same time draw attention to some experience gained in
negotiating with these Indians, which may be of use in similar
negotiations in the future.
[Footnote:
In 1874 Mr. Dawson and Mr. Pither were appointed to meet the Indians
and arrange the position of the reserves, which they did; but
subsequently, the Indians claiming that they had not fully understood
the exact location or extent of some of the reserves, Colonel Dennis,
then Surveyor-General, now Deputy Minister of the Interior, was
instructed to visit the Indians comprised in Treaty Number Three, and
finally adjust the question of reserves. Colonel Dennis undertook this
duty in 1875 and satisfactorily arranged a scheme of reserves for the
different bands of the Lake of the Woods. Colonel Dennis submitted a
comprehensive report of the results of his mission, and suggested the
appointment of sub-agents, the fixing of a specific day for payment to
the Indians of their annuities in each agency district, that the
necessary funds and the articles for distribution should be provided
and in the agents' hands in good time. He advised that the local agents
should have some practical knowledge of agriculture, as he believed
that the Indians would succeed in raising quantities of stock, though
the character of the country prevented their general success as
farmers. He suggested further the erection of halls at each agency and
the employment of young Indians by the builders entrusted with their
construction, “as they are so quick in perception and handy in the use
of tools that they would speedily become very expert.” The author
regrets that he did not obtain communication of this valuable report
until this work had advanced too far to admit of its being incorporated
with it.]
The copy of the
treaty signed by these Chiefs is enclosed herewith and to it is
attached a document signed by the Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba and
the North-West Territories, and Mr. Provencher, empowering me to act
for them in their absence, in their capacity of Indian Commissioners.
I have the honor to be, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
(Signed) S. J. DAWSON.
THE HONORABLE THE MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR,
Ottawa.
ADHESION OF LAC SEUL
INDIANS
LAC SEUL, 9th June,
1874.
We,
the Chiefs and Councillors of Lac Seul, Seul, Trout and Sturgeon Lakes,
subscribe and set our marks, that we and our followers will abide by
the articles of the treaty made and concluded with the Indians at the
north-west angle of the Lake of the Woods, on the third day of October,
in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and seventy-three,
between Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and
Ireland, by Her Commissioners, Hon. Alexander Morris,
Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba and the North-West Territories, Joseph
Albert, N. Provencher and Simon J. Dawson, of the one part, and the
Saulteaux tribes of Ojibewa Indians, inhabitants of the country as
defined by the Treaty aforesaid.
In
witness whereof, Her Majesty's Indian Agent and the Chiefs and
Councillors have hereto set their hands at Lac Seul, on the 9th day of
June, 1874.
(Signed) R. J. N. PITHER,
Indian Agent.
JOHN CROMARTY, His x mark.
Chief.
ACKEMENCE, ” x “
MAINEETAINEQUIRE, ” x “
NAH-KEE-JECKWAHE, ” x “
Councillors.
The whole treaty explained by R. J. N. Pither.
Witnesses:
(Signed) JAMES McKENZIE.
LOUIS KITTSON.
NICHOLAS CHATELAN. His x mark.
THE QU'APPELLE TREATY,
NUMBER FOUR
Articles
of a treaty made and concluded this fifteenth day of September, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and seventy-four, between
Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, by
Her Commissioners, the Honorable Alexander Morris, Lieutenant-Governor
of the Province of Manitoba and the North-West Territories, the
Honorable David Laird, Minister of the Interior, and William Joseph
Christie Esq., of Brockville, Ontario, of the one part; and the Cree,
Saulteaux and other Indians, inhabitants of the territory within the
limits hereinafter defined and described, by their Chiefs and head men,
chosen and named as hereinafter mentioned, of the other part;
Whereas,
the Indians inhabiting the said territory have, pursuant to an
appointment made by the said Commissioners, been convened at a meeting
at Qu'Appelle Lakes, to deliberate upon certain matters of interest to
Her Most Gracious Majesty, of the one part and the said Indians of the
other:
And whereas, the
said Indians have been notified and informed, by Her Majesty's said
Commissioners, that it is the desire of Her Majesty to open up for
settlement, immigration, trade and such other purposes as to Her
Majesty may seem meet, a tract of country bounded and described as
hereinafter mentioned; and to obtain the consent thereto of her Indian
subjects inhabiting the said tract; and to make a treaty and arrange
with them so that there may be peace and good-will between them and Her
Majesty, and between them and Her Majesty's other subjects; and that
her Indian people may know and be assured of what allowance they are to
count upon and receive from Her Majesty's bounty and benevolence;
And
whereas, the Indians of the said tract, duly convened in councils as
aforesaid, and being requested by Her Majesty's said Commissioners to
name certain Chiefs and head men who should be authorized on their
behalf to conduct such negotiations, and sign any treaty to be founded
thereon, and to become responsible to Her Majesty for the faithful
performance by their respective bands of such obligations as shall be
assumed by them, the said Indians have thereupon named the following
persons for that purpose, that is to say: Ka-ki-sha-way, or Loud Voice
(Qu'Appelle River); Pis-qua, or The Plain (Leech Lake); Kea-wez-auce,
or The Little Boy (Leech Lake); Ka-ke-na-wup, or One that sits like an
Eagle (Upper Qu'Appelle Lakes); Kus-kee-tew-mus-coo-mus-qua, or Little
Black Bear (Cypress Hills); Ka-ne-on-us-ka-tew, or One that walks on
four claws (Little Touchwood Hills); Can-ah-ha-cha-pew, or Making ready
the Bow (south side of the south branch of the Saskatchewan);
Kii-si-can-ah-chuck, or Day Star (south side of the south branch of the
Saskatchewan); Ka-wa-ca-toose, or The Poor Man (Touchwood Hills and
Qu'Appelle Lakes); Ka-ku-wis-ta-haw, or Him that flies round (towards
the Cypress Hills); Cha-ca-chas (Qu'Appelle River);
Wah-pii-moose-too-siis, or White Calf, or Pus-coos (Qu'Appelle River);
Gabriel Cote, or Mee-may, or The Pigeon (Fort Pelly);
And
thereupon in open council the different bands having presented the men
of their choice to the said Commissioners as the Chiefs and head men
for the purpose aforesaid of the respective bands of Indians inhabiting
the said district hereinafter described;
And
whereas, the said Commissioners have proceeded to negotiate a treaty
with the said Indians, and the same has been finally agreed upon and
concluded as follows, that is to say:
The
Cree and Saulteaux tribes of Indians, and all other the Indians
inhabiting the district hereinafter described and defined, do hereby
cede, release, surrender and yield up to the Government of the Dominion
of Canada for Her Majesty the Queen and her successors forever, all
their rights, titles and privileges whatsoever to the lands included
within the following limits, that is to say:
Commencing
at a point on the United States frontier due south of the north-western
point of the Moose Mountains, thence due north to said point of said
Mountains, thence in a north-easterly course to a point two miles due
west of Fort Ellice, thence in a line parallel with, and two miles
westward from, the Assiniboine River to the mouth of the Shell River,
thence parallel to the said river, and two miles distant therefrom, to
its source; thence in a straight line to a point on the western shore
of Lake Winnipegoosis due west from the most northern extremity of
Waterhen Lake, thence east to the centre of Lake Winnipegoosis, thence
northwardly through the middle of the said lake (including Birch
Island) to the mouth of Red Deer River, thence westwardly and
south-westwardly along and including the said Red Deer River and its
lakes, Red Deer and Etoimami, to the source of its western branch,
thence in a straight line to the source of the northern branch of the
Qu'Appelle, thence along and including said streams to the forks near
Long Lake, thence along and including the valley of the west branch of
the Qu'Appelle, thence along and including said river to the mouth of
Maple Creek; thence southwardly along said creek to a point opposite
the western extremity of the Cypress Hills; thence due south to the
international boundary; thence east along said boundary to the place of
commencement. Also all their rights, titles and privileges whatsoever
to all other lands wheresoever situated within Her Majesty's North-West
Territories, or any of them, to have and to hold the same to Her
Majesty the Queen and her successors forever.
And
Her Majesty the Queen hereby agrees, through the said Commissioners, to
assign reserves for said Indians, such reserves to be selected by
officers of Her Majesty's Government of the Dominion of Canada
appointed for that purpose, after conference with each band of the
Indians, and to be of sufficient area to allow one square mile for each
family of five, or in that proportion for larger or smaller families.
Provided,
however, that it be understood that if, at the time of the selection of
any reserves as aforesaid there are any settlers within the bounds of
the lands reserved for any band, Her Majesty retains the right to deal
with such settlers as she shall deem just so as not to diminish the
extent of lands allotted to the Indians; and provided further that the
aforesaid reserves of land, or any part thereof, or any interest or
right therein, or appurtenant thereto, may be sold, leased or otherwise
disposed of by the said Government for the use and benefit of the said
Indians, with the consent of the Indians entitled thereto first had and
obtained, but in no wise shall the said Indians, or any of them, be
entitled to sell or otherwise alienate any of the lands allotted to
them as reserves.
In view
of the satisfaction with which the Queen views the ready response which
Her Majesty's Indian subjects have accorded to the invitation of her
said Commissioners to meet them on this occasion; and also in token of
their general good conduct and behavior, she hereby, through Her
Commissioners, makes the Indians of the bands here represented, a
present—For each Chief, of twenty-five dollars in cash, a coat, and a
Queen's silver medal for each head man not exceeding four in each band,
fifteen dollars in cash, and a coat, and for every other man, woman and
child, twelve dollars in cash and for those here assembled some powder,
shot, blankets, calicoes and other articles.
As
soon as possible after the execution of this treaty, Her Majesty shall
cause a census to be taken of all the Indians inhabiting the tract
hereinbefore described, and shall next year, and annually afterwards,
forever, cause to be paid, in cash, at some suitable season to be duly
notified to the Indians, and at a place or places to be appointed for
that purpose within the territory ceded; each Chief, twenty-five
dollars; each head man, not exceeding four to a band, fifteen dollars;
and to every other Indian, man, woman and child, five dollars per head;
such payment to be made to the heads of families for those belonging
thereto, unless for some special reason it be found objectionable.
Her
Majesty also agrees that each Chief, and each head man, not to exceed
four in each band, once in every three years during the term of their
office, shall receive a suitable suit of clothing, and that yearly and
every year, she will cause to be distributed among the different bands
included in the limits of this treaty, powder, shot, ball and twine, in
all to the value of seven hundred and fifty dollars, and each Chief
shall receive hereafter, in recognition of the closing of the treaty, a
suitable flag.
