The long history of Indians being deprived of their civil rights is as
shameful as was the taking of their lands. The shame however now falls
upon the shoulders of their own tribal governments rather than on the
mainstream government. Tribal Sovereignty is once again the culprit. It
is this concept that allows the tribal court free reign.
Deprivation of Indian Civil Rights has been at issue for a long
time--indeed as long as the history of Indian/White relations,
commencing with the taking of their land, the subjugation of tribes,
the institution of the reservation system and the attempted
enculturation of the people. Much time and money has been expended to
redress the issue but Indians still stand in limbo in regard to their
civil rights protections.
This point is amply demonstrated in a document entitled “A Statement on
the Report of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights—Indian Civil Rights
Act.” William Allen, a professor of political science at Michigan State
University, wrote the article in 1991 to coincide with the publication
of the Commission Report. He was and
continues to be a member of the US
Civil Rights Commission; he served as Chair of the Indian Civil Rights
Act Commission in 1988-89. His Statement disapproves of the final
report of the Commission.
“ . . . I cannot concur in a report that claimed fewer than ninety
seconds of substantive Commission deliberation after more than six
years study and six-hundred thousand dollars of resources invested in
it. The report is far briefer than such an extensive record would seem
to justify. Furthermore, the direction of its recommendations. . . is
to infuse the federal government even deeper into custodial care of
Indians, while the gravamen [essential part] of our findings is that
that is the very source of most of the prob-lems we uncovered.” (page
1-Allenʼs Statement. Subsequent references will include only an
indication of the page number.) The study began in 1986 and the final
report, consisting of a mere 100 pages, was published in 1991.
Mr. Allen's statement of findings and recommendations not included in
the original report are both valuable and insightful. He bluntly states
that there is no basis for the federal government's position that it
has had “plenary [absolute] power” over Indian tribes. To make such an
assertion is to violate the constitution of the United States. The
basis for the U.S. government's position lies in what Allen describes
as the “fiction” of “government to government relations,” i.e. tribal
sovereignty. (p.2) Mr. Allen points out that the tribes are “not in
fact independent and sovereign.” (p.2)
One definition of the criteria for tribal sovereignty demands that
tribes be governed by their own laws, must possess the absolute power
of war and peace, and be in possession of “inviolable territory and
sovereignty.” Obviously few tribes in the historic, precedent-setting
past possessed all three elements and virtually none today do.
In Endnotes to the article, Allen delineates a long history of the
confusion that has evolved over the conflicting governmental position
concerning the administration of Indian policy, that is the premise
that Indian tribes needed to be taken care of (the guardian to ward
relationship) while at the same time, they should be considered
“independent sovereignties.” Is it any wonder that there has been such
a mishmash of Federal Indian policy when the governmental
administration has been guided by the above inane mindset?
Allen's second finding is: The federal government “has failed to
provide for Indians living on reservations guarantees of those
fundamental rights it is obliged to secure for all U.S. citizens.”
(p.2) This, he states, is the result of the passage of the Indian Civil
Rights Act (ICRA) of 1968 and leads him to the conclusion that the ICRA
should be repealed. (p.5)
The Act has been a failure in securing Indian rights because the Bill
of Rights does not apply on the reservations because of the myth of
Tribal Sovereignty. In effect, the ICRA subjects Indians who are, first
of all, U.S. citizens, “to the indeterminate control of tribal
governments without recourse to federal courts [and] thereby fails to
provide the just constitutional claims for . . . all citizen . . ..”
(p.3)
To support the position, Allen points out “Not one federal dollar has
been spent on the enforcement of the fundamental civil rights of
American citizens domiciled on reservations since the 1978 Supreme
Court decision, Santa Clara Pueblo v. Martinez.” (p.2 This decision
effectively emasculated the ICRA, leaving Indians with only what little
protection the writ of habeas corpus offers. Habeas corpus simply
demands that one be informed as to why s/he has been incarcerated.)