It is
further agreed between Her Majesty and the said Indians that the
following articles shall be supplied to any band thereof who are now
actually cultivating the soil, or who shall hereafter settle on these
reserves and commence to break up the land, that is to say—two hoes,
one spade, one scythe, and one axe for every family so actually
cultivating; and enough seed, wheat, barley, oats and potatoes to plant
such lands as they have broken up; also one plough and two harrows for
every ten families so cultivating as aforesaid; and also to each Chief,
for the use of his band as aforesaid, one yoke of oxen, one bull, four
cows, a chest of ordinary carpenter's tools, five hand-saws, five
augers, one cross-cut saw, one pit saw, the necessary files, and one
grindstone; all the aforesaid articles to be given once for all, for
the encouragement of the practice of agriculture among the Indians.
Further,
Her Majesty agrees to maintain a school in the reserve, allotted to
each band, as soon as they settle on said reserve, and are prepared for
a teacher.
Further, Her
Majesty agrees that within the boundary of the Indian reserves, until
otherwise determined by the Government of the Dominion of Canada, no
intoxicating liquors shall be allowed to be introduced or sold; and all
laws now in force, or hereafter to be enacted to preserve her Indian
subjects inhabiting the reserves, or living elsewhere within the
North-West Territories, from the evil effects of intoxication, shall be
strictly enforced.
And
further, Her Majesty agrees that her said Indians shall have right to
pursue their avocations of hunting, trapping and fishing throughout the
tract surrendered, subject to such regulations as may from time to time
be made by the Government of the country acting under the authority of
Her Majesty, and saving and excepting such tracts as may be required or
taken up from time to time for settlement, mining or other purposes
under grant, or other right given by Her Majesty's said Government.
It
is further agreed between Her Majesty and her said Indian subjects that
such sections of the reserves above indicated as may at any time be
required for public works or buildings, of whatever nature, may be
appropriated for that purpose by Her Majesty's Government of the
Dominion of Canada, due compensation being made to the Indians for the
value of any improvements thereon, and an equivalent in land or money
for the area of the reserve so appropriated.
And
the undersigned Chiefs and head men on their own behalf, and on behalf
of all other Indians inhabiting the tract within ceded, do hereby
solemnly promise and engage to strictly observe this treaty, and also
to conduct and behave themselves as good and loyal subjects of Her
Majesty the Queen.
They
promise and engage that they will, in all respects, obey and abide by
the law: that they will maintain peace and good order between each
other, and between themselves and other tribes of Indians, and between
themselves and others of Her Majesty's subjects, whether Indians,
Half-breeds or whites, now inhabiting, or hereafter to inhabit, any
part of the said ceded tract; and that they will not molest the person
or property of any inhabitant of such ceded tract, or the property of
Her Majesty the Queen, or interfere with or trouble any person passing
or travelling through the said tract or any part thereof: and that they
will assist the officers of Her Majesty in bringing to justice and
punishment any Indian offending against the stipulations of this
treaty, or infringing the laws in force in the country so ceded.
In
witness whereof, Her Majesty's said Commissioners, and the said Indian
Chiefs and head men, have hereunto subscribed and set their hands at
Qu'Appelle, this day and year herein first-above written.
(Signed) ALEXANDER MORRIS,
Lieut.-Gov. N.-W. Territories.
DAVID LAIRD,
Indian Commissioner.
WILLIAM J. CHRISTIE.
KA-KII-SHI-WAY. His x mark.
PIS-QUA. ” x “
KA-WE-ZAUCE. ” x “
KA-KEE-NA-WUP. ” x “
KUS-KEE-TEW-MUS-COO-MUS-QUA. ” x “
KA-NE-ON-US-KA-TEW. ” x “
CAN-AH-HA-CHA-PEW. ” x “
KII-SI-CAW-AH-CHUCK. ” x “
KA-RA-CA-TOOSE. ” x “
KA-KII-NIS-TA-HAW. ” x “
CHA-CA-CHAS. ” x “
WA-PII-MOOSE-TOO-SUS. ” x “
GABRIEL COTE, or MEE-MAY. ” x “
Signed by the Chiefs and
head men within named in presence of the following witnesses, the same
having been first read and explained by Charles Pratt:
(Signed) W. OSBORNE SMITH, C.M.G.,
Lieut.-Col. D.A.G.,
Commanding Dominion Forces in North-West.
PASCAL BRELAND.
EDWARD McKAY.
CHARLES PRATT.
PIERRE POITRAS.
BAPTIST DAVIS. His x mark.
PIERRE DENOMME. ” x “
JOSEPH McKAY.
DONALD McDONALD.
A. McDONALD,
Captain Prov. Batt. Infantry.
G. W. W. STREET,
Ensign Prov. Batt. Infantry.
ALFRED CODD, M.D.,
Surgeon Prov. Batt. Infantry.
W. M. HERCHMER,
Captain.
C. DE CAZES,
Ensign.
JOSEPH POITRON.
M. G. DICKIESON,
Private Secretary of the Minister of the Interior.
PETER LAPIERRE.
HELEN H. McLEAN.
FLORA GARRIOCH.
JOHN COTTON,
Lieutenant Canadian Artillery.
JOHN ALLAN,
Lieutenant Prov. Batt. Infantry.
ADHESION OF THE FORT
ELLICE SAULTEAUX INDIANS
We,
members of the Saulteaux tribe of Indians, having had communication of
the treaty hereto annexed, made on the 15th day of September instant,
between Her Majesty the Queen and the Cree and Saulteaux Indians and
other Indians at Qu'Appelle Lakes, but not having been present at the
councils held at the Qu'Appelle Lakes between Her Majesty's
Commissioners and the several Indian Chiefs and others therein named,
at which the articles of the said treaty were agreed upon, hereby for
ourselves and the band which we represent, in consideration of the
provisions of the said treaty being extended to us and the said band
which we represent, transfer, surrender and relinquish to Her Majesty
the Queen, her heirs and successors, to and for the use of her
Government of her Dominion of Canada, all our right, title and
privileges whatsoever which we and the said bands which were present
have held or enjoy of, in, and to the territory described and fully set
out in the said articles of treaty and every part thereof; also all our
right, title, and privileges whatsoever to all other lands wherever
situated, whether within the limit of any treaty formerly made, or
hereafter to be made, with the Saulteaux tribe or any other tribe of
Indians inhabiting Her Majesty's North-West territories, or any of
them, to have and to hold the same unto and to the use of her said
Majesty the Queen, her heirs and successors, forever.
And
we hereby agree to accept the several provisions, payments and reserves
of the said treaty, signed at the Qu'Appelle Lakes as therein stated,
and solemnly promise, and engage to abide by, carry out and fulfil all
the stipulations, obligations and conditions therein contained, on the
part of the said Chiefs and Indians therein named to be observed and
performed, and in all things to conform to the articles of the said
treaty as if we ourselves and the band which we represent had been
originally contracting parties thereto, and had been present and
attached our signatures to the said treaty.
In
witness whereof, Her Majesty's said Commissioners and the said Indian
Chief and head man, have hereunto subscribed and set their hands at
Fort Ellice this twenty-first day of September, in the year of our Lord
one thousand eight hundred and seventy-four.
(Signed) ALEXANDER MORRIS,
Lieut.-Gov. N.-W. Territories.
DAVID LAIRD,
Indian Commissioner.
W. J. CHRISTIE,
Indian Commissioner.
WA-WA-SE-CAPOW (or The man
proud of standing upright). His x mark.
OTA-MA-KOO-EWIN (or Shapous-e-tung's
first son—The man
who stands on the earth). ” x “
Signed by the parties
hereto in the presence of the undersigned witnesses, the same having
been first explained to the Indians by Joseph Robillard:
(Signed) ARCH. McDONALD.
GEORGE FLETT.
A. MAXWELL.
DAVID ARMIT.
HENRY McKAY.
ELLEN McDONALD.
MARY ARMIT.
ADHESION OF SAULTEAUX
AND ASSINIBOINE INDIANS
The
members of the Saulteaux and Stoney tribes of Indians, having had
communication of the treaty hereto annexed, made on the 15th day of
September last, between Her Majesty the Queen and the Cree and
Saulteaux Indians and other Indians at Qu'Appelle Lakes, but not having
been present at the Councils held at the Qu'Appelle Lakes, between Her
Majesty's Commissioners and the several Indian Chiefs and others
therein named, at which the articles of the said treaty were agreed
upon, hereby for ourselves, and the bands which we represent in
consideration of the provisions of the said treaty having been extended
to us, and the said bands which we represent, transfer, surrender, and
relinquish, to Her Majesty the Queen, her heirs and successors, to and
for the use of her Government of her Dominion of Canada, all our right,
title and privileges whatsoever which we and the said bands which we
represent, have, hold or enjoy of, in, and to the territory described
and fully set out in the said articles of treaty and every part
thereof; also, all our right, title and privileges whatsoever to all
other lands wherever situated, whether within the limit of any treaty
formerly made or hereafter to be made with the Saulteaux tribe or any
other tribe of Indians inhabiting Her Majesty's North-West Territories,
or any of them, to have and to hold the same unto and to the use of her
said Majesty the Queen, her heirs and successors forever.
And
we hereby agree to accept the several provisions, payments and reserves
of the said treaty, signed at the Qu'Appelle Lakes as therein stated,
and solemnly promise and engage to abide by, carry out and fulfil all
the stipulations, obligations and conditions therein contained on the
part of said Chiefs and Indians therein named to be observed and
performed, and in all things to conform to the articles of the said
treaty as if we ourselves and the bands which we represent had been
originally contracting parties thereto, and had been present and
attached our signatures to the said treaty.
In
witness whereof, Her Majesty's Commissioners and the said Indian Chiefs
have hereunto subscribed and set their hands at Qu'Appelle Lakes this
eighth day of September, in the year of Our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and seventy-five.
(Signed) W. J. CHRISTIE,
Indian Commissioner.
M. G. DICKIESON,
Acting Indian Commissioner.
W. F. WRIGHT.
CHEECUCK. His x mark.
Signed by the parties
hereto in the presence of the undersigned witnesses, the same having
been explained to the Indians by William the Second McKay:—
(Signed) WILLIAM S. McKAY.
A. McDONALD.
PASCAL BRELAND.
WILLIAM WAGNER.
ADHESION OF CREE,
SAULTEAUX AND ASSINIBOINE INDIANS
We,
members of the Cree, Saulteaux, and Stonie tribes of Indians, having
had communication of the treaty hereto annexed, made on the fifteenth
day of September last, between Her Majesty the Queen and the Cree and
Saulteaux Indians, and other Indians at Qu'Appelle Lakes, but not
having been present at the councils held at the Qu'Appelle Lakes,
between Her Majesty's Commissioners, and the several Indian Chiefs and
others therein named, at which the articles of the said treaty were
agreed upon, hereby for ourselves, and the bands which we represent in
consideration of the provisions of the said treaty having been extended
to us, and the said bands which we represent, transfer, surrender and
relinquish, to Her Majesty the Queen, her heirs and successors, to and
for the use of her Government, of her Dominion of Canada, all our
right, title, and privileges whatsoever which we and the said bands
which we represent, have, hold or enjoy of, in, and to the territory
described and fully set out in the said articles of treaty and every
part thereof, also, all our right, title and privileges whatsoever to
all other lands wherever situated whether within the limit of any
treaty formerly made, or hereafter to be made with the Saulteaux tribe
or any other tribe of Indians inhabiting Her Majesty's North-West
Territories, or any of them. To have and to hold the same, unto and to
the use of her said Majesty the Queen, her heirs and successors forever.
And
we hereby agree to accept the several provisions, payments, and
reserves of the said treaty signed at the Qu'Appelle Lakes as therein
stated, and solemnly promise and engage to abide by, carry out, and
fulfil all the stipulations, obligations, and conditions therein
contained on the part of said Chiefs and Indians therein named to be
observed and performed, and in all things to conform to the articles of
the said treaty as if we ourselves and the bands which we represent had
been originally contracting parties thereto, and had been present and
attached our signatures to the said treaty.
In
witness whereof Her Majesty's Commissioners and the said Indian Chiefs
have hereunto subscribed and set their hands at Qu'Appelle Lakes, this
ninth day of September, in the year of Our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and seventy-five.
(Signed) W. J. CHRISTIE,
Indian Commissioner.
M. G. DICKIESON,
Acting Indian Commissioner.
W. J. WRIGHT.
WAH-PEE-MAKWA, His x mark.
(The White Bear).
O'KANES, ” x “
PAYEPOT, ” x “
LE-CROUP-DE-PHEASANT, ” x “
KITCHI-KAH-ME-WIN, ” x “
Signed by the parties
hereto in the presence of the undersigned witnesses, the same having
been first explained to the Indians by Charles Pratt.
(Signed) CHARLES PRATT.
A. McDONALD.
JOS. READER.
PASCAL BRELAND.
REVISION OF TREATIES
NUMBERS ONE AND TWO
Copy
of a report of a Committee of the Honorable the Privy Council, approved
by His Excellency the Governor-General in Council, on the 30th April,
1875.
On a memorandum dated
27th April, 1875, from the Honorable the Minister of the Interior,
bringing under consideration the very unsatisfactory state of affairs
arising out of the so called “outside promises” in connection with the
Indian Treaties Numbers One and Two—Manitoba and North-West
Territories—concluded, the former on the 3rd August, 1871, and the
latter on 21st of the same month, and recommending for the reasons
stated:
1st. That the
written memorandum attached to Treaty Number One be considered as part
of that treaty and of Treaty Number Two, and that the Indian
Commissioner be instructed to carry out the promises therein contained
in so far as they have not yet been carried out, and that the
Commissioner be advised to inform the Indians that he has been
authorized so to do.
2nd.
That the Indian Commissioner be instructed to inform the Indians,
parties to Treaties Numbers One and Two, that, while the Government
cannot admit their claim to anything which is not set forth in the
treaty and in the memorandum attached thereto, which treaty is binding
alike upon the Government and upon the Indians, yet, as there seems to
have been some misunderstanding between the Indian Commissioner and the
Indians in the matter of Treaties Numbers One and Two, the Government
out of good feeling to the Indians and as a matter of benevolence, is
willing to raise the annual payment to each Indian under Treaties
Numbers One and Two from three dollars to five dollars per annum, and
make payment over and above such sum of five dollars, of twenty dollars
each and every year to each Chief, and a suit of clothing every three
years to each Chief and each head man, allowing two head men to each
band; on the express understanding, however, that each Chief or other
Indian who shall receive such increased annuity or annual payment shall
be held to abandon all claim whatever against the Government in
connection with the so called “outside promises” other than those
contained in the memorandum attached to the treaty.
The committee submit the foregoing
recommendation for Your Excellency's approval.
(Signed) W. A. HIMSWORTH,
Clerk, Privy Council.
Certified:
W. A. HIMSWORTH,
Clerk, Privy Council.
ACCEPTANCES THEREOF BY
LAKE MANITOBA INDIANS AND THE OTHER BANDS
We,
the undersigned Chiefs and head men of Indian bands representing bands
of Indians who were parties to the Treaties Numbers One and Two
mentioned in the report of a Committee of the Queen's Privy Council of
Canada above printed, having had communication thereof and fully
understanding the same, assent thereto and accept the increase of
annuities therein mentioned on the condition therein stated and with
the assent and approval of their several bands, it being agreed,
however, with the Queen's Commissioners, that the number of braves and
councillors for each Chief shall be four as at present, instead of two
as printed 1875. (Treaty Number Two, 23rd August, 1875.)
Representing East Manitoba or Elm Point:
(Signed) SON-SONSE, His x mark.
Chief.
NA-KA-NA-WA-TANY. ” x “
PA-PA-WE-GUN-WA-TAK, ” x “
Councillors.
Representing Fairford Prairie:
MA-SAH-REE-YASH, His x mark.
Chief.
DAVID MARSDEN, ” x “
JOSEPH SUMNER, ” x “
Councillors.
Representing Fairford Mission:
RICHARD WOODHOUSE, His x mark.
Chief.
JOHN ANDERSON, ” x “
JOHN THOMPSON, ” x “
Councillors.
Representing (formerly Crane River and now) Ebb and Flow Lake:
OENAISE, His x mark.
Chief.
BAPTISTE ” x “
(son of deceased Broken Finger).
KA-NEE-GUA-NASH, ” x “
Councillors.
Representing Waterhen band:
KA-TAH-KAK-WA-NA-YAAS, His x mark.
Chief.
WA-WAH-RON-WEK-AH-PON, ” x “
Councillor.
Representing the Turtle and Valley Rivers, and Riding Mountain:
KEE-SICK-KOO-WE-NIN His x mark.
(in place of Mekis, dead),
Chief.
KEE-SAY-KEE-SICK, ” x “
Councillor.
NOS-QUASH, ” x “
BAPTISTE,
Braves.
Representing the St. Peter's band:
MIS-KOO-KE-NEU His x mark.
(or Red Eagle).
MA-TWA-KA-KE-TOOH. ” x “
I-AND-EVAYWAY. ” x “
MA-KO-ME-WE-KEM. ” x “
AS-SHO-AH-MEY. ” x “
In presence of the following:
(Signed) ALEX. MORRIS,
Lieut.-Governor.
JAMES McKAY.
JAMES F. GRAHAM.
ISAAC COWIE.
FRANCIS FIELD.
JOHN A. DAVIDSON.
CHARLES WOOD.
We, the undersigned,
Chiefs and head men of Indian bands representing bands of Indians who
were parties to the Treaties Numbers One and Two, mentioned in the
report of a Committee of the Queen's Privy Council of Canada, “as
printed on the other side of this parchment,” having had communication
thereof, and fully understanding the same, assent thereto and accept
the increase of annuities therein mentioned on the condition therein
stated, and with the assent and approval of their several bands, it
being agreed, however, with the Queen's Commissioners, that the number
of braves and councillors for each Chief shall be four, as at present,
instead of two as printed, 1875.
Signed
near Fort Alexander, on the Indian reserve, the twenty-third day of
August, in the year of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and
seventy-five.
KA-KE-KE-PENOIS His x mark.
(William Pennefather).
JOSEPH KENT. ” x “
PETANAQUAQE
(Henry Vane). ” x “
PETER HENDERSON. ” x “
KAY-PAYAHSINISK. ” x “
Witnesses:
(Signed) J. A. N. PROVENCHER,
Indian Commissioner.
J. DUBUC.
A. DUBUC.
JOS. MONKMAN,
Interpreter.
WILLIAM LEUNT.
Signed at Broken Head
River, the twenty-eighth day of August, in the year of Our Lord one
thousand eight hundred and seventy-five.
(Signed) J. A. N. PROVENCHER,
Indian Commissioner.
NASHA-KE-PE-NOIS. His x mark.
AH-KEE-SEEK-WAS-KEMG. ” x “
NAYWA-BE-BEE-KEE-SIK. ” x “
MAY-JAH-KEE-GEE-QUAN. ” x “
PAY-SAUGA. ” x “
Witnesses:
(Signed) J. DUBUC.
H. S. REYNOLDS.
DANIEL DEVLIN.
H. COOK.
Signed on the Reserve at
Roseau River, eighth day of September, in the year of Our Lord one
thousand eight hundred and seventy-five.
(Signed) J. A. N. PROVENCHER,
Indian Commissioner.
NA-NA-WA-NA-NAN His x mark.
(or, Centre of Bird's Tail),
KE-WE-SAY-ASH ” x “
(or, Flying Round),
WA-KO-WASH (or, Whippoorwill), ” x “
Chiefs.
OSAH-WEE-KA-KAY, ” x “
OSAYS-KOO-KOON, ” x “
SHAY-WAY-ASH, ” x “
SHE-SKE-PENSE, ” x “
MA-MEH-TAH-CUM-E-CUP, ” x “
PAH-TE-CU-WEE-NIUN, ” x “
Councillors.
KAK-KA-QUIN-IASH, ” x “
ANA-WAY-WEE-TIN, ” x “
TIBIS-QUO-QE-SICK, ” x “
WE-SHO-TA, ” x “
NAT-TEE-KEE-GET, ” x “
Braves.
Witness:
(Signed) JAMES F. GRAHAM.