Based on his experience as a Civil Rights Commissioner, attending
meetings in five states, listening to testimony from 178 persons
including “private citizens who sought recourse to the Commission to
complain of tribal government abuses of their civil rights,” (p.10), he
suggests the following: “Congress would do better to replace the ICRA
with legislation providing for the enforcement of the civil and
constitutional rights Indians enjoy by virtue of their citizenship in
the United States.” (p.6)
His conclusion comes from evidence presented that ICRA enforcement by
tribes is spotty and in general not of an acceptable standard. The
reasons for the unacceptable outcome are: claims of sovereign immunity,
insufficient funding of the tribal court system, the Secretary of the
Interior's failure to use the appropriate section of Public Law 93-638
to enforce the ICRA.
The effect of this has been: allegations of illegal searches and
seizures, denial of right to counsel, ex parte hearings, denial or
restriction of right to jury trial, due process and equal protections
violations and cruel and unusual punishments. (p.3,4)
While Allen's statement is comprehensive, drawing on a treasure lode of
accumulated historical background, the Commission's Report is a mere
100 pages. The Commission seems to have failed in its attempt to
promote and secure civil rights for American Indians. After spending
six years of investigation, an expenditure of $600,000. and numerous
site visits, the Commission Report does not even meet with the approval
of its Commissioners.
In a recent correspondence with Mr. Allen he stated “We have not yet
seen the kinds of changes that I envisioned, but I take inspiration
from the fact that many persons have found the statement over the
course of the last 13 years and looked to it for guidance in dealing
with these difficult issues.”
An interesting instance of the Commission's lapses or inadequacies is
associated with a staff visit to Red Lake Reservation. We've reviewed a
sizable document (47 pages in length, almost equal to half the length
of the final Commission Report) that was sent to Chairman Roger
Jourdain in May 1990.
Over a signature from General Counsel William J. Howard, the cover
letter from the US Commission on Civil Rights indicates “This material
is being forwarded to you in order to give your tribe an opportunity to
file a response.” The material was originally part of a draft report
but was never included in the final version.
The draft contained multiple instances of Tribal Court abuses. The
chronicle begins in 1972 when the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) was
initially notified of alleged problems at the Red Lake Court of
Offenses with the intent they should to provide constructive remedy,
which they did not do.
By 1977 the Department of Justice (DOJ) was preparing to sue the Red
Lake Tribe because it had decreed that attorneys must be members of the
Tribe and understand Chippewa in order to appear as counsel in the
tribal court.
The Tribe defended its position on the grounds that “outside
non-Indian, professional attorneys frequently disrupt Tribal Court
proceedings and attempt to bamboozle lay Indian judges, prosecutors,
clerks, jurors and witnesses.” (p.25 of the Commission's Red Lake Draft)
This practice led to frequent litigation based on denial of the right
to counsel. The District Court for the District of Minnesota proclaimed
in Good v.Graves. “The evidence in this
case leads this court to the inescapable conclusion that the rights
guaranteed petitioners by the Indian Civil Rights Act were trampled
upon by the officials of the Red Lake Court of Indian Offenses.” (p.29)
The Tribe ultimately acknowledged to the Commission “there were today
no Red Lake members who are professional attorneys” and that
“defendants must be represented by lay counsel.” (p.35,36)
The BIA attempted to rectify this situation and other problems by
issuing a memo, November 12, 1985, by Hazel Elbert, Acting Deputy
Assistant Attorney for Indian Affairs, to Tribal Chairman Jourdain. It
stated, in part: “It has come to our attention that courts of Indian
offenses may be violating mandates set forth in the Constitution of the
United States; The Indian Civil Rights Act. . ..” The memo listed nine
items, which required Court compliance. They included such items as
removal of records was unlawful, court employees are prohibited from
taking fine money, Court personnel must comply with Freedom of
Information Act, indigent defendants must have a court appointed
attorney, criminal defendants had the right to jury trial, professional
attorneys must be allowed to practice before the Court of Indian
Offenses. Most importantly, the memo dictated “The Indian Civil Rights
Act and the Constitution of the United States guarantee that
individuals appearing before courts of Indian Offenses will be afforded
all of those rights guaranteed by the Constitution to all citizens of
the United States in any federal court.” (p.31,32)
Chairman Jourdain responded almost immediately saying, “You are hereby
directed to withdraw your order to BIA personnel enforcing the Hazel
Elbert memorandum.” He indicated that if BIA officials at Red Lake
attempted to enforce the directive, the Tribal Council would “order the
removal of all individuals who enforce said memorandum.” (p.32)
Other Red Lake shenanigans include at least two cases barring the news
media from the reservation and the confiscation of Court records to
avoid scrutiny. In 1985 Senator Boschwitz and Representative Stangeland
requested an investigation by the U.S. Comptroller General of the Red
Lake system. The request was evidently not answered.