THE LAKE WINNIPEG
TREATY, NUMBER FIVE
Articles
of a treaty made and concluded at Berens River the twentieth day of
September, and at Norway House the twenty-fourth day of September in
the year of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and seventy-five,
between Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and
Ireland, by her Commissioners, the Honorable Alexander Morris,
Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Manitoba and the North-West
Territories, and the Honorable James McKay, of the one part, and the
Saulteaux and Swampy Cree Tribes of Indians, inhabitants of the country
within the limits hereinafter defined and described by their Chiefs,
chosen and named as hereinafter mentioned, of the other part:
Whereas
the Indians inhabiting the said country have, pursuant to an
appointment made by the said Commissioners, been convened at meetings
at Berens River and Norway House, to deliberate upon certain matters of
interest to Her Most Gracious Majesty, of the one part, and the said
Indians of the other;
And
whereas the said Indians have been notified and informed by Her
Majesty's said Commissioners, that it is the desire of Her Majesty to
open up for settlement, immigration, and such other purposes as to Her
Majesty may seem meet, a tract of country bounded and described as
hereinafter mentioned, and to obtain the consent thereto of her Indian
subjects inhabiting the said tract, and to make a treaty and arrange
with them, so that there may be peace and good will between them and
Her Majesty, and that they may know and be assured of what allowance
they are to count upon and receive from Her Majesty's bounty and
benevolence;
And whereas,
the Indians of the said tract, duly convened in council as aforesaid,
and being requested by Her Majesty's said Commissioners to name certain
Chiefs and head men, who should be authorized on their behalf to
conduct such negotiations and sign any treaty to be founded thereon,
and to become responsible to Her Majesty for the faithful performance
by their respective bands of such obligations as shall be assumed by
them, the said Indians have thereupon named the following persons for
that purpose, that is to say:—For the Indians within the Berens River
region and their several bands:
Nah-wee-kee-sick-quah-yash,
Chief; Kah-nah-wah-kee-wee-nin and Nah-kee-quan-nay-yash, Councillors,
and Pee-wah-noo-wee-nin, of Poplar River, Councillor; for the Indians
within the Norway House region and their several bands, David Rundle,
Chief; James Cochrane, Harry Constatag and Charles Pisequinip,
Councillors; and Ta-pas-ta-num, or Donald William Sinclair Ross, Chief;
James Garriock and Proud McKay, Councillors;
And
thereupon in open council, the different bands having presented their
Chiefs to the said Commissioners as the Chiefs and head men, for the
purposes aforesaid, of the respective bands of Indians inhabiting the
said district hereinafter described;
And
whereas, the said Commissioners then and there received and
acknowledged the persons so presented as Chiefs and head men, for the
purposes aforesaid, of the respective bands of Indians inhabiting the
said district hereinafter described;
And
whereas, the said Commissioners have proceeded to negotiate a treaty
with the said Indians and the same has been finally agreed upon and
concluded as follows, that is to say:
The
Saulteaux and Swampy Cree tribes of Indians and all other the Indians
inhabiting the district hereinafter described and defined, do hereby
cede, release, surrender, and yield up to the Government of the
Dominion of Canada, for Her Majesty the Queen and her successors
forever, all their rights, titles and privileges whatsoever to the
lands included within the following limits, that is to say:
Commencing
at the north corner or junction of Treaties Numbers One and Three,
thence easterly along the boundary of Treaty Number Three to the height
of land at the north-east corner of the said treaty limits, a point
dividing the waters of the Albany and Winnipeg Rivers, thence due north
along the said height of land to a point intersected by the 53° of
north latitude and thence north-westerly to Favourable Lake, thence
following the east shore of said lake to its northern limit, thence
north-westerly to the north end of Lake Winnipegosis, thence westerly
to the height of land called “Robinson's Portage,” thence
north-westerly to the east end of Cross Lake, thence north-westerly
crossing Fox's Lake, thence north-westerly to the north end of Split
Lake, thence south-westerly to Pipestone Lake, on Burntwood River,
thence south-westerly to the western point of John Scott's Lake, thence
south-westerly to the north shore of Beaver Lake, thence south-westerly
to the west end of Cumberland Lake, thence due south to the
Saskatchewan River, thence due south to the north-west corner of the
northern limits of Treaty Number Four, including all territory within
the said limits, and all islands on all lakes within the said limits as
above described, and it being also understood that in all cases where
lakes form the treaty limits, ten miles from the shore of the lake
should he included in the treaty;
And
also all their rights, titles and privileges whatsoever to all other
lands wherever situated in the North-West Territories, or in any other
Province or portion of Her Majesty's Dominions situated and being
within the Dominion of Canada;
The
tract comprised within the lines above described embracing an area of
one hundred thousand square miles, be the same, more or less;
To have and to hold the same to Her Majesty
the Queen and her successors forever.
And
Her Majesty the Queen hereby agrees and undertakes to lay aside
reserves for farming lands, due respect being had to lands at present
cultivated by the said Indians, and other reserves for the benefit of
the said Indians to be administered and dealt with for them by Her
Majesty's Government of the Dominion of Canada; provided all such
reserves shall not exceed in all one hundred and sixty acres for each
family of five, or in that proportion for larger or smaller families in
manner following, that is to say:—For the band of Saulteaux in the
Berens River region now settled, or who may within two years settle
therein, a reserve commencing at the outlet of Berens River into Lake
Winnipeg, and extending along the shores of said lake and up said river
and into the interior behind said lake and river, so as to comprehend
one hundred and sixty acres for each family of five, a reasonable
addition being, however, to be made by Her Majesty to the extent of the
said reserve for the inclusion in the tract so reserved of swamps, but
reserving the free navigation of the said lake and river, and free
access to the shores and waters thereof for Her Majesty and all her
subjects, and excepting thereout such land as may have been granted to
or stipulated to be held by the Hudson's Bay Company, and also such
land as Her Majesty or her successors may in her good pleasure see fit
to grant to the mission established at or near Berens River by the
Methodist Church of Canada, for a church, school-house, parsonage,
burial ground and farm, or other mission purposes; and to the Indians
residing at Poplar River, falling into Lake Winnipeg north of Berens
River, a reserve not exceeding one hundred and sixty acres to each
family of five, respecting as much as possible their present
improvements; and inasmuch as a number of the Indians now residing in
and about Norway House, of the band of whom David Rundle is Chief, are
desirous of removing to a locality where they can cultivate the soil,
Her Majesty the Queen hereby agrees to lay aside a reserve on the west
side of Lake Winnipeg, in the vicinity of Fisher River, so as to give
one hundred acres to each family of five, or in that proportion for
larger or smaller families, who shall remove to the said locality
within “three years,” it being estimated that ninety families or
thereabout will remove within the said period, and that a reserve will
be laid aside sufficient for that or the actual number; and it is
further agreed that those of the band who remain in the vicinity of
“Norway House” shall retain for their own use their present gardens,
buildings and improvements until the same be departed with by the
Queen's Government, with their consent first had and obtained for their
individual benefit, if any value can be realized therefor; and with
regard to the band of Wood Indians of whom Ta-pas-ta-num or Donald
William Sinclair Ross is Chief, a reserve at Otter Island on the west
side of Cross Lake of one hundred and sixty acres for each family of
five, or in that proportion for smaller families, reserving however to
Her Majesty, her successors, and her subjects, the free navigation of
all lakes and rivers, and free access to the shores thereof; Provided,
however, that Her Majesty reserves the right to deal with any settlers
within the bounds of any lands reserved for any band as she shall deem
fit, and also that the aforesaid reserves of land, or any interest
therein, may be sold or otherwise disposed of by Her Majesty's
Government for the use and benefit of the said Indians entitled
thereto, with their consent first had and obtained; and with a view to
shew the satisfaction of Her Majesty with the behavior and good conduct
of her Indians she hereby through her Commissioners makes them a
present of five dollars for each man, woman and child belonging to the
bands here represented, in extinguishment of all claims heretofore
preferred;
And further, Her
Majesty agrees to maintain schools for instruction in such reserves
hereby made as to her Government of the Dominion of Canada may seem
advisable, whenever the Indians of the reserve shall desire it;
Her
Majesty further agrees with her said Indians, that within the boundary
of Indian reserves until otherwise determined by her Government of the
Dominion of Canada, no intoxicating liquor shall be allowed to be
introduced or sold, and all laws now in force, or hereafter to be
enacted, to preserve her Indian subjects inhabiting the reserves or
living elsewhere within her North-West Territories, from the evil
influence of the use of intoxicating liquors, shall be strictly
enforced;
Her Majesty
further agrees with her said Indians that they, the said Indians, shall
have right to pursue their avocations of hunting and fishing throughout
the tract surrendered as hereinbefore described, subject to such
regulations as may from time to time be made by her Government of her
Dominion of Canada, and saving and excepting such tracts as may from
time to time be required or taken up for settlement, mining, lumbering
or other purposes by her said Government of the Dominion of Canada, or
by any of the subjects thereof duly authorized therefor by the said
Government;
It is further
agreed between Her Majesty and her said Indians, that such sections of
the reserves above indicated as may at any time be required for public
works or buildings, of what nature soever, may be appropriated for that
purpose by Her Majesty's Government of the Dominion of Canada, due
compensation being made for the value of any improvement thereon;
And
further, that Her Majesty's Commissioners shall, as soon as possible
after the execution of this treaty, cause to be taken an accurate
census of all the Indians inhabiting the tract above described,
distributing them in families, and shall in every year ensuing the date
hereof, at some period in each year, to be duly notified to the
Indians, and at a place or places to be appointed for that purpose
within the territory ceded, pay to each Indian person the sum of five
dollars per head yearly;
It
is further agreed between Her Majesty and the said Indians that the sum
of five hundred dollars per annum shall be yearly and every year
expended by Her Majesty in the purchase of ammunition and twine for
nets for the use of the said Indians in manner following, that is to
say:—In the reasonable discretion as regards the distribution thereof
among the Indians inhabiting the several reserves or otherwise included
herein, of Her Majesty's Indian Agent having the supervision of this
treaty;
It is further
agreed between Her Majesty and the said Indians that the following
articles shall be supplied to any band of the said Indians who are now
cultivating the soil, or who shall hereafter commence to cultivate the
land, that is to say:—Two hoes for every family actually cultivating;
also one spade per family as aforesaid; one plough for every ten
families as aforesaid; five harrows for every twenty families as
aforesaid; one scythe for every family as aforesaid; and also one axe;
and also one cross-cut saw; one hand saw, one pit saw, the necessary
files, one grindstone, and one auger for each band; and also for each
Chief for the use of his band, one chest of ordinary carpenter's tools;
also, for each band, enough of wheat, barley, potatoes and oats to
plant the land actually broken up for cultivation by such band; also,
for each band, one yoke of oxen, one bull, and four cows: all the
aforesaid articles to be given once for all for the
encouragement of the practice of agriculture among the Indians.
It
is further agreed between Her Majesty and the said Indians, that each
Chief, duly recognized as such, shall receive an annual salary of
twenty-five dollars per annum, and each subordinate officer, not
exceeding three for each band, shall receive fifteen dollars per annum;
and each such Chief and subordinate officer as aforesaid shall also
receive, once every three years, a suitable suit of clothing; and each
Chief shall receive, in recognition of the closing of the treaty, a
suitable flag and medal.
And
the undersigned Chiefs, on their own behalf, and on behalf of all other
Indians inhabiting the tract within ceded, do hereby solemnly promise
and engage to strictly observe this treaty, and also to conduct and
behave themselves as good and loyal subjects of Her Majesty the Queen.
They promise and engage that they will, in all respects, obey and abide
by the law, and they will maintain peace and good order between each
other, and also between themselves and other tribes of Indians, and
between themselves and others of Her Majesty's subjects, whether
Indians or whites, now inhabiting or hereafter to inhabit any part of
the said ceded tracts; and that they will not molest the person or
property of any inhabitant of such ceded tracts, or the property of Her
Majesty the Queen, or interfere with or trouble any person passing or
travelling through the said tracts or any part thereof: and that they
will aid and assist the officers of Her Majesty in bringing to justice
and punishment any Indian offending against the stipulations of this
treaty, or infringing the laws in force in the country so ceded.
In
witness whereof, Her Majesty's said Commissioners and the said Indian
Chiefs have hereunto subscribed and set their hands at Berens River,
this twentieth day of September, A.D. 1875, and at Norway House, on the
twenty-fourth day of the month and year herein first above named.
(Signed) ALEXANDER MORRIS, [L. S.]
Lieut.-Governor.
JAMES McKAY, [L. S.]
NAH-WEE-KEE-SICK-QUAH-YASH His x mark.
(otherwise Jacob Berens),
Chief.
KAH-WAH-NAH-KEE-WEE-NIN ” x “
(otherwise Antoine Gouin),
NAH-KEE-QUAN-NAY-YAH, ” x “
PEE-WAH-ROO-WEE-NIN, ” x “
Councillors.
Signed by the Chiefs
within named in presence of the following witnesses, the same having
been first read and explained by the Honorable James McKay:
(Signed) THOMAS HOWARD.
A. G. JACKES, M.D.
CHRISTINE MORRIS.
E. C. MORRIS.
ELIZABETH YOUNG.
EGERTON RYERSON YOUNG.
WILLIAM McKAY.
JOHN McKAY.
Signed at Norway House
by the Chiefs and Councillors hereunto subscribing in the presence of
the undersigned witnesses, the same having been first read and
explained, by the Honorable James McKay:
(Signed) ALEXANDER MORRIS, [L.S.]
Lieut.-Governor.
JAMES McKAY. [L.S.]
DAVID RUNDLE,
Chief.
JAMES COCHRANE, His x mark.
HARRY CONSTATAG, ” x “
CHARLES PISEQUINIP, ” x “
Councillors.
TA-PAS-TA-NUM ” x “
(or Donald William
Sinclair Ross),
Chief.
GEORGE GARRIOCK,
PROUD McKAY, ” x “
Councillors.
Witnesses:
(Signed) RODERICK ROSS.
JOHN H. RUTTAN,
Methodist Minister.
O. GERMAN,
Methodist Minister.
D. C. McTAVISH.
ALEXANDER SINCLAIR.
L. C. McTAVISH.
CHRISTINE V. K. MORRIS.
E. C. MORRIS.
A. G. JACKES, M.D.
THOMAS HOWARD.
ADHESION OF SASKATCHEWAN
INDIANS
We
the band of the Saulteaux tribe of Indians, residing at the mouth of
the Saskatchewan River, on both sides thereof, having had communication
of the foregoing treaty, hereby, and in consideration of the provisions
of the said treaty being extended to us, transfer, surrender, and
relinquish to Her Majesty the Queen, her heirs and successors, to and
for the use of the Government of Canada, all our right, title and
privileges whatsoever, which we have or enjoy in the territory
described in the said treaty, and every part thereof, to have and, to
bold to the use of Her Majesty the Queen, and her heirs and successors
forever.
And Her Majesty
agrees, through the said Commissioners, to assign a reserve of
sufficient area to allow one hundred and sixty acres to each family of
five, or in that proportion for larger or smaller families—such
reserves to be laid off and surveyed next year, on the south side of
the River Saskatchewan.
And
having regard to the importance of the land where the said Indians are
now settled, in respect of the purposes of the navigation of the said
river, and transport in connection therewith, and otherwise, and in
view of the fact that many of the said Indians have now houses and
gardens on the other side of the river, and elsewhere, which they will
abandon, Her Majesty agrees, through her said Commissioners, to grant a
sum of five hundred dollars to the said band, to be paid in equitable
proportions to such of them as have houses, to assist them in removing
their houses to the said reserve, or building others. And the said
Indians represented herein by their Chief and Councillors, presented as
such by the band, do hereby agree to accept the several provisions,
payments, and other benefits as stated in the said treaty, and solemnly
promise and engage to abide by, carry out and fulfil all the
stipulations, obligations and conditions therein contained, on the part
of the said Chiefs and Indians therein named, to be observed and
performed, and in all things to conform to the articles of the said
treaty as if we ourselves had been originally contracting parties
thereto.
In witness
whereof, Her Majesty's said Commissioners and the said Indian Chief and
Councillors have hereunto subscribed and set their hands, at the Grand
Rapids, this twenty-seventh day of September, in the year of Our Lord
one thousand eight hundred and seventy-five.
(Signed) ALEXANDER MORRIS, [L.S.]
Lieut.-Governor.
JAMES McKAY. [L.S.]
PETER BEARDY, His x mark.
Chief.
JOSEPH ATKINSON, ” x “
ROBERT SANDERSON, ” x “
Councillors.
Signed by the parties in
the presence of the undersigned witnesses, the same having been first
explained to the Indians by the Honorable James McKay:
(Signed) THOMAS HOWARD.
RODERICK ROSS.
E. C. MORRIS.
A. G. JACKES, M.D.
ALEXANDER MATHESON.
JOSEPH HOUSTON.
CHRISTINE V. K. MORRIS.
Memorandum.
The
Queen's Indian Commissioners having met Thickfoot and a portion of the
Islands band of Indians at Wapang or Dog Head Island, on the
twenty-eighth day of September A.D. 1875, request him to notify the
Island Indians and those of Jack Head Point, to meet at Wapang an
Indian agent next summer, to receive payments under the treaty, which
they have made with the Indians of Norway House, Berens River, Grand
Rapids and Lake Winnipeg, and in which they are included, at a time of
which they will be notified, and to be prepared then to designate their
Chief and two Councillors. The Commissioners have agreed to give some
of the Norway House Indians a reserve at Fisher Creek, and they will
give land to the Island Indians at the same place.
Given at Wapang, this 28th day of September,
A.D. 1875, under our hands.
ALEXANDER MORRIS,
Lieut.-Governor.
JAMES McKAY.
I accept payments under
the treaty for myself and those who may adhere to me, and accept the
same and all its provisions, as a principal Indian, and agree to notify
the Indians as above written.
Wapang, September 28th, 1875.
(Signed) THICKFOOT. His x mark.
Witness:
(Signed) THOMAS HOWARD.
RODERICK ROSS.
Note—In 1876 Messrs.
Howard and Reid obtained the adhesions to the Winnipeg Treaty of the
Indians of the Dog Head, Bloodvein River, Big Island, and Jack Fish
Head bands on Lake Winnipeg, and of the Island and Grand Rapids of the
Berens River band, and of the Pas, Cumberland and Moose Lake bands on
the Saskatchewan River, as will be found stated in Chapter VIII.
THE TREATIES AT FORTS
CARLTON AND PITT, NUMBER SIX
Articles
of a treaty made and concluded near Carlton, on the twenty-third day of
August, and on the twenty-eighth day of said month, respectively, and
near Fort Pitt on the ninth day of September, in the year of Our Lord
one thousand eight hundred and seventy-six, between Her Most Gracious
Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, by her Commissioners,
the Honorable Alexander Morris, Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of
Manitoba and the North-West Territories, and the Honorable James McKay
and the Honorable William Joseph Christie, of the one part, and the
Plain and the Wood Cree Tribes of Indians, and the other Tribes of
Indians, inhabitants of the country within the limits hereinafter
defined and described, by their Chiefs, chosen and named as hereinafter
mentioned, of the other part.