The situation continued unabated and uncensored. In 1987 attorney
Richard Meshbesher was hired as counsel but was informed, “that he will
not be allowed to practice in the Red Lake Court of Indian Offenses
until and unless he is licensed by the Red Lake Tribe.” When Mr.
Meshbesher inquired of the Tribal Secretary about information and
procedures for obtaining a license he was told “there are no procedures
available by which he could become licensed to practice before the Red
Lake Court of Indian Offenses, and further, that the Red Lake Indian
Tribe has no plan or intention of developing or putting in place
procedures by which he, or any other attorney, could become licensed to
practice. . . .”
This made me laugh out loud. I thought I might have slipped into the
reading of an Alice in Wonderland episode instead of the Confidential
Report of the U.S. Civil Rights Commission.
If the Meshbesher episode is not curious enough, we have the BIA
relinquishing in 1987 any and all control over “the administration of
justice on the Red Lake Reservation by permitting the Tribe to
establish its own Court under a 93-638 contract. (p.37,38)
When questioned about the appropriateness of turning the Court over to
the Tribe, given the long history of abuses, the BIA stated “Our
position is that we wish to get the tribe in a position of operating
its court system as quickly as possible and begin working with the
tribe to try to have a quality court system as soon as possible. . .”
(p.44)
This action is unconscionable in light of the 1987 statement in federal
court concerning Good v. Moran. “Plaintiffs' claim [violation of due
process]. . .is an indictment of the Court of Indian Offenses on the
Red Lake Indian Reservation. It is a claim which charges that the Red
Lake Court of Indian Offenses denies the fundamental rights provided
under the [ICRA] to its own people more often and with greater fervor
than it protects them. . . . [and] charges that the Red Lake Court of
Indian Offenses has established de facto the denial of fundamental
rights as the norm rather than the exception in the administration of
justice on the Reservation. . . . The claim raises great concern in
this court and should raise even greater concern in the court of Indian
Offenses on the Red Lake Reservation.” (p.39)This material indicts the
Red Lake Court system and is most likely indicative of conditions
throughout the reservation system.
The obvious comes to mind. We recently reported on the Red Lake Court
Evaluation done by Mary Pearson. Her observations bear out the fact
that there has not been significant improvement in the situation at Red
Lake since the time of the Civil Right Act investigation. In brief, she
stated the Red Lake Court is seriously deficient in most every aspect.
Personnel are in serious need of profes-sional training, and violations
of ICRA continue to occur.
Paradoxically, federal funding for tribal courts commits the tribe to
compliance with ICRA. Since any federal monies are accompanied by the
condition that tribes abide by all federal statutes, including the
ICRA, we can only speculate why the Red Lake Tribal Council, in the
absence of self-help, has not been compelled by the feds to initiate
and accomplish a serious over-haul of the court system.
Whether the new Red Lake Tribal Council will pursue reform in any
meaningful way is an unanswered question. It is a distinct possibility
that unless Red Lake makes substantive progress toward reform, the BIA
could retrocede the contract, meaning the feds could step in and
administer the court, hire judges, etc. The Band would thus lose all
its authority to administer its own tribal justice system.
Note: the subject matter of Allen's Statement contained other insights
and commentary that we will return to in a subsequent commentary.
2002 U.S.
Commission on Civil Rights hearing before the Subcommittee on the
Constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary, House of
Representatives, 107th Congress, April 11, 2002