Whereas
the Indians inhabiting the said country have, pursuant to an
appointment made by the said Commissioners, been convened at meetings
at Fort Carlton, Fort Pitt and Battle River, to deliberate upon certain
matters of interest to Her Most Gracious Majesty, of the one part, and
the said Indians of the other;
And
whereas the said Indians have been notified and informed by Her
Majesty's said Commissioners that it is the desire of Her Majesty to
open up for settlement, immigration and such other purposes as to Her
Majesty may seem meet, a tract of country, bounded and described as
hereinafter mentioned, and to obtain the consent thereto of her Indian
subjects inhabiting the said tract, and to make a treaty and arrange
with them, so that there may be peace and good will between them and
Her Majesty, and that they may know and be assured of what allowance
they are to count upon and receive from Her Majesty's bounty and
benevolence;
And whereas
the Indians of the said tract, duly convened in council as aforesaid,
and being requested by Her Majesty's Commissioners to name certain
Chiefs and head men, who should be authorized, on their behalf, to
conduct each negotiations and sign any treaty to be founded thereon,
and to become responsible to Her Majesty for the faithful performance
by their respective bands of such obligations as shall be assumed by
them, the said Indians have thereupon named for that purpose, that is
to say:—representing the Indians who make the treaty at Carlton, the
several Chiefs and Councillors who have subscribed hereto, and
representing the Indians who make the treaty at Fort Pitt, the several
Chiefs and Councillors who have subscribed hereto;
And
thereupon, in open council, the different bands having presented their
Chiefs to the said Commissioners as the Chiefs and head men, for the
purposes aforesaid, of the respective bands of Indians inhabiting the
district hereinafter described;
And
whereas the said Commissioners then and there received and acknowledged
the persons so represented, as Chiefs and head men, for the purposes
aforesaid, of the respective bands of Indians inhabiting the said
district hereinafter described;
And
whereas the said Commissioners have proceeded to negotiate a treaty
with the said Indians, and the same has been finally agreed upon and
concluded as follows, that is to say:
The
Plain and Wood Cree Tribes of Indians, and all other the Indians
inhabiting the district hereinafter described and defined, do hereby
cede, release, surrender and yield up to the Government of the Dominion
of Canada for Her Majesty the Queen and her successors forever, all
their rights titles and privileges whatsoever, to the lands included
within the following limits, that is to say:
Commencing
at the mouth of the river emptying into the north-west angle of
Cumberland Lake, thence westerly up the said river to the source,
thence on a straight line in a westerly direction to the head of Green
Lake, thence northerly to the elbow in the Beaver River, thence down
the said river northerly to a point twenty miles from the said elbow;
thence in a westerly direction, keeping on a line generally parallel
with the said Beaver River (above the elbow), and about twenty miles
distance therefrom, to the source of the said river; thence northerly
to the north-easterly point of the south shore of Red Deer Lake,
continuing westerly along the said shore to the western limit thereof,
and thence due west to the Athabaska River, thence up the said river,
against the stream to the Jasper House, in the Rocky Mountains; thence
on a course south-eastwardly, following the easterly range of the
Mountains, to the source of the main branch of the Red Deer River;
thence down the said river, with the stream, to the junction therewith
of the outlet of the river, being the outlet of the Buffalo Lake;
thence due east twenty miles, thence on a straight line
south-eastwardly to the mouth of the said Red Deer River on the South
Branch of the Saskatchewan River; thence eastwardly and northwardly,
following on the boundaries of the tracts conceded by the several
Treaties numbered Four and Five, to the place of beginning;
And
also all their rights, titles and privileges whatsoever, to all other
lands, wherever situated, in the North-West Territories, or in any
other Province or portion of Her Majesty's Dominions, situated and
being within the Dominion of Canada;
The
tract comprised within the lines above described, embracing an area of
one hundred and twenty-one thousand square miles, be the same more or
less;
To have and to hold the same to Her Majesty
the Queen and her successors forever;
And
Her Majesty the Queen hereby agrees and undertakes to lay aside
reserves for farming lands, due respect being had to lands at present
cultivated by the said Indians, and other reserves for the benefit of
the said Indians, to be administered and dealt with for them by Her
Majesty's Government of the Dominion of Canada, provided all such
reserves shall not exceed in all one square mile for each family of
five, or in that proportion for larger or smaller families, in manner
following that is to say:—
That
the Chief Superintendent of Indian Affairs shall depute and send a
suitable person to determine and set apart the reserves for each band,
after consulting with the Indians thereof as to the locality which may
be found to be most suitable for them;
Provided,
however, that Her Majesty reserves the right to deal with any settlers
within the bounds of any lands reserved for any band as she shall deem
fit, and also that the aforesaid reserves of land or any interest
therein may be sold or otherwise disposed of by Her Majesty's
Government for the use and benefit of the said Indians entitled
thereto, with their consent first had and obtained; and with a view to
show the satisfaction of Her Majesty with the behavior and good conduct
of her Indians, she hereby, through her Commissioners, makes them a
present of twelve dollars for each man, woman and child belonging to
the bands here represented, in extinguishment of all claims heretofore
preferred;
And further, Her
Majesty agrees to maintain schools for instruction in such reserves
hereby made, as to her Government of the Dominion of Canada may seem
advisable, whenever the Indians of the reserve shall desire it;
Her
Majesty further agrees with her said Indians that within the boundary
of Indian reserves, until otherwise determined by her Government of the
Dominion of Canada, no intoxicating liquor shall be allowed to be
introduced or sold, and all laws now in force or hereafter to be
enacted to preserve her Indian subjects inhabiting the reserves or
living elsewhere within her North-West Territories from the evil
influence of the use of intoxicating liquors, shall be strictly
enforced;
Her Majesty
further agrees with her said Indians that they the said Indians, shall
have right to pursue their avocations of hunting and fishing throughout
the tract surrendered as hereinbefore described, subject to such
regulations as may from time to time be made by her Government of her
Dominion of Canada, and saving and excepting such tracts as may from
time to time be required or taken up for settlement, mining, lumbering
or other purposes by her said Government of the Dominion of Canada, or
by any of the subjects thereof, duly authorized therefor, by the said
Government;
It is further
agreed between Her Majesty and her said Indians, that such sections of
the reserves above indicated as may at any time be required for public
works or buildings of what nature soever, may be appropriated for that
purpose by Her Majesty's Government of the Dominion of Canada, due
compensation being made for the value of any improvements thereon;
And
further, that Her Majesty's Commissioners shall, as soon as possible
after the execution of this treaty, cause to be taken, an accurate
census of all the Indians inhabiting the tract above described,
distributing them in families, and shall in every year ensuing the date
hereof, at some period in each year, to be duly notified to the
Indians, and at a place or places to be appointed for that purpose,
within the territories ceded, pay to each Indian person the sum of five
dollars per head yearly;
It
is further agreed between Her Majesty and the said Indians that the sum
of fifteen hundred dollars per annum shall be yearly and every year
expended by Her Majesty in the purchase of ammunition and twine for
nets for the use of the said Indians, in manner following, that is to
say:—In the reasonable discretion as regards the distribution thereof,
among the Indians inhabiting the several reserves, or otherwise
included herein, of Her Majesty's Indian Agent having the supervision
of this treaty;
It is
further agreed between Her Majesty and the said Indians that the
following articles shall be supplied to any band of the said Indians
who are now cultivating the soil, or who shall hereafter commence to
cultivate the land, that is to say—Four hoes for every family actually
cultivating, also two spades per family as aforesaid; one plough for
every three families, as aforesaid, one harrow for every three families
as aforesaid; two scythes, and one whetstone and two hayforks and two
reaping-hooks for every family as aforesaid; and also two axes, and
also one cross cut saw, and also one hand saw, one pit saw, the
necessary files, one grindstone and one auger for each band; and also
for each Chief, for the use of his band, one chest of ordinary
carpenter's tools; also for each band, enough of wheat, barley,
potatoes and oats to plant the land actually broken up for cultivation
by such band; also for each band, four oxen, one bull and six cows,
also one boar and two sows, and one handmill when any band shall raise
sufficient grain therefor; all the aforesaid articles to be given
once for all for the encouragement of the practice of agriculture
among the Indians;
It
is further agreed between Her Majesty and the said Indians, that each
Chief, duly recognized as such shall receive an annual salary of
twenty-five dollars per annum; and each subordinate officer, not
exceeding four for each band, shall receive fifteen dollars per annum;
and each such Chief and subordinate officer as aforesaid, shall also
receive, once every three years, a suitable suit of clothing, and each
Chief shall receive, in recognition of the closing of the treaty, a
suitable flag and medal, and also, as soon as convenient, one horse,
harness and waggon;
That in
the event hereafter of the Indians comprised within this treaty being
overtaken by any pestilence, or by a general famine, the Queen, on
being satisfied and certified thereof by her Indian Agent or Agents,
will grant to the Indians assistance of such character and to such
extent as her Chief Superintendent of Indian Affairs shall deem
necessary and sufficient to relieve the Indians from the calamity that
shall have befallen them;
That
during the next three years, after two or more of the reserves hereby
agreed to be set apart to the Indians, shall have been agreed upon and
surveyed, there shall be granted to the Indians included under the
Chiefs adhering to the treaty at Carlton, each spring, the sum of one
thousand dollars to be expended for them by Her Majesty's Indian
Agents, in the purchase of provisions for the use of such of the band
as are actually settled on the reserves and are engaged in cultivating
the soil, to assist them in such cultivation;
That
a medicine chest shall be kept at the house of each Indian Agent for
the use and benefit of the Indians, at the discretion of such Agent;
That
with regard to the Indians included under the Chiefs adhering to the
treaty at Fort Pitt, and to those under Chiefs within the treaty limits
who may hereafter give their adhesion hereto (exclusively, however, of
the Indians of the Carlton Region) there shall, during three years,
after two or more reserves shall have been agreed upon and surveyed, be
distributed each spring among the bands cultivating the soil on such
reserves, by Her Majesty's Chief Indian Agent for this treaty in his
discretion, a sum not exceeding one thousand dollars, in the purchase
of provisions for the use of such members of the band as are actually
settled on the reserves and engaged in the cultivation of the soil, to
assist and encourage them in such cultivation;
That,
in lieu of waggons, if they desire it, and declare their option to that
effect, there shall be given to each of the Chiefs adhering hereto, at
Fort Pitt or elsewhere hereafter (exclusively of those in the Carlton
District) in recognition of this treaty, so soon as the same can be
conveniently transported, two carts, with iron bushings and tires;
And
the undersigned Chiefs, on their behalf, and on behalf of all other
Indians inhabiting the tract within ceded, do hereby solemnly promise
and engage to strictly observe this treaty, and also to conduct and
behave themselves as good and loyal subjects of Her Majesty the Queen;
They
promise and engage that they will in all respects obey and abide by the
law, and they will maintain peace and good order between each other,
and also between themselves and other tribes of Indians, and between
themselves and others of Her Majesty's subjects, whether Indians or
whites, now inhabiting or hereafter to inhabit any part of the said
ceded tracts, and that they will not molest the person or property of
any inhabitant of such ceded tracts, or the property of Her Majesty the
Queen, or interfere with or trouble any person passing or travelling
through the said tracts or any part thereof; and that they will aid and
assist the officers of Her Majesty in bringing to justice and
punishment any Indian offending against the stipulations of this
treaty, or infringing the laws in force in the country so ceded.
In
witness whereof, Her Majesty's said Commissioners and the said Indian
Chiefs have hereunto subscribed and set their hands, at or near Fort
Carlton, on the day and year aforesaid, and near Fort Pitt on the day
above aforesaid.
(Signed) ALEXANDER MORRIS,
Lieut.-Governor, N.-W.T.
JAMES McKAY,
W. J. CHRISTIE,
Indian Commissioners.
MIST-OW-AS-IS, His x mark.
AH-TUK-UK-KOOP, ” x “
Head Chiefs of the Carlton Indians.
PEE-YAHN-KAH-NIHK-OO-SIT, ” x “
AH-YAH-TUS-KUM-IK-IM-UM, ” x “
KEE-TOO-WA-HAN, ” x “
CHA-KAS-TA-PAY-SIN, ” x “
JOHN SMITH, ” x “
JAMES SMITH, ” x “
CHIP-EE-WAY-AN, ” x “
Chiefs.
MASSAN, ” x “
PIERRE CADIEN, ” x “
OO-YAH-TIK-WAH-PAHN, ” x “
MAHS-KEE-TE-TIM-UN, ” x “
Councillors of Mist-ow-as-is.
SAH-SAH-KOO-MOOS, ” x “
BENJAMIN, ” x “
MEE-NOW-AH-CHAHK-WAY, ” x “
KEE-SIK-OW-ASIS, ” x “
Councillors of Ah-tuk-uk-koop.
PEE-TOOK-AH-HAN-UP-EE-GIN-EW, “ x “
PEE-AY-CHEW, ” x “
TAH-WAH-PISK-EE-KAHP-POW, ” x “
AHS-KOOS, ” x “
Councillors of Pee-yahn-kah-nihk-oo-sit.
PET-E-QUA-CAY, ” x “
JEAN BAPTISTE, ” x “
ISIDORE WOLFE, ” x “
KEE-KOO-HOOS, ” x “
Councillors of Kee-too-wa-han.
OO-SAHN-ASKU-NUKIP, ” x “
YAW-YAW-LOO-WAY, ” x “
SOO-SOU-AIM-EE-LUAHN, ” x “
NUS-YOH-YAK-EE-NAH-KOOS, ” x “
Councillors of Ah-yah-tus-kum-ik-im-um.
WILLIAM BADGER,
BENJAMIN JOYFUL, ” x “
JOHN BADGER,
JAMES BEAR,
Councillors of John Smith.
KAH-TIP-IS-KOOR-AHT, ” x “
KAH-KEW-EE-KWAHW-AHS-UM, ” x “
NAH-PACH, ” x “
MUS-IN-AH-NE-HIM-AHN, ” x “
Councillors of Cha-kas-ta-pay-sin.
BERNARD CONSTANT,
HENRY SMYTH, ” x “
MAH-TUA-AHS-TIM-OO-WE-GIN, ” x “
JACOB McLEAN, ” x “
Councillors of James Smith.
NAH-POO-CHEE-CHEES, ” x “
NAH-WIS, ” x “
KAH-PAH-PAH-MAH-CHAHK-NAY, ” x “
KEE-YEW-AH-KAH-PIM-WAHT, ” x “
Councillors of Chip-ee-way-an.
NAH-WEE-KAH-NICK-KAH-OO- TAH-MAH-HOTE ” x “
(or Neeh-cha-aw-asis),
Chief.
Signed by the Chiefs
within named in the presence of the following witnesses, the same
having been first read and explained by Peter Erasmus, Peter Ballendine
and the Rev. John McKay:
(Signed) A. G. JACKES, M.D.
JAMES WALKER,
J. H. McILLREE,
N.-W.M.P.
PIERRE LEVAILLER, His x mark.
ISIDORE DUMOND, ” x “
JEAN DUMOND, ” x “
PETER HOURIE,
FRANÇOIS GINGRAS,
J. B. MITCHELL,
Staff Constable, N.-W.M.P.
J. H. PRICE,
Hospital Steward, N.-W.M.P.
XAVIER LETANGER, His x mark.
WILLIAM SINCLAIR,
A. R. KENNEDY,
R. J. PRITCHARD,
L. CLARKE,
W. McKAY,
W. D. JARVIS,
Inspector, N.-W.M.P.
Signed by the Chiefs and
head men of the Willow Indians near Fort Carlton, this 28th day of
August, A.D. 1876, the same having been first read and explained by the
Honorable James McKay, and Peter Erasmus, in the presence of the
undersigned witnesses:
SEE-SEE-QUAM-ISH, His x mark.
NEE-TOO-KEE-WEE-KAH-MAN, ” x “
Councillors.
KAH-MEE-YIS-TOO-WAY-SIT, ” x “
KAH-PAY-YAK-WAHSK-OO-MUM, ” x “
SEE-SEE-KWAHN-IS, ” x “
Joint Chiefs of Willow Indians.
KAH-NAH-KAH-SKOW-WAHT. ” x “
KAH-AH-TEE-KOO-NEW. ” x “
KAH-NAH-MAH-CHEW. ” x “
MOON-OO-YAHS. ” x “
PO-MIN-AH-KOW. ” x “
OO-TUK-KOO-PAH-KAH-MAY- TOU-MAY-YET. ” x “
(Signed) A. G. JACKES, M.D.
JOSEPH GENTON.
JOHN A. KERR.
PIERRE LEVAILLER. His x mark.
W. D. JARVIS,
N.-W.M.P.
Signed by Her Majesty's
Commissioners, and by the Chiefs and head men hereafter subscribing
hereto, the same having been first read and explained to the Indians by
the Honorable James McKay and Peter Erasmus, near Fort Pitt, this 9th
day of September, A.D. 1876, in the presence of the undersigned
witnesses:
(Signed) ALEXANDER MORRIS,
Lieut.-Governor, N.W.T.
JAMES McKAY,
W. J. CHRISTIE,
Indian Commissioners.
WEE-KAS-KOO-KEE-PAY-YIN, His x mark.
PEE-YAS-EE-WAH-KAH-WE-CHAH-KOOT, ” x “
JAMES SEENUM, ” x “
OO-NAH-LAT-MEE-NAH-HOOS, ” x “
SEE-KAHS-KOOTCH, ” x “
TUS-TUSK-EE-SKWAIS, ” x “
PEE-WAY-SIS, ” x “
KEE-YE-WIN, ” x “
Cree Chiefs.
KIN-OO-SAY-OO, ” x “
Chippewayan Chief.
SEE-WAS-KWAN, ” x “
WAH-WAY-SEE-HOO-WE-YIN, ” x “
Councillors to Wee-kas-koo-kee-pay-yin.
TIP-EE-SKOW-AH-CHAK, ” x “
PAY-PAY-SEE-SEE-MOO, ” x “
Councillors to Pee-yas-ee-wah-kah- we-chah-koot.
OO-NOW-UK-EE-PAH-CHAS, ” x “
MY-OO-WAY-SEES, ” x “
Councillors to See-kahs-kootch.
OOS-PWAH-KHUN-IS, ” x “
NEE-YE-PEE-TAY-AS-EE-KAY-SE,
Councillors to Tus-tusk-ee-skwais.
MAH-CHAH-MEE-NIS, ” x “
ISAAC CARDINAL, ” x “
Councillors to Pee-way-sis.
ANTOINE XAVIER, ” x “
Councillor to Kin-oo-say-oo.
WILLIAM BULL, ” x “
Councillor to James Seenum.
WAH-KEY-SEE-KOOT, ” x “
Councillor to See-kahs-kootch.
CHARLES CARDINAL, ” x “
PIERRE WAHBISKAW, ” x “
Councillors to Kee-ye-win.
KI-YAS-EE-KUN, ” x “
KAH-KEE-OO-PAH-TOW, ” x “
Councillors to Wee-kas koo-kee-pay-yin.
CAKE-CAKE, ” x “
Councillor to Oo-nah-lat-mee-nah-hoos.
KAM-OO-NIN, ” x “
Councillor to James Seenum.
AH-SIS, ” x “
Councillor to See-kahs-kootch.
Witnesses:
(Signed) A. G. JACKES, M.D.
JAMES McLEOD,
Com., N.-W.M.P.
JAMES WALKER,
Inspector, N.-W.M.P.
E. DALRYMPLE CLARKE,
Adjutant, N.-W.M.P.
VITAL J. BISH,
Of St. Albert, O.M.J.
CONSTANTINE SCOLLEN,
Priest, O.M.J.
JOHN McDOUGALL,
Methodist Missionary.
JOHN McKAY.
W. E. JONES.
PETER C. PAMBRUN.
A. K. KENNEDY.
PETER ERASMUS.
THOMAS McKAY.
JAMES SIMPSON.
ELIZA HARDISTY.
MARY McKAY.
ADHESIONS TO TREATY
NUMBER SIX
We,
the undersigned Chiefs and head men of the Cree and other bands of
Indians having had communication of the treaty—a copy of which is
printed in the Report of the Minister of the Interior, for the year
ending 30th June, 1876, concluded at Forts Carlton and Pitt between the
Indians inhabiting the country described in said treaty and Her Majesty
the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, by the Commissioners the
Honorable Alexander Morris, Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba and the
North-West Territories, the Honorable W. J. Christie, and the Honorable
James McKay; but not having been present when the negotiations were
being conducted at the above-mentioned places, do hereby, for ourselves
and the bands which we represent, agree to all the terms, conditions,
covenants, and engagements of whatever kind enumerated in the said
treaty, and accept the same as if we had been present, and had
consented and agreed to the same when the treaty was first signed and
executed.
Witness our hands, at Fort Pitt, this ninth
day of August, in the year of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and
seventy-seven.
(Signed) M. G. DICKIESON,
Commissioner.
PAY-MO-TAY-AH-SOO His x mark.
KAH-SEE-MUT-A-POO ” x “
NAH-PAY-SIS ” x “
KE-HI-WINS,
Head man.
Signed by the Chiefs and head men (having
been first read and explained by Peter Erasmus) in the presence of
(Signed) PETER ERASMUS.
RODERICK CAMPBELL.
Signed at Edmonton, this
21st day of August, in the year above-written, by the Chiefs and head
men hereto, the whole having been first read and explained by Peter
Erasmus, in the presence of the following witnesses.
(Signed) ALEXIS KEES-KEE-CHEE-CHI, His x mark.
Chief.
OO-MUO-IN-AH-SOO-WAW-SIN-EE, ” x “
Head man.
CATSCHIS-TAH-WAY-SKUM, ” x “
Chief.
KOO-SAH-WAN-AS-KAY, ” x “
Head man.
PAHS-PAHS-CHASE. ” x “
TAH-KOOTCH. ” x “
Witnesses:
(Signed) RIC HARDISTY.
H. LEDUC.
PETER ERASMUS.
W. D. JARVIS,
Inspector, N.-W.M.P.
We, members of the Cree
tribe of Indians, having had explained to us the terms of the treaty,
made and concluded near Carlton, on the 23rd day of August and on the
28th day of said month respectively, and near Fort Pitt on the 9th day
of September, 1876, between Her Majesty the Queen, by the Commissioners
duly appointed to negotiate the said treaty, and the Plain and Wood
Cree and other tribes of Indians inhabiting the country within the
limits defined in said treaty; but not having been present at the
council at which the articles of the said treaty were agreed upon, do
now hereby, for ourselves and the band which we represent, in
consideration of the provisions of the said treaty being extended to us
and the band which we represent, transfer, surrender, and relinquish to
Her Majesty the Queen, her heirs and successors, to and for the use of
the Government of the Dominion of Canada, all our right, title and
interest whatsoever which we and the said band which we represent have
held or enjoyed of, in and to the territory described and fully set out
in the said treaty, also all our right, title and interest whatsoever
to all other lands wherever situated, whether within the limits of any
other treaty heretofore made, or hereafter to be made with Indians, or
elsewhere in Her Majesty's territories, to have and to hold the same,
unto and for the use of Her Majesty the Queen, her heirs and successors
forever;
And we hereby
agree to accept the several benefits, payments, and reserves promised
to the Indians under the Chiefs adhering to the said treaty at Fort
Pitt, and solemnly engage to abide by, carry out and fulfil, all the
stipulations, obligations and conditions therein contained, on the part
of the Chiefs and Indians therein named to be observed and performed,
and in all things to conform to the articles of the said treaty, as if
we ourselves and the band which we represent had been originally
contracting parties thereto, and been present at the councils held near
Fort Pitt and had there attached our signatures to the said treaty.
In
witness whereof Her Majesty's Lieutenant-Governor and Indian
Superintendent for the North-West Territories, and the Chiefs and
Councillors of the band hereby giving their adhesion to the said
treaty, have hereunto subscribed and set their hands at the Blackfoot
Crossing of the Bow River this twenty-fifth day of September, in the
year of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and seventy-seven.
(Signed) DAVID LAIRD,
Lieut.-Governor and Indian
Superintendent, N.W.T.
KIS-KAY-IM His x mark.
(or, Bob Tail),
Chief.
MEM-IN-OROU-TAW ” x “
(or, Sometimes Glad),
TCHO-WEK ” x “
(or, Passing Sound),
Councillors.
Signed by the parties
hereto in the presence of the undersigned witnesses, the same having
been first explained to the Indians by Rev. J. MacDougall.
(Signed) JAMES F. McLEOD,
Com., N.-W.M.P.
CONSTANTINE SCOLLEN.
A. S. IRVINE,
Assistant Commissioner.
J. McDOUGALL,
Missionary.
The undersigned Chiefs
and head men of the Cree Nation having had communication of the treaty
concluded between Her Majesty the Queen by her Commissioners and
certain Chiefs of the Cree Nation, at Fort Pitt on the 9th day of
September 1876, agree to surrender our title to all our lands in the
North-West Territories and to abide by all the promises set forth in
the said treaty, on condition that all the payments, reserves of land,
and promises named therein are secured to us by Her Majesty.
And
the undersigned Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the North-West
Territories on behalf of Her Majesty agrees that all the payments,
reserves and promises named in the said treaty to be made to each Cree
Chief and his band shall be faithfully made and carried out to the
Chiefs who have subscribed to this memorandum and to their people.
In
witness whereof the undersigned Indian Superintendent, and the
undersigned Chiefs and head men have hereto set our hands this
nineteenth day of August, one thousand eight hundred and seventy-eight.
(Signed) DAVID LAIRD.
PUS-KEE-YAH-KAY-WE-YIN. His x mark.
MAH-KAYO. ” x “
PAY-PAHM-US-KUM-ICK-NIUM. ” x “
ISIDORE. ” x “
Signed the day and year
above written after having been read and interpreted to the Chiefs and
head men by Peter Erasmus, in the presence of
(Signed) JOHN FRENCH,
Sub-Inspector, N.-W.M.P.
PETER ERASMUS.
We, the undersigned
Chiefs and head men of the Wood Cree tribe of Indians, having had
communication of the treaty made and concluded near Carlton, on the
twenty-third and twenty-eighth days of August respectively, and near
Fort Pitt on the ninth day of September, one thousand eight hundred and
seventy-six, between Her Majesty the Queen, by her Commissioners and
the Plain and Wood Cree and other tribes of Indians inhabitants of the
country named therein, hereby for ourselves and the bands which we
represent, in consideration of the provisions of the said treaty being
extended to our bands, cede, transfer, surrender and relinquish to Her
Majesty the Queen, her heirs and successors to and for the use of her
Government of the Dominion of Canada, all our right, title and
privileges whatsoever to all lands in the North-West Territories or
elsewhere in Her Majesty's Dominions, to have and to hold the same unto
and to the use of Her said Majesty the Queen, her heirs and successors
forever.
And we hereby
agree to accept the several provisions, payments and reserves of the
said treaty as therein stated, and solemnly promise and engage to abide
by and carry out all the stipulations and obligations therein
contained, on the part of said Chiefs and Indians therein named to be
observed and performed, and in all things to conform to the articles of
the said treaty, as if we ourselves and our band had originally been
contracting parties thereto.
And
Her Majesty the Queen by her representative, the Honorable David Laird,
Indian Superintendent of the North-West Territories, agrees that all
the payments and provisions named in the said treaty to be made to each
Chief and his band shall be faithfully made and fulfilled to the
aforesaid Chiefs and their bands.
In
witness whereof we, the said Indian Superintendent of the North-West
Territories, and the said Chief and head men of the Stony tribe of
Indians have hereto set our hands, at Battleford, this twenty-ninth day
of August, one thousand eight hundred and seventy-eight.
(Signed) DAVID LAIRD,
Indian Superintendent.
SW-KE-MAW His x mark.
(or, Misketo).
ETA-WE-PE-TON ” x “
(or, Uses both Arms).
NESS-AU-ASIS ” x “
(or, Two Child).
KA-WA-SU-SKO-HO-PAT-ISK ” x “
(or, Lightning).
Signed by the parties
hereto in the presence of the undersigned witnesses, the same having
been first explained to the Indians by Peter Ballendine.
(Signed) JAMES WALKER,
Inspector N.-W.M.P.
P. BALLENDINE.
HAYTER REED.
We the undersigned Chief
and head men of the Plain Stony tribe of Indians, having had
communication of the treaty made and concluded near Carlton on the
twenty-third and twenty-eighth days of August respectively, and near
Fort Pitt on the ninth of September, one thousand eight hundred and
seventy-six, between Her Majesty the Queen by her Commissioners, and
the Plain and Wood Crees and other tribes of Indians, inhabitants of
the country named therein, hereby for ourselves and the band which we
represent, in consideration of the provisions of the said treaty being
extended to our band, cede, transfer, surrender and relinquish to Her
Majesty the Queen, her heirs and successors, to and for the use of the
Government of the Dominion of Canada, all our right, title and
privileges whatsoever to all lands in the North-West Territories, or
elsewhere in Her Majesty's Dominions, to have and to hold the same unto
and to the use of Her said Majesty the Queen, her heirs and successors
forever.
And we hereby
agree to accept the several provisions, payments and reserves of the
said treaty as therein stated, and solemnly promise and agree to abide
by and carry out all the stipulations and obligations therein
contained, on the part of said Chiefs and Indians therein named to be
observed and performed, and in all things to conform to the articles of
the said treaty, as if we ourselves and our band had originally been
contracting parties thereto.
And
Her Majesty the Queen by her Representative the Honorable David Laird,
Indian Superintendent of the North-West Territories, agrees that all
the payments and provisions named in the said treaty to be made to each
Chief and his band, shall be faithfully made and fulfilled to the
aforesaid Chiefs and their bands.
In
witness whereof, we, the said Indian Superintendent of the North-West
Territories, and the said Chiefs and head men of the Wood Cree tribe of
Indians, have hereto set our hands at Carlton this third day of
September, one thousand eight hundred and seventy-eight.
(Signed) DAVID LAIRD,
Indian Superintendent.
KO-PAT-A-WA-KE-NUM, His x mark.
Chief.
BANJIEL MARISTZE, ” x “
JAMES (Chief's son), ” x “
Councillors.
SA-SE-WA-HUM. ” x “
KENE-MO-LAY. ” x “
MAS-E-WAS-CHASE. ” x “
Signed by the Chiefs and
Councillors within named in presence of the following witnesses, the
same having first been explained by Peter Ballendine:
(Signed) L. CLARKE.
A. E. FORGET.
P. BALLENDINE.
We, the undersigned
Indian Chief and head men, having had communication of the treaty made
and concluded at Forts Carlton and Pitt, in the summer of 1876, but not
having been present at the conferences at which said treaty was
negotiated, hereby agree to accept the terms and conditions of the said
treaty, and to abide thereby in the same manner as if we had been
present at the time the said treaty was first signed.
As witness our hands this eighteenth day of
September, one thousand eight hundred and seventy-eight.
(Signed) MICHAEL CALISTROIS. His x mark.
LOUIS PAY-FAHN-AH-WAYO. ” x “
AC-OO-SEE. ” x “
Signed by the Chief and head men, after
having been read and explained by Peter Erasmus.
FORT WALSH, CYPRESS HILLS,
4th July, 1879.
Sir,—I
have the honor to enclose an agreement made with two Cree head men, who
expressed to me a desire to join the treaty made at Fort Carlton and
Fort Pitt on the 9th September, 1876. Little Pine is a Cree Chief who
has for some time expressed his willingness to take the treaty. Lucky
Man is a head man lately made by the Indians who have been followers of
Big Bear but who have now left him.
Big
Bear himself was present when both Little Pine and Lucky Man signed,
and, I think would have taken the treaty himself, had he not felt
ashamed at so many of his lodges leaving him. He is now almost alone,
only three or four followers having remained with him. He states that
he will take the treaty at Sounding Lake at the time of the payments.
Both
Little Pine and Lucky Man have requested that they may be paid at Fort
Walsh, as it is impossible for them to reach the more northern
agencies, and I have agreed to it. It will therefore be necessary that
enough money be forwarded to pay these Indians here. Little Pine states
he will have thirty-four lodges, and Lucky Man twenty-five. Taking the
average of a lodge at eight, which I understand is a fair estimate, it
will make four hundred and seventy-two extra Indians to be paid.
I have, &c.,
(Signed) EDGAR DEWDNEY,
Indian Commissioner.
L. VANKOUGHNET, Esq.,
Deputy Supt. General of Indian Affairs, Ottawa.
Whereas Little Pine, or
Min-a-he-quo-sis, a Cree Chief on behalf of his band and certain other
Cree Indians comprising twenty lodges, inhabitants of the country
covered by the treaty commonly known as Treaty Number Six made between
Her Majesty the Queen by her Commissioners, the Honorable Alexander
Morris, the Honorable James McKay and the Honorable William Joseph
Christie, of the one part, and t